Observations on the Introduction of the Gospel Into the South Sea Islands Being my first visit to New Zealand in Decr 1814 When the fulness of time drew near for these poor heathen Nations to be favoured with the knowledge of Divine Revelation, the Supreme Governor of the world overruled the political affairs of America and England to further this object, and make the wrath of man to praise him.— One great step was accomplished when America, in July 1776, was declared a free and independent Nation.— A short time before this important event took place, Captn Cook, accompanied by the late Sir Joseph Banks, had been sent by the British Government to visit the South Sea Islands, and during this voyage the great Navigator visited New South Wales and anchored in Botany Bay.— After peace had been established between England and America, in the year 1783, the British Government found that it had now no place to which the national convicts might be transported.— In this dilemma, it has been said, that the late Sir Joseph Banks recommended to His Majesty King George the third, to form an Establishment at Botany bay expressly for convicts; and, upon this suggestion an act of Parliament was passed for that purpose. It is obvious that neither His late Majesty nor his minsters had, in these political arrangements, any intention to convey the Gospel to the nations of the South Sea islands; but merely to provide a recepticle [sic] for the criminal population of Britain. Yet He, who governs the universe and has the hearts of Kings in his own hands, had that merciful object in view.— As a proof of the correctness of this remark it is a well known fact, that when the first Fleet was ready to sail with the convicts for New South Wales, in the year 1787, no Clergyman had been thought of.— A particular friend of mine,— a pious man of some influence, who was anxious for the spiritual welfare of the convicts, made a strong appeal to those in authority, to induce them to appoint a clergyman to superintend the spiritual concerns of all, both free and bond, who embarked to form the intended establishment in New South Wales.— Accordingly through the interest of the late Dr Porteous, the Revd Richard Johnston was appointed Chaplain— The above single fact, therefore clearly shews that the whole was under the superintending providence of an all wise and merciful God— Though He did not establish a Colony in New South Wales, for the advancement of his glory, and the Salvation of the Heathen Nations, in these distant parts of the Globe, by selecting men of character and principle:— on the contrary He took men from the dregs of Society— the scrapings of Jails, Hulks and Prisons— Men who had forfeited their lives or liberties to the Laws of their country:— but He mercifully gave them their lives for a prey, and sent them forth to make a way for His Missionary servants— for them that should bring glad tidings— that should publish peace to the Heathen world— that should say unto them in the name of the Lord “Look unto me, and be ye saved, all the ends of the earth”— “For I am God and there is none else.” Well may we exclaim with the apostle: “How unsearchable are His judgments and His ways, past finding out”.— Having made the above preliminary observations, I need only add, that, on the 26th of January 1788, the first convicts arrived in Botany bay under the command of Admiral Phillip who was appointed Governor of the new Colony.— I shall now proceed to notice the first dawn of the rising of the sun of righteousness upon the poor benighted heathen of New Zealand.— In the year 1793, His Majesty’s ship “Dedalus” Commanded by Lieut: Hanson was in the South Seas on discovery, and during his voyage, the Lieut touched at New Zealand, and anchored in Sandy bay, a little to the Southward of the North Cape.— Some natives came off, in their canoes, to see the ship;— among whom were two young Chiefs*, [*Hoodoo & Tokee] who alone could be prevailed upon to go on board; they were invited into the cabin, and were much entertained with the various objects they then saw.— Soon after they had come on board Lieut Hanson weighed anchor and sailed for Norfolk Island. The two young Chiefs not being aware of the ship’s sailing, and, when they came on deck, seeing themselves at a considerable distance from the Land, and all their Canoes returned to the shore; became much alarmed for their personal Safety— Lieut. Hanson and his Officers did what they could to pacify their minds, being anxious to carry them safely to Norfolk Island, and deliver them to Captain King, who was at that time Lieut Governor of the Island and wanted some New Zealanders to instruct Europeans how to dress the flax which grew there spontaneously and was of the same quality with the flax of New Zealand.— I have always considered this circumstance as one of the first apparent steps, adapted by Divine Providence, to prepare the way for the introduction of the Gospel into New Zealand. Captain King treated “Hoodoo” and “Tokee” with the kindest attention: they lived at Government House, and every thing was done to quiet their minds and gain their confidence. When they had resided with him about nine months, the Merchant ship “Britannia” ( on her way to the Cape of Good Hope for Supplies to the Colony of New South Wales, touched at the Island and was engaged, by the Lieut Governor, to take the two youths to their native Country. He embarked with them, himself, in order to prevent any insults or injury being done to them.— He saw them safely landed among their friends, and gave them some Hogs,— various instruments for agricultural purposes, (such as axes, Spades &c) he also supplied them with clothes, and such other articles as he thought conducive to their future good.— The great kindness and Solicitude, shewn by Captain King, for their welfare, made a deep impression on their minds, and filled them with gratitude and esteem towards the donor, as they afterwards testified to myself and others.— During the nine following years little communication took place between the New Zealanders and Europeans, either at Norfolk Island or at New Zealand, a few of them, however, came occasionally, in the Whalers to Port Jackson, and with some of these I became acquainted as opportunity offered.— About the year 1802-3 a small government vessel “The Lady Nelson” commanded by Lieut. Simmons, was sent with supplies to Norfolk Island, but was driven by violent contrary winds to the east side of New Zealand and anchored in the Bay of Islands. Captain King had by this time returned to England, and Norfolk Island was under the command of an Officer of the “New South Wales Corps”; this change did not however prevent a longing desire in the late chief ‘Tippahee’ and four of his sons, to see the Island (where the two young Chiefs, before mentioned, had been so kindly treated) they were allowed a passage in the “Lady Nelson” and received every attention from the officer in command.— After they had been some time on the Island, His Majesty’s ship “Buffalo” commanded by Captain Houston, arrived from Port Jackson; by which means Tippahee learned that the late Captain King had come out Governor of New South Wales, and expressed his wish to visit ‘Sydney’. He obtained a passage accordingly and the Governor received him and his friends with the greatest cordiality. They were invited to Government House, where they lived at their pleasure. Tippahee was a man of high rank and influence in his own country— He possessed a clear, strong, and comprehensive mind, and was anxious to gain what knowledge he could of our laws and Customs.— He was wont to converse much with me about our God, and was very regular in his attendance at Church on the Sabbath; and, when at public worship, behaved with great decorum.— After satisfying his curiosity, he and his friends returned to their native home.— About two years after Tippahee departed, the young Chief ‘Duaterra’, accompanied by several of his countrymen, came to Port Jackson, which gave an opportunity to me of having frequent communication with this very interesting people.— The more I examined into their national character, the more I felt interested in their temporal and spiritual welfare.— Their minds appeared like a rich soil that had never been cultivated, and only wanted the proper means of improvement to render them fit to rank with civilized Nations.— I knew that they were Cannibals— that they were a savage race full of superstition, and wholly under the power and influence of the Prince of darkness; and that there was only one remedy which could effectually free them from their cruel spiritual bondage and misery; and that was the Gospel of a Crucified Saviour.— But, as Saint Paul observes “How could they believe on him of whom they had not heard, and how could they hear without a Preacher, and how could they preach except they be sent.”— After seriously considering their degraded condition, and embracing all opportunities of gaining a perfect knowledge of their character, I resolved to return to England, as soon as I could obtain leave of absence, and endeavour to get some Missionaries sent out to preach the Gospel to this people.— I was fully convinced that there were no insurmountable difficulties in the way of preaching the Gospel in New Zealand; and I felt no apprehension that the lives of Missionaries, if any were sent, would be in danger, being confident that I could personally go with safety, if I saw it was my duty to do so. Under these impressions I waited on His Excellency Governor Bligh (who had now relieved Governor King in the Government of the Colony) to obtain the necessary leave of absence to visit England; which was granted on condition that the Revd H. Fulton, who was then at Norfolk Island, should perform my duty as Chaplain to the Colony, during my absence (being myself the only Clergyman in New South Wales at that period); Fortunately a vessel was just about to sail for Norfolk Island by which I wrote to Mr Fulton, and another ship very opportunely touched at that place, while on her way to Sydney (about this time) which enabled that Gentleman to comply with my request, so as to arrive at Port Jackson sooner than I expected.— As such opportunities were of rare occurrence, I considered this circumstance a highly favourable dispensation of Providence towards myself, at that time; being aware that a great political Storm was fast gathering in the colony in which (if I remained) I could not well avoid being involved: and to gratify my earnest desire of having the Gospel preached at New Zealand, as well as to secure my own quiet I was most anxious to quit the Colony without delay, lest I should be prevented from proceeding on the design I had formed.— It was therefore a matter of great joy to me, when I obtained His Excellency’s leave of absence, and got on board of His Majesty’s ship ‘Buffalo’ along with the late Governor King— We sailed in February 1807, and arrived in England in the Novemr following. Shortly after my arrival in London, I waited upon the Reverend Josiah Pratt Secretary to the Church Missionary Society, and stated my views on the degraded state of the New Zealanders for the want of moral and religious instruction, and requested that the Committee would take their miserable situation into its favourable consideration. The Revd J. Pratt attended to my request with the greatest kindness, which inspired me with the hope that the Committee would enter into my views, and render the assistance solicited. I remained in England more than fourteen months during which period, I waited upon the Committee several times, and it was ultimately resolved to send three Missionaries out with me, on my return to the Colony.— No clergyman, however, offered their Services on this occasion:— The character of the New Zealanders was considered more barbarous than that of any other Savage Nation; so that few would venture out to a country where they could anticipate nothing less than to be killed and eaten by the Natives.— At length two mechanics agreed to accompany me, and I was very glad of their offer; as I conceived that they, like Caleb and Joshua of old, might open the way for others, at a future time, to take possession of the land.— They accordingly embarked with me, in 1809, for New South Wales.— On our arrival at Port Jackson, in Feby 1810, we received the melancholy news that the Ship “Boyd”, of 600 Tons burden, had been burnt, and the Captain, and Crew all murdered and eaten by the natives of “Whangarroo” in New Zealand.— This most awful Calamity extinguished at once, all hopes of introducing the Gospel into that Country— every voice was naturally raised against the Natives, and against all who were, in any way, attached to their interest.— None lamented this calamity more than myself. Another dreadful occurrence, soon after, took place:— At the time I here allude to, there were seven whalers on the coast of New Zealand; and the Masters of these Vessels, having heard of the fate of the Boyd, sailed into the Bay of Islands, which lies about forty miles to the southward of Whangarroo, and in the night each ship sent a whaleboat with an armed crew, who landed on Tippahee’s Island, and there murdered every man and woman the[y] could find.— In this dreadful slaughter, my friend Tippahee received seven shots, and died of his wounds;— many other friendly disposed people were killed. It was alleged by the Europeans, as a justification of this horrid massacre, that Tippahee assisted in the destruction of the Boyd and her crew; tho’ at the same time he was an innocent man.— The mistake appears to have originated in the near similarity in the names of the two chiefs; that of the chief at the Bay of Islands was ‘Tippahee’ and the name of the other at Whangarroo (who aided in the destruction of the Boyd) was ‘Tippoohee’.— I knew them both well.— After these awful events, the way to New Zealand appeared to be completely hedged up, though I did not despair of the ultimate success of the Mission, from my personal knowledge of the real character of the New Zealanders, provided I could get any vessel to take the Missionaries to New Zealand, who were then with me at Parramatta, and willing to go.— I waited more than three years, and no master of a vessel would venture for fear of his ship and crew falling a sacrifice to the natives. At length I purchased a Brig called the “Active”, which had come from India, and a applied to the then Governor Macquarie for permission to go with the Brig myself along with the Missionaries; but His Excellency refused my request, at the same time he promised that if I sent the Active and she returned safe, I should then have permission to go.— I was satisfied with this answer, but felt at a loss to find a suitable person to navigate the Brig, because the risk of being murdered and eaten by the New Zealanders prevented several Shipmasters from accepting the office.— Mr (now Count) Dillon, who afterwards went in search of ‘La Perouse’, was then in Sydney (1814) and I engaged him to take the command of the Active.— I then wrote a letter to the Chief Deuaterra, or Duaterra, whom I had known nine years before, requesting him to return with the Brig and to bring with him three or four Chiefs, as also to acquaint the Natives that I had sent Missionaries in the vessel to see their country, and that it was my intention also to visit New Zealand provided the Brig returned in safety from their Coast, and that the Missionaries would then accompany me for the purpose of forming a Settlement on the Island.— Under these circumstances Mr Dillon sailed with the Missionaries, and, in due time, returned to Port Jackson without injury to himself, the crew, nor to the vessel. The Active having arrived safely in port, I lost no time in calling upon His Excellency for the fulfilment of his promise.— My leave of absence was immediately granted, and, with all convenient dispatch, I embarked in company with the Missionaries, their families, and five chiefs— namely— Shunghee, Korokoro, Toui, Toui’s brother, and Duaterra. We sailed from Sydney Cove 19th November, and reached the Bay of Islands, in New Zealand, on the 22nd December 1814.— After arranging all matters respecting the Mission, as well as circumstances would permit (which will be detailed hereafter) I left the Island in the same vessel about the first of March 1815. Duaterra was then dangerously ill, and, as I afterwards learned, he died four days after the ‘Active’ sailed for Sydney. The Death of this Chief was a very afflictive dispensation;— he was a man of comparatively great knowledge, loved his country and was most anxious for its welfare. His character, conduct, and sufferings will be better seen in the following Memoir which has already been published.— Memoir of Duaterra In the year 1805 the ‘Argo’ whaler commanded by a Mr Baden put into the Bay of Islands for refreshments. On the vessel leaving the harbour Duaterra embarked on board of her with two of his countrymen. The Argo remained on the coast for about five months, and then returned into the Bay.— On the Vessel’s final departure from New Zealand for Port Jackson, Duaterra sailed in her and arrived in Sydney Cove. After the ‘Argo’ was again ready for sea, she went to fish on the coast of New Holland where she remained about six months and afterwards put into Port Jackson.— During this cruise Duaterra acted in the capacity of a common sailor, and was attached to one of the whale boats. While the Argo lay in Sydney Cove, Duaterra was discharged from her; but received no remuneration for his services during the twelve months he had been on board. On his leaving the ‘Argo’ he entered on board the Albion whaler (then in the Cove) commanded by Captain Richardson; and was six months on the Fishery, in that vessel, off the coast of New Zealand and when she put into the Bay of Islands Duaterra left her, and returned to his friends. Captain Richardson behaved very kindly to him, and paid him wages (in various European articles) for his services on board the Albion.— Duaterra remained in New Zealand six months when the ‘Santa Anna’ whaler anchored in the Bay of Islands on her way to Bounty Island, whither she was bound for Sealskins. Duaterra embarked on board this vessel, commanded by a Mr Moody.— After she had taken in her supplies from New Zealand, she proceeded on her voyage, and arrived at Bounty Island in safety, when Duaterra, with one of his countrymen, two Otaheitans, and ten Europeans, were put on shore to kill seals, and the vessel then sailed to New Zealand to procure potatoes and afterwards to Norfolk Island for Pork, leaving the fourteen men whom she had landed, with very little water, salt provisions and bread. When the ‘Santa Anna’ arrived off Norfolk Island the master went on shore, and the vessel was blown off and did not again make the land for a month. About five months after the Santa Anna left Bounty Island, the King George arrived, commanded by Mr Chase: but, previous to the arrival of this vessel, the Sealing party had been greatly distressed for more than three months for want of water and provisions. There was no water on the Island nor had they any bread nor meat excepting seals and sea-fowl.— Duaterra often spoke of the extreme sufferings which he and the party with him, endured from hunger and thirst, as no water could be obtained except when a shower of rain happened to fall.— Two of the Europeans and one Otaheitan died from the hardship.— In a few weeks after the arrival of the King George, the Santa Anna returned, and the Sealing party had, during her absence procured eight thousand skins. After taking the skins on board, the vessel sailed for England: and Duaterra, having long entertained an ardent desire to see King George, embarked on board as a common sailor, with the hope of gratifying his wish.— The Santa Anna arrived in the River Thames about July 1809, and Duaterra then requested that the Captain would indulge him with a sight of the King which was the only object that had induced him to leave his native Country. But when he made inquiries by what means he could get a sight of the King, he was told sometimes that he could not find the house, and at other times that no one was permitted to see King George. This distressed him exceedingly.— he saw little of London, being seldom allowed to go on shore. He told me that about fifteen days after his arrival, the vessel had discharged her cargo, and the Captain had informed him that he would be put on board the Ann, which had been taken up by Government to convey convicts to New South Wales, and had then dropped down to Gravesend.— Duaterra asked the master of the Santa Anna for some wages and Clothing: but these were refused, and he was told, that the Owners at Port Jackson, on his arrival there, would pay him, in two Muskets, for his Services; but these, he never received. About this time Duaterra, from hardships and disappointments, was seized with a dangerous illness.— Thus, friendless, poor, and sick as he was, he was sent down to Gravesend, and put on board the “Ann”, in which ship I was about to embark on my return, with my family, to New South Wales— At this time he had been fifteen days in the river, from the first arrival of the “Santa Anna”; and had never been permitted to spend one night on shore.— Mr Charles Clarke, the master of the Ann, informed me (after I had recognised Duaterra) that when he was first brought on board the Ann, he was so naked and miserable, that he (the Master) refused to receive him, unless the Master of the Santa Anna would supply him with a suit of slops: observing at the same time, that he was very sick. I was then in London, but did not know that Duaterra had arrived in the Santa Anna.— Shortly after Duaterra had embarked at Gravesend, the Ann sailed for Portsmouth; and when I embarked Duaterra was confined below by sickness; so that I did not see him nor know that he was there for some time. To my great astonishment, I first observed him on the Forecastle— he was wrapped in an old greatcoat, very sick and weak— had a very violent cough, & discharged considerable quantities of blood from his mouth.— His mind was also very much cast down, and he appeared as if a few days would terminate his existence. I inquired of the Master where he had met with him, and then of himself as to what had brought him from [sic] England, and how he came to be so wretched and miserable.— He stated, in reply, that the hardships and wrongs he had endured on board the Santa Anna were exceedingly great, and that the English sailors had beat him very much, which caused him to spit blood, and finally that the master had defrauded him of all his wages and prevented him from seeing the King— I should have been most happy, if there had been time, to call the master to account for his conduct, but, it was too late.— I endeavoured to soothe his afflicted mind by assuring him, that he would now be protected from insults, and that his wants should be supplied. By the kindness of the Surgeon and Master, and by administring [sic] proper nourishment to him, he began, in a great measure, to recover his Strength and Spirits, and got quite well before we reached Rio de Janeira [sic].— He was, ever after, truly grateful for the attention that was shewn to him. As soon as he was able, he did his duty as a common sailor on board the Ann till she arrived at Port Jackson; in which capacity he was considered equal to most of the men on board. He accompanied me to Parramatta (after leaving the ship) and resided with me there till the November following, during which time he applied himself to Agriculture. In Octr 1810, The ‘Frederick’ whaler arrived from England, and was bound to fish on the coast of New Zealand.— Duaterra having been long absent from his friends, and wishing to return home, requested me to procure a passage for him in the Frederick— One of Tippahee’s sons was, at the time, living with me, as were also two other New Zealanders, all of whom united in the same request. I applied to the Master of the Frederick for their passage, who agreed to take them, on condition, that they should assist him to procure his cargo of oil while the vessel remained on the New Zealand coast, and when he finally left it, he would land them at the Bay of Islands.— They were four very fine young men who had been a good deal at sea, and were therefore a valuable acquisition to the Master: and, on his promising to be kind to them, I agreed that he should take them on his own terms.— They all left Port Jackson, in the Frederick, in November, with the gratifying hope of soon seeing their country and friends. When the ship reached the North Cape of New Zealand, Duaterra went on shore, for two days to procure supplies of Pork and Potatoes as he was well known, in that place, and had many friends among the Natives.— As soon as the ship had procured her necessary supplies, she proceeded on her cruize, and, in little more than six months’ time, procured a Cargo, and was ready to depart from the Coast.— Duaterra, finding that the Master intended to sail for England, naturally requested that he and his companions might be put on shore, on the specific terms of their engagement with the Master, made by me, on their behalf.’ The ship lay (at the time) in the mouth of the Bay of Islands, where the residences of all their relatives then stood, and Duaterra had got every thing ready to put into the boat— expecting they would be immediately put on shore— The Master, however, on his being urged to land them, said he would do so by and bye, when they had caught another whale— and the vessel then bore away from the Harbour. Duaterra felt great distress on this occasion, as he had been from home about three years, and was most anxious to see his wife and friends:— He earnestly solicited the Captain to land him on any part of the coast, he cared not on what place— if, all he wished, [sic] was to get put on shore, and he would find his way home. The master was deaf to all his entreaties and told him they would proceed to Norfolk Island, and from thence direct for Britain and that he would be landed as they passed New Zealand on their way to England.— When the Frederick arrived off Norfolk Island, Duaterra and his three Companions were sent on shore for water, and were all nearly drowned in the surf, having been washed under some hallow [sic] rocks (with which that Shore abounds) which placed him in such danger of his life, as he emphatically observed to me afterwards “that on reaching the surface of the water, his head was full of sea.” It is generally very dangerous for a boat to to [sic] land at Norfolk Island on account of the great surf among the breakers.— When the Frederick was sufficiently supplied with water and wood &c— so that the Master had no further occasion for the services of Duaterra and his Countrymen— he had the cruelty to inform them, that he would not again touch at New Zealand; but, proceed direct on, for England. This occasioned great distress to Duaterra— who reminded the Captain of his violated promises— The cruel usage to which he had been subjected, by not being put on shore, while the ship lay at the Bay of Islands, within two miles of his home, and being subsequently prevented from leaving the vessel when off the North Cape:— that it was a great addition to his misery, to be left, with his companions, in a destitute situation, on Norfolk Island, after all the assistance they had rendered him (the Master) in procuring his Cargo. Nothing, however, which Duaterra could urge, had any effect on the callous mind of the captain, who proceeded on board his ship, and left the New Zealanders to provide for themselves as they best could.— Duaterra further stated that the Master came again on shore (before he left) and took Tippahee’s son on board with him by force, though the lad wept much and entreated the Captain to leave him with his friend, Duaterra— (No tidings have been heard of that young man since he was, thus forcibly taken from Norfolk Island.— The ship was taken by an American, while on her passage home, after a severe action in which the Captain was mortally wounded, and the chief Mate killed). Some time after the Frederick had sailed from Norfolk Island, the ‘Ann’ whaler touched there for refreshments (she was then commanded by Mr Gwynn) and after procuring supplies she was to proceed to Port Jackson.— Duaterra made early application to the Master who very humanely granted him a passage. On the Ann’s arrival at Port Jackson the Captain informed me, that he had found Duaterra in a naked and distressed state, at Norfolk Island, where, the Master of the Frederick had left him and his companions without clothing or Provisions.— Mr Gwynn further observed, that, the legal share of the Frederick’s cargo of oil, due to Duaterra and his three countrymen would have come to about £100 each, had they accompanied the ship and got her safe, to England; and he considered that they had been very much injured, by the Master of that vessel.— Mr G.— kindly supplied Duaterra with clothing and other necessaries, for which he was exceedingly grateful. Duaterra was very happy when he got once more to Parramatta:— he gave me an affecting account of the distress which he suffered when in sight of his own district, and yet denied the pleasure of seeing his wife and friends, from whom he had been so long seperated [sic]:— and, what he felt also, when the Frederick finally sailed from Norfolk Island,— leaving him on that spot with little prospect of ever returning to his own country.— When he left Sydney in the Frederick, he was in possession of some seed wheat,— Agricultural tools, and other useful articles with which he was supplied:— but he was despoiled of these, on his voyage, and, on his return, had nothing left, of all he had received.— He continued with me at Parramatta till the Ann, whaler, belonging to the House of Alexander Birnie, of London, arrived from England.— She was bound for the New Zealand coast, and he requested me to procure him a passage, that he might make another effort to see his country and friends. The Captain agreed with me, to take him on condition that he would remain on board and do the duty of a sailor while the ship continued on the Coast.— Duaterra readily consented to go on these terms, and took with him some seed wheat and tools for Agricultural purposes, a second time.— The Ann was about five months on the coast, and Duaterra was ultimately landed in safety at home, to the inexpressible joy of his relations and of himself— During the time he remained with me he laboured early and late, to obtain knowledge and, particularly, to make himself acquainted with practical agriculture. He seemed well aware of the advantages of Agriculture, in a national point of view, and was a tolerable judge of the qualities of land.— He was anxious that his country should reap the advantages, which he knew it was capable [sic], by the cultivation of the soil, on waste lands:— and was fully convinced that the wealth and happiness of a country depended greatly on the produce of its soil.— On his landing from the Ann, he took with him the seed wheat &c which he had received at Parramatta, and acquainted his friends, and his neighbouring Chiefs of its great value:— stating that it was from it the Europeans made the biscuit, which they had seen and eaten on board of ships.— He gave a portion of this article to six different Chiefs, and some to his own common men, directing them, at the same time, how to sow it.— And he reserved, of course, a proper proportion for his own use, and that of his uncle Shunghee, who is a very great Chief; having a domain extending from the east to the west side of the Island.— The people to whom Duaterra had given seed wheat, put it properly into the ground, and it grew well; but, before it was ripe, many of them became impatient for the produce, and as they expected to find the grain at the root of the stems, like their potatoe crops, and finding, on examination, that there was no wheat under the surface, they all (with the exception of Shunghee) pulled it up and burnt it.— The chiefs ridiculed Duaterra about his wheat speculation, very much— telling him that because he had been a great traveller, He thought he could easily impose on their credulity— by telling them fine stories & ca— Nor could any thing in his power to urge, serve to convince them that wheat would make bread.— Shunghee’s crop and his own came in due time, to perfection,— and were reaped and threshed— which convinced the natives that the grain was produced from the top, and not from the bottom, of the stem, as they had supposed; yet, they could not be persuaded that Bread could be made from it.— About this time the “Jefferson” whaler, commanded by Mr Thos Barnes, put into the Bay of Islands: and Duaterra being anxious to remove the prejudices of the Chiefs respecting the wheat, and to prove (what he had before asserted) that it could be made into biscuit; requested the loan of a pepper or Coffee Mill from the Master, to grind some of his wheat into flour (if such an instrument could do it) that he might make a cake before them; but the mill was too small, and he did not then succeed in his design.— He sent me word, by a vessel proceeding from New Zealand to Sydney, that he had sown his wheat and it had grown well, but he had not timely thought of a mill to grind it; and requested me to send him some tools of agriculture— which I determined to do, by the first opportunity. A short time after this, the ‘Queen Charlotte’ cleared out from Port Jackson for the Pearl Islands; and, as this vessel would likely have to pass the North Cape of New Zealand, I thought there was a probability of her touching at the Bay of Islands, and I therefore put some hoes, and other agricultural tools, as also a few bags of seed wheat, on board, and requested the Captain (Mr Wm Shelley) to deliver them to Duaterra should his ship touch at [the] Bay of Islands.— Unfortunately the Queen Charlotte passed New Zealand without touching anywhere; and was afterwards taken by the Natives of Otaheite: and while she was in their possession all the wheat, as well as other things, I had put on board were either stolen or destroyed. When I received information of that calamity, I felt much concerned that Duaterra, should from time to time, meet so many disappointments in his benevolent exertions to improve the condition, and to civilize his Countrymen. I was fully convinced that nothing could be done effectually for New Zealand without a vessel, for the express purpose of keeping up a regular communication between Port Jackson and that Island.— When Mr Kendall, who had been sent out under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, arrived in the “Earl Spencer” I soon determined either to take up a vessel or purchase one, for the service of New Zealand, and thereby make an attempt to establish a Settlement, as had been resolved on by the Society in 1808: and for the purpose of which, Messrs Hall and King, with their families, accompanied me out, from England to New South Wales, on my return to that colony.— I endeavoured to hire a vessel but could fine none willing to make a voyage under £600, which I considered too much for one voyage to New Zealand.— The Brig ‘Active’ having about this time arrived from the Derwent, the owner proposed to sell her, and I therefore, became the purchaser and ordered the vessel to be got ready for sea— directing Messrs Hall and Kendall to proceed in her to Bay of Islands. When the Active sailed, I sent a Message to Duaterra, to inform him, for what purpose I had sent over Messrs Kendall and Hall; and invited him to return with them to Port Jackson, and to bring two or three Chiefs along with him.— I sent him, on this occasion, a Steel Mill to grind his wheat, a sieve to clean it, and a few other useful presents.— On the arrival of the brig at her destination, the settlers were kindly received by Duaterra, and the other Chiefs, and every attention was paid to them, during the six weeks they remained on the island.— Duaterra was greatly rejoiced by the receipt of the Mill:— He quickly set to work and ground some wheat in the presence of his countrymen, who danced and shouted for joy, at seeing the flour.— He told me that he made a cake, baked it in a frying pan, & gave it to the people to eat; which fully satisfied them of the truth of what he had repeatedly told them:— namely,— “that wheat would make bread.”— The chiefs then begged some more wheat, which they received, and sowed, and there can be little doubt, but they will soon learn to appreciate the value of wheat.— Previous to the time the Active reached New Zealand, Duaterra had resolved to visit Sydney by the first vessel which might sail for Port Jackson in order to procure a Mill, some hoes and other articles which he much wanted:— He therefore greatly rejoiced when the ‘Active’ anchored in the Bay of Islands, trusting to get a passage in her; but, on receiving the Mill and wheat &c, which I sent, he altered his mind, observing that he would now apply himself to Agriculture for two years, as he had the means of cultivating his land and grinding his wheat.— His uncle Shunghee had, at the time, a great desire to visit Port Jackson: and being a powerful Chief at home, and having no friend at Port Jackson, who could speak English and the New Zealand tongue; Duaterra was induced to accompany him, although his wives, friends, and people, earnestly requested him to stay at home.— He endeavoured to persuade them that he would return in four Moons, but they disbelieved him under an erroneous idea, that the “Active” would not again return. Their Priest told him, that his head wife was sure to die, before his return, if he left her— (This very woman hung herself the day after Duaterra died, on account of her tender affection, and love for him.) He told the Priest he had often returned before, and would soon return again.— He accordingly took leave of his relatives and friends, and embarked, with his uncle and a few other natives, for New South Wales. About a month after, he, once more, reached Parramatta in safety.— During his stay at my house, I often observed him to be very thoughtful, and I asked him the occasion of his uneasiness. He replied “I fear my head wife is either dead, or very sick.” What the Priest had told him respecting his wife’s dying during his absence, evidently made a deep impression on his mind.— Though he had been about three years in my family before, and had acted with great propriety all that time, and willingly received religious instructions on all proper occasions; yet, the superstitious notions of the religion he had imbibed from his infancy at New Zealand, were deeply rooted in his ideas.— He had great confidence in what the native Priests asserted, and in the effects of their prayers.— His death has been the subject of much pain and regret to me, and appeared to be a very dark, and mysterious dispensation. During the last ten years of Duaterra’s life, he had suffered every danger, privation and hardship that human nature could well bear: and on my arrival at New Zealand, with him and the settlers, before named, he appeared to have accomplished the grand object of all his toils— an object which was the constant topic of his conversation,— namely the means of civilizing his countrymen— He said with joy and triumph in his eyes “I have now introduced the cultivation of wheat into New Zealand.— It will become a great country; for, in two years more I shall be able to export wheat to Port Jackson, in exchange for hoes, axes, spades, and tea and Sugar.”— Under this impression he made arrangements with his people for a very extensive cultivation of the land, and formed a plan for building a new town, with regular streets, after the European mode; to be erected on a beautiful situation, which commanded a view of the Harbour’s mouth and the adjacent country round.— We, together, inspected the ground fixed on for the township, and the situation of the intended church. The streets were to have been all marked out before the Brig sailed for Port Jackson: but at the very time of these arrangements being made Duaterra was laid on his dying bed. I could not but look on him, with wonder and astonishment, as he lay languishing under his affliction, and could scarcely bring myself to believe that the Divine goodness would remove from the earth, a man whose life was of such infinite importance to his country, which was just emerging from barbarism, gross darkness, and Superstition. No doubt, he had done his work, and finished his appointed course, though I fondly imagined that he had only begun his race.— It may not be uninteresting to some of my readers, to subjoin also the Memoir of another young Chief named “Mowhee” who likewise was instrumental in promoting the introduction of the Gospel to New Zealand. When Mowhee was about eight years old, he became desirous of visiting New South Wales from the accounts he had heard of the Europeans mentioned to him, by ‘Koadoo’ and ‘Tokee’— and to effect his purpose, he embarked on board a whaler at the Bay of Islands (the Captain of which intending to call at Port Jackson) and on their way the vessel touched at Norfolk Island, when Mr Drummond (the Harbour Master) went on board, and took Mowhee on shore to his own house, and treated him with great kindness: and promised to keep him as one of his own family, if he agreed to remain.— Mr D. then placed him at a day School where he learned to read and write.— Sometime after Mowhee’s arrival in Norfolk Island, Mr Drummond removed to New South Wales (taking the lad with him, and settled on a farm at Liverpool (a town about seven miles south from Parramatta). I visited Mr D. shortly after he had settled on his Estate, and found Mowhee living with him there, as a servant, or acting rather in the Capacity of shepherd.— This sort of employment did not seem to suit Mowhee’s turn of mind,— he wanted to be placed in a situation where he could see and learn more of civil life.— I proposed that he should come and live with me, to which Mr D. agreed; and he was accordingly removed into my family. By this time he had learned to speak English tolerably well, and could read a little— He possessed an amiable disposition, and seemed anxious to learn all he could. He remained with me till November 1814; making the period of his stay with Mr Drummond and me together, to be more than eight years. He accompanied me, when I sailed to New Zealand in the Active, and possessed, at that time as clear a knowledge of civil life, and of the christian Religion, as human instructions could well communicate, to one just emerging from savage life.— On 23d Decr he arrived in the Bay of Islands to the great joy of his friends, and it gave me great pleasure to see with what kindness and affection Mowhee was received by his tribe. Terra the head chief, said (on my presenting him with a few trifling articles) “that he could accept of nothing from one who had been so kind to his countryman.” And while I remained, he did all in his power to promote the objects I had in view.— When I returned to N. S. Wales, Terra’s brother, Tupee, with several other chiefs, accompanied me: and I considered these ample security, for the safety of the Missionaries, and their property, after my departure. Mowhee was left with his relations, at New Zealand; that he might assist the Missionaries in their intercourse with the Natives, being qualified for that task by his knowledge of the English tongue. About twelve months afterwards Mowhee became anxious to improve his knowledge by a visit to England, having heard much of that Kingdom; for which purpose he entered, as a common sailor on board the ‘Jefferson’ whaler, home bound, and arrived in the river Thames in May 1816. The Captain of the vessel having then no further occasion for his services and knowing that he was connected with the Missionaries at New Zealand, took him to the Church Missionary Society’s House in Salisbury Square. His case and circumstances were laid before the Committee of that benevolent Institution; which immediately resolved to provide for the friendless stranger— He was taken under the protection of the Society until an opportunity should offer to return him to his native Land. The Rev. Basil Woodd got him under his more immediate care, and provided accommodation for him in a respectable family.— He was sent to a charity school belonging to the ‘Bentinck Chapel’ and during his attendance on it, he was taken ill (on the 25th) and died 28th Decr 1816. The Rev. B. Woodd published a very interesting Memoir of him, in the Church Missionary Register for Feby 1817, to which I refer the reader. Mowhee was the first fruit of New Zealanders offered up to God, as far as I may judge from his pious life, while he lived with me, and I have little doubt from what I have seen in that Island, that several of his countrymen, have died since in the full assurance of faith, and are now in Glory to the everlasting praise of the Redeemer. The Rev. Basil Woodd in his Memoir of Mowhee observes as follows. “Our first attention was to procure him board and Lodging in a creditable family near the Edgware-road, a few doors from one of the Charity Schools connected with the Bentinck Chapel, the masters of which were requested to pay him every attention in heir power, and to take care that he was sup[plied with whatever was reasonable and expedient, and to be particularly careful of what acquaintance he made. “Having furnished him with suitable apparel, I then sent him to a day school kept by Mr. Hazard, a pious and intelligent man, in the adjoining street.— I desired that he might be instructed in reading, writing, and the first rules of Arithmetic: and that particular attention might be paid to his religious instruction. I especially urged that he should learn to repeat the admirable summary of the Divine Law in the Church catechism in order that he might be thoroughly instructed in his duty to his God and to his neighbours: in humble hope, that through the Divine blessing, he might be brought to examine himself by the Law of God, by that law, might attain to the knowledge of his sins, be convinced of his fallen nature, feel the need in which he stood of a Saviour, and with a penitent and believing heart, might understand the design of the death of the Lord Jesus Christ, and trust alone for pardon and acceptance to the Lamb of God who taketh away the sins of the world.— I requested, also, that Mr Amis, one of the Masters of the Bentinck schools, and another friend, Mr Short, would bring him with them to attend the worship of God at Bentinck Chapel, and see that he was present at the public catechising of the Schools, at the afternoon Service. I felt the care of this young stranger from a far distant land peculiarly interesting.— It struck me as a golden opportunity, or rather as an opportunity more precious than Gold, not to be lost; that good was to be done to him now, or perhaps never; that, in a few months we must part to meet no more on earth; and, therefore, that it was an imperious duty, the dictate of Christian Charity, to afford him in that compressed form which the shortness of his abode in this country demanded all the general knowledge possible. Our earnest desire and prayer was, that, when he returned to New Zealand, he might carry back with him, a competent acquaintance with the arts of civilization, the general principles of Christian morality, and the sublime truths of the glorious Gospel of the Blessed God.— This was our object; and in a short time, the intelligent youth amply repaid the expense and attention of the Society. He discovered great tenderness and humility of mind, an ardent thirst for all useful knowledge, a perfect readiness of compliance with the advice of his instructors, and a devout ambition to qualify himself to be useful in his native country.— He took great delight in attending the House of God, in hearing religious conversation, in reading profitable Books, and in frequenting the Schools. Occasionally at the Sunday Schools, he undertook the instruction of a class of little boys, that he might learn how to teach the children in New Zealand— He was particularly delighted (when I took him one day; to visit Bentinck girl School) with the practical simplicity of Dr Bell’s System of education: and he thought he understood it sufficiently to attempt to instruct upon that plan. During my annual residence at Drayton- Beauchamp, I was prevented from paying him that attention which I earnestly wished: but I left him under the care of friends, who, I trusted, were actuated by principles of Christian duty, and would not be inattentive to their charge.— Immediately on my return, my first office was to call on Mr Hazard, and inquire how Mowhee was going on.— Mr H. gave me a very satisfactory account of our young friend. I found that he had improved surprisingly; and that, under the kind attention of his instructor, he had gained more information than I had anticipated.— He had acquired a knowledge of the first principles of drawing and perspective— Had done several of the first problems of Euclid, and had drawn various plans and elevations for building of houses. He gave me specimens of all these, selections of which I have presented to the committee of the Church Missionary Society.— Considering, however, that a regular report would be more satisfactory to his kind friend, I requested Mr Hazard to give me a written testimony of his general improvement.— From this paper I have learnt, that beside the usual hours spent in the school, he generally occupied two hours in the evening in religious instruction, drawing, &c.— He was, while thus engaged, all attention and obedience, frequently expressing his anxiety to improve, that he might be able to instruct his countrymen, and that especialy [sic] in the knowledge of a Saviour. He often declared his astonishment at the goodness of God in bringing him from a State of darkness into the marvelous [sic] light of the Gospel. He spoke with great gratitude of the instruction he had received; and often intimated his hopes that he would be able to assist Mr Kendall when he returned. When asked, one day, whether he would like to continue in England, he instantly replied, with much feeling, “Oh no!” I can do no good here; but I may do some good in my own Country.” One day, after having been at my house, where I had shown him a collection of Indian Idols, he said to Mr Hazard, on his return: “O! what a blessing it is to be delivered from these vanities, to serve the living and true God!” In the months of October & November he was frequently unwell. Mr Hazard said to him,”Mowhee you had better stay at home a day or two, till you are better.” His reply was, “No, Sir! I am never so happy as when at school.” Mr Hazard assures me that he never saw him out of temper; and that on all occasions, he manifested a spirit of humility, patience, and meekness, which would be an acquisition to many who bear the name of Christian. Though in general, very silent and reserved, he was always very communicative with his teacher; he seemed to have formed a great regard for him; and several times said to him, with joy sparkling in his eyes, “O! Sir! I shall often think of you when thousands of miles off.” It was very remarkable that he discovered no desire or interest as to any public sights which attract the populace. When informed, on the 9th of November, that the Lord Mayor of London would pass through the streets, in grand Procession attended with Men in Armour, Music, Flags &c, and that it was such a sight, as he might never see but at this time, he could not be prevailed on to walk to Westminster to witness it. But if invited to see a new School, an examination of children— a meeting of a Society for Christian benevolence, the distribution of Bibles, or the support of a Mission to the heathen— He was all life and attention. Mr H. informs me that he was very regular and constant in his Seasons for devotion; and he made use of his own expressions in his prayers: and that he always prayed for the success of the Church Missionary Society, for the conversion of his countrymen in New Zealand, and for the Ministers of the Bentinck Chapel.— Another friend whom I requested to take notice of him, who brought him with him to Chapel, and often accommodated him in his pew (Mr Short), has informed me, that he never heard him use an improper word, that not a symptom of the ordinary profane language of sailors, ever escaped his lips, and that he never mentioned the name of God, but with awe and reverence. He seemed also very cautious in his words, to speak plain truth with great simplicity. One Sunday, as they were walking home from Chapel, when the Subject of the discourse had been the Sufferings and death of the Saviour, Mr Short asked him if he understood what he had heard.— Mowhee replied, “Yes, “indeed! I did understand it! and I hope I shall ever remember it. My poor “country is in a dark state; but at the day of judgment this country will have more to answer for; for this country has the light shining before them; and it certainly must be their own fault if they walk in darkness.” After a while he added, “Alas! my poor “country knows no better, but I hope before long they will have these glorious truths “revealed to them; and how happy shall I be, if I should be able to return and assist in “teaching them.” At another time, on Advent Sunday, Mr Short having asked him ‘What was the design of the Redeemer’s coming into the world; Mowhee immediately replied: “He “came into the world to save Sinners, had he not come and suffered, you and I could “never have reached heaven;— Had He not died for our sins, “we must have perished “forever.” I cannot here pass over the great kindness of another esteemed friend— Mr Coates. On my leaving London, I requested him also, occasionally to visit Mowhee, and to explain to his capacity, the Doctrines and duties of our most holy religion.— I thought that the instructions of persons of different attainments and education might contribute by its variety to render Divine truth more easy to be understood by our young friend. With my request Mr Coates very kindly complied frequently inviting Mowhee to spend the evening at his house. On these occasions he studied to excite him to diligence and application in obtaining all the knowledge, which might render him a fit instrument for promoting the civilization and the moral and religious instruction of his Countrymen.— His constant Method of spending the evening was to desire Mowhee to read a Chapter in the New testament, on which he himself made such observations as the subject naturally suggested, and in this manner, endeavoured to engage Mowhee in a familiar conversation.— On one of these occasions when Mr Coates pointed out the extensive blessing which he might be the means of conveying to New Zealand, by religious instruction, civilization, and various branches of useful knowledge, for which distant generations might have cause to render thanks to God, his countenance assumed great animation, and he seemed to realise the prospects which had been opened to his view: but, in a moment, it passed away, and he observed with a dejected air, “But my countrymen will not attend to what I tell them.” After my return to London, I desired him one morning to accompany to the Philological School myself and the Sultan ‘Kategerry’, who is lately come from Tartary to acquire information that he may hereafter benifit [sic] his Countrymen.— Here he was greatly delighted; the first principles of Geography were explained to him, in a New and Simple Method. The longitude and latitude of his own of his own [sic] Country, and the probable employment of its Inhabitants, at the different hours of the day, were pointed out to him, with all this he seemed much gratified.— The damp and foggy weather of November greatly tried his constitution.— He contracted a very bad cough; and for a time, contended with the usual Symptoms of rapid consumption. I instantly put him under the care of a medical relative, Mr Chas Woodd; and in a short time was happy to find that under his kind attention, all the alarming symptoms were completely removed, as it was evident however that this damp and cold atmosphere did not agree with him, it was judged expedient to recommend to the Society that as soon as an opportunity offered, he should return to his native country. At this period I was indulging the pleasing hope that Mowhee would in a short time, return to New Zealand, moderately qualified to instruct and assist his countrymen, in building their small houses, to improve them in civilization and the duties of justice and Mercy, and to assist in teaching the sublime and holy truths of the Gospel of our God and Saviour.— Such was our delightful contemplation, when a Mysterious providence by an unexpected event, said, on a sudden: “Dust thou are, and unto dust shalt thou return.” On Christmas day, Mowhee complained of great pain, in his head and back, and was so unwell, that he was advised to keep at home.— On thursday morning I was informed that his face was considerably swelled, and that Symptoms of dysentery appeared. I was engaged that morning to attend the funeral of a respectable friend, and proposed calling to see him on my return, but the after part of the day brought on a heavy rain; and not being very well; I did not venture out.— I had previously desired that medical aid might be immediately called in. On Friday morning, immediately after breakfast, I repaired to the house where he lodged. The account given me was very alarming. I went upstairs, and the Scene was the most distressing and dreadful, that I have ever witnessed. The floor of the chamber was covered, as it were, with blood, as appeared also the countenance of my poor young friend. He seemed totally debilitated; and spoke very faintly and with extreme difficulty. The room was offensive in the extreme. The disorder appeared to me quite unintelligible. I had never seen, among the many cases which I have visited, any thing of the kind before.— I sent immediately to Mr C. Woodd, who had offered to attend him without expense to the Society, and requested that he would as soon as possible, meet me at Mowhee’s apartment. He had arrived first and sent for me from a school, which I was attending. When I entered the room, he said, “It is not safe for you to be here.— This is one of the most rapid, and most malignant, putrid fevers that I have ever met with.”— The fact was that the whole System, if I express it rightly, was as it were, decomposing his blood was oozing from every pore— the mouth, nose, ears, and eyes exhibited this awful spectacle. On a near approach I observed the whole of his countenance covered with purple spots, and that blood seemed mixed with his very perspiration.— I retired with my medical friend; and immediately. some medicines and other strengthening aids, were sent for the poor sufferer. It then struck me, that it was not right to leave this young stranger to die, solitary and unattended by ministerial consolation. I therefore judged it to be my path of duty to return to him.— Accordingly I took some port wine, directed a fumigation of nitrous acid, &c. to be prepared, dipt my handkerchief in vinegar and returned to the bedside of poor dying Mowhee.— I had been told, that he probably would not survive the ensuing night. No time, therefore, was to be lost, especially as delirium was apprehended. I said, “Mowhee you seem very ill. Life is always uncertain, if it be the will of God, I pray that you may recover; but if not, I trust you have got good by coming to England.” “I trust, Sir”, he replied, “I got good to my soul before I came to England, when I was at Norfolk Island, and in New Holland.” After a pause he added, “Also since I have attended the school Mr Hazard has been very kind, and has taken great pains. He often read the Scripture with me, and explained them.: I said “You are sensible of your state before God.”— He shook his head, and replied in his usual manner of assent, “Oh, yes! Oh! yes! very sensible of that.” I then said, “I hope all your dependence for pardon and mercy at the hand of God is wholly and entirely built on the death and merit of our blessed Saviour.” He again shook his head, which was his ordinary custom when anything interested him, and replied: “Oh, yes! Oh yes! on him alone.” He that believeth on Him, shall have everlasting salvation.”— I again observed “I trust you endeavour to submit to the will of God, your heavenly Father, and I hope, that, in your present Situation, you feel the support, and consolation of the Gospel of Christ.” He replied: “Oh Sir! I cannot express what I feel.” —“I have not words; but it is in my imagination.— It is in my thoughts.” Perceiving that he was greatly exhausted, and, from the blood which collected in his mouth, spoke with difficulty, I then said: Mowhee, would you wish me to pray with you? He instantly said: “Oh, yes. I should be very glad.” Accordingly I kneeled down by his bedside, and offered a short prayer, for his support, and for the pardon of his sins— that his repentance and faith might be strengthened— that he might be enabled to say, “My Father! not my will, but thine be done!” and that should the disorder end in death He might through the merits of the great sacrifice, be received to the arms of his merciful God— and that hereafter, as we now joined in prayer in an hour of affliction, we might meet again and join in praise, in Glory everlasting.— After prayer, he thanked me very affectionately.— I then said: “Mowhee, when I write to Mr Marsden, have you any message to send to him?” he immediately said that “Oh, tell him! I am under everlasting obligations to him, for his great kindness to me and to my poor countrymen.” I then added, Mowhee, what shall I say to Mr Kendall? He instantly replied: “Tell him that I never forgot his instructions.” On this I addressed him: “Well, my dear friend, May the Lord bless you, and keep you! May he lift up the light of his countenance upon you, and give you peace! and when called hence to be no more seen, may He receive you to His Heavenly Kingdom! I then withdrew.— Soon after, as the disorder advanced, he became delirious; but at intervals he was intelligent and seemed at those periods, engaged in lifting up his heart in prayer to God. The next morning he appeared, for a time a little revived; and lay very tranquil, resigned and happy.— He had been literally in a sweat of blood, but it considerably abated. Two persons were with him, and frequently bathed his face with vinegar, which seemed to refresh him.— About five in the morning, one of his attendants read by him the prayers of the service for the visitation of the sick. He seemed to hear with attention, and to be wholly occupied in prayer; but nature was nearly exhausted. he lay in this state, till about half past seven, when death closed his eyes, on the 28th day of December,1816: and we humbly trust that “Mortality was swallowed up of life, even Life everlasting.” How Mysterious is the Providence of God! How unsearchable are His judgments! and his ways past finding out. Still we must not be discouraged. Our work is the Lords. The event at which we aim is certain— the uttermost parts of the earth will become the possession of the Son of God! I had often looked at Mowhee, and anticipated with great delight, the day when he would return to New Zealand, and the natives would hear from the lips of a New Zealander of the unsearchable riches of Christ.— From his piety, capacity, and application, I had fondly conjectured, that it might eventually happen, that as Sattianaden, Nanaperagason, Adeykalam, and Abraham, ordained by the Lutheran Church Native Priests, are now labouring in India, under he Society for promoting Christian Knowledge: so I trusted, it was not impossible but that Mowhee, under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, might be employed in New Zealand, and direct his fellow natives to Him who is “the propitiation for the sins of the whole world.” These pleasing prospects are now, alas! but as a dream when one awaketh. Mowhee is no more! I left his dying bed with a deepened impression of the duty of supporting the Missionary exertions of these two Institutions; & I can truly add, with cordial exultation in the conversion of the Heathen, if accomplished, under the Divine blessing, by the zeal of those Societies which are not of our communion, The Lord prosper them! We wish them Success in the name of the Lord!— This thought then occurred to me— Mowhee is dead; but his work is not yet done. Let his Grave address his countrymen. Who can tell, but they yet may hear and believe!— I give, therefore, this Memoir to the Society. Let it, if approved by the Committee, be printed in a good type, in the form of a tract, after it has received their perusal and corrections. Let Mowhee’s family be especially considered. Perhaps they may read, or at least hear it, with some interest; and thus may we say of Mowhee: “By it, he, being dead, yet speaketh.” and O native of New Zealand! whoever thou art that mayst hear or read this little tract, remember that Mowhee on his deathbed, remembered and prayed for thee.— May his prayer be answered in thy conversion! May the God and Saviour Who taught Mowhee By the Holy Spirit, the path of life, be your God and Saviour in life, and death, and forever!— To this prayer let all the faithful in Christ Jesus who may read the Memoir say Amen!” The death of Mowhee in London will shew the Christian world, the power of Divine Grace, and encourage the faithful, whose single desire, is the increase of the Redeemer’s kingdom, to go on in their work and labour of love.— The Lord of Hosts is with them and has blessed their labours to the honour and glory of His grace, and is raising up a people to serve Him in that heathen and benighted land, who will finally sit down, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of God for ever and ever.” I shall now proceed with the particulars of my first voyage to New Zealand.— When I was preparing to visit that Island, Mr John Liddiard Nicholas, a Gentleman who came out (two years before) to settle in this Colony voluntarily proposed to accompany me. I readily accepted his offer, and we embarked on board the ‘Active’ brig on Saturday the 19th Novr 1814, and sailed down the harbour early that morning, but were obliged to anchor again, near the Mouth of the harbour by contrary winds; here we were detained 9 days. On Monday the 28th we weighed Anchor, and got out to sea, the number of persons on board (including women and children, were thirty-five— Mr Hanson, Master, his wife and son, Messrs Kendall, Hall, and King with their wives and five children;— 8 New Zealanders— two Otaheitans and four Europeans belonging to the vessel, besides Mr Nicholas, myself, two Sawyers, one Smith, and one runaway convict (as we found him to be afterwards). We had also on board, one entire horse, two Mares! one Bull and two Cows with a few sheep and poultry of different kinds: intended for the Island:— The Bull and Cows had been presented by Governor Macquarie, from His Majesty’s herd. Nothing of consequence happened during our voyage. I suffered much from Sea Sickness, and though I have been so frequently at sea, I cannot get the better of that unpleasant complaint; I am always sick and frequently compelled to keep my bed.— On the 16th Decr. we saw the “three Kings” some small Island [sic] (thus named) which ly off the north end of New Zealand, about 12 leagues. We sailed close by them in the afternoon; and, as I wished to pass a day at the North Cape, we stood in for it, with a light breeze, in the evening and saw the land before sul [sic] set.— We had little wind all night: the next morning, at day light, we were nearly four leagues from shore.— We stood in till about 8 A.M.— I was anxious to have an interview with the Chiefs, in order that I might explain to them, the object of my voyage; and introduce the Settlers to them, and prepare the way for my future attempts to promote their welfare. After breakfast the ship’s boat was hoisted out, with a view to visit the shore; I directed Duaterra, Shunghee, Koro Koro, Tohee (or Tooi) and Terra, all the chiefs we had on board, to go in her but no Europeans, so that they might open an intercourse between us and the Natives, and bring us some supplies. The boat was well armed, that they might defend themselves, if any attack should be made upon them.— Before the boat had reached the land, a canoe came alongside the Active with plenty of fish, and shortly after a Chief followed from the shore, who immediately came on board with his son: in his Canoe, there were some very fine looking men.— I asked him, if he had seen Duaterra, whom I had sent on shore; he told me he had not, and immediately shewed me a pocket knife, which he had tied to a string round his wrist and which he highly valued, and informed me that it had been given to him by Duattera along [sic] time before. I was much gratified that we had been so fortunate as to meet with a chief, who knew our friend Duaterra as we were now likely to obtain fully the object of our visit. I told them my name, with which they seemed well acquainted and immediately enquired after a young man belonging to that place, who had lived with me some time previously; his brother was in the canoe and greatly rejoiced he was to see me, he made the most anxious enquiries after his brother, and I gave him every information I could. We were now quite free from all fear, as the natives seemed desirous to shew their attention to us, by every possible means in their power.— I informed the Chief that we wanted some hogs, and potatoes; he requested me to send one of his people on shore in his canoe, and he would send for some immediately— I ordered one of the New Zealanders, belonging to the vessel, into the canoe, as I did not think it prudent to send any European.— The Chief and his son remained on board, they seemed very happy, and much gratified with our confidence in them, and I explained to the Chief, the object of our voyage.— In a short time other Canoes came to the Active and brought an abundance of the finest fish I ever saw, our decks were soon covered with them. We had now a number of natives on board and alongside who behaved with the greatest propriety. We traded with them for fishing lines and other articles of curiosity. Before Duaterra and the other chiefs returned with the boat: I [sic] large canoe came off to the vessel, she was very full of stout, fine looking men, and sailed fast, though the sea was rather rough, and we were at some distance from the land. It was pleasing to behold with what ease she topt the rising waves. One of the principal Chiefs was in the war Canoe with a number of his attendants, and a young Otaheitian known to Europeans by the name of Jem, whom I had known some years before, as he had resided a considerable time with Mr. McArthur at Parramatta: this Otaheitian had married the Chiefs daughter, and his wife was in the Canoe.— He was much surprised to see me, and I was no less so to meet him there, so very unexpectedly.— He had been in the habit of calling at my house, when at Parramatta, and was well acquainted with my Situation in New South Wales, and he could speak English exceedingly well.— I fully explained to him the object of my coming to New Zealand and the nature of my intended plans for the future success of the design.— He was much pleased at the Idea of Europeans residing on the Island.— This young man, being very intelligent and active, appeared to have obtained the full confidence of his father-in-law, and to have great weight and influence at the North Cape— I made himself, his father in law, and the other principal men a few presents, which were gratefully received.— After some conversation, I mentioned that the New Zealanders had been guilty of great cruelties towards the Europeans, particularly in the case of the “Boyd”. They replied “The Europeans were the first aggressors; by inflicting corporal punishment on their chief.” I also told them that Mr Barnes (the master of the Jefferson whaler) when at Port Jackson, had informed me, that they had acted treacherously towards him in attempting to cut off two Boats, belonging to the ship, when she was last at the north Cape in Company with the King George.— I said, I was much concerned to hear these reports and that, if they continued to act in this manner, no European ships would visit them.— In reply to this, the Otaheitian young chief stated; that the Masters of the Jefferson and King George had in the first instance, behaved very ill to them— they had agreed to give 150 Baskets of potatoes and 8 Hogs for one Musket; The Potatoes and Hogs were delivered, and divided between the two vessels: After which the Otaheitian and one of the chiefs went on board the ‘King George’ for the musket, (which was delivered) at the same time, the Master of the “King George” demanded more potatoes and Hogs— The Chief was detained on board, and the Otaheitian sent on shore for the Articles demanded— The Head Chief said, he had fulfilled the agreement for the musket, by the 150 baskets of potatoes and 8 Hogs, and he would give no more.— The Chief that was detained prisoner on board the King George, was the Head Chief’s brother and was with us at this time, on board the Active.— The Otaheitian was sent to the King George to inform the Master that no more potatoes and Hogs would be given, and to request him to relieve the Chief, whom he had unjustly detained. This, the Master refused to do, and he also kept the Otaheitian a prisoner. In two or three days they were put on board the Jefferson & there they remained for some days, till they were ransomed, at 170 baskets of potatoes and 5 hogs.— the people on shore were greatly enraged, all this time, and alarmed for the safety of their Chief, the vessels being out of sight.— After the potatoes and Hogs were delivered, two boats were sent on shore with the Otaheitian and the chief. Great numbers of the Natives were assembled on the shore, to receive them.— They were no sooner landed than the natives fired upon the boats, and I have no doubt but they would have massacred the crews at the moment.— If they could for the fraud and cruelty before stated. The Otaheitian told me it was not possible to restrain the people from firing upon the boats.— The Chief spoke with great warmth and indignation at the treatment he had received. I assured them that both King George and Governor Macquarie would punish any act of fraud or cruelty committed by the Europeans, whenever the proper information was given.— I then gave them Governor Macquarie’s instructions to Masters of vessels, and explained the nature of them, which was clearly understood by the Otaheitian who explained it to the rest.— I told them that the ‘Active’ would occasionally visit them and by that means they might easily obtain redress from the Governor of New South Wales, and requested them never to commit any act of violence upon Europeans in future, but refer their complaints to Governor Macquarie.— They seemed much pleased and promised they would not injure the crews of ships that might touch there.— I also informed them that the Masters of the ‘King George’ and ‘Jefferson’ would be called upon to answer for their conduct, when they came to Port Jackson, as I should inform Governor Macquarie of what they had done.— While the Principal Chief and his party remained on board, the boat returned with Duaterra and the rest that had gone in her.— Duaterra and the principal Chief seemed well acquainted, and were very polite to each other: The most friendly salutations past between them, and Duaterra, being now, comparatively, very rich, made several presents to his friends, as did the other chiefs who had come with me from Sydney.— Duaterra renewed the conversation relative to the firing upon the Jefferson’s Boats, and laid the strongest injunctions on them not to injure the Europeans in future but refer their complaints to the Governor of N. South Wales.— This was one of the most interesting and pleasing days I had ever enjoyed, I was never more amused and gratified than upon this occasion. Before evening we had an abundant supply of fish, hogs and potatoes. I informed the Natives, we should sail that night for the Bay of Islands. They pressed us much to stop another day, and they would bring us more hogs, potatoes, and fish. I told them we had enough for the present and that I would call and see them, on my return to Port Jackson, and, in the mean time, if they would prepare me some flax, I would buy it from them. The Chief promised to have some ready. As soon as evening came on they took their leave in a very warm and affectionate manner, and went into their canoes, to return to shore, apparently much satisfied with the reception they had met with on board the “Active”, and the information they had received relative to the Active visiting them again, and the Europeans settling on their island.— When the[y] [sic] had left us we made sail, and proceeded on our Voyage with a fair breeze.— During the night the wind died away, and in the morning the little we had was against us, so that our progress along the coast was but slow.— The hills and woods appeared very beautiful to the eye, and the fires of the natives smoked in all directions on the main land, the wind continued nearly the same during the day. The next morning we beat up against the wind, and passed the mouth of the harbour of Whangarooa (the place where the Boyd was cut off) but could not weather the “Cavalles” some small inhabited Islands, a few miles from the Main. The Natives informed [us] there was a safe passage between these islands and the Main, and we therefore endeavoured to beat through them, but could not, for contrary winds. As we were not far from the Cavalles, I wished to visit the people, residing on them, and had the boat hoisted out for that purpose. Messrs Nicholas and Kendall, with Koro-Koro and Tohee, accompanied me on shore. As soon as we landed, all the Natives ran off, and secreted themselves in the bushes excepting one old man, who, being lame, was not able to make his escape, we walked up to him; he appeared alarmed till he saw Koro-Koro. I then made him a present of a few trifles; and in return he offered us a basked [sic] of dried fish, which we declined.— Korokoro immediately left us, and went in search of the natives. Mr Kendall sat down with the old man, who was much fatigued in getting up the hill, from the steepness of the shore. Mr Nicholas and I went after Koro-koro, but were some time before we could find him; he had gone to enquire after his relations, who lived upon this Island. After some time we found Korokoro who had met with one of his own men. By this time, the natives began to recover from their alarm, and to come out of their hiding places.— While we were talking with Koro-koro and some of the Natives, his aunt was seen coming toward us with some women and children.— She had a green bough twisted round her head and another in her hand, and a young child on her back:— When she came within one hundred yards, She began to make a very mournful lamentation, and hung down her head, as if oppressed by the heaviest grief.— She advanced to Koro-koro with a slow pace; Koro-koro appeared much agitated, leaning upon his musket, as his aunt advanced she prayed aloud and wept exceedingly: Tokee (Koro-koro’s brother) seemed much affected, and, as if ashamed of his Aunt’s conduct, he told us he would not cry:— I will act like an Englishman”, he said. “I will not cry.” Koro-koro remained motionless, till his Aunt came up to him, when they laid there heads together, the woman leaning upon a staff, and Koro-koro upon his gun and in this situation they wept aloud, for a long time, and repeated short sentences alternately, which, we understood, were prayers, and continued weeping, the tears rolling down their sable countenances in torrents.— It was impossible to see them without being deeply affected; at this time also, the daughter of Koro-koro’s Aunt sat at her Mother’s feet weeping, and all the women joined in their lamentations.— We thought this an extraordinary custom amongst them, and a singular mode of manifesting their joy; but we afterwards found that this custom was general in the Island of New Zealand. Many of the poor women cut themselves in their faces, hands, and breasts with sharp shells or flints. till the blood ran down in streams. When their tears and lamentations had subsided, I presented the women with a few presents. Tohee had sat all this time labouring to suppress his feelings (having declared he would not cry). In a short time we were joined by several fine young men, among them there was a youth, the son of a chief on the Island; when Towhee saw him coming he could contain his feelings no longer but instantly ran to him, and they were locked in each others arms— weeping aloud:— After they had saluted each other and the women had gone through various ceremonies, we entered into conversation with them.— I enquired why they all ran off into the bushes; they told us that they had supposed, when we landed, that we were going to shoot them.— These people were greatly rejoiced when they found us to be their friends.— They did every thing in their power to please and gratify us.— After spending a few hours we returned to the place where we left Mr Kendall talking to the old man; a number of the natives attended us, and we enjoyed a very pleasant day; as every object arrount [sic] us was new and interesting, particularly the Inhabitants. From the top of the Cavalles, the view of the main land, together with the Ocean, and the numerous small Islands scattered upon it, is the most delightful I ever saw (at least I thought so). When we arrived we found Mr Kendall had been visited by some of the natives, who were still with him, and had much entertained him during our absence.— In the evening we returned to the vessel accompanied by the son of the chief and other chiefs from the main, who remained on board all night.— The next morning, the wind still continued against us, and we had been labouring more than a day and a night, to work the vessel, either round the Islands, or between them and the main, to no purpose.— I thought it most prudent, as there good anchorage, to bring the vessel to Anchor, and wait for a fair wind.— I communicated my wishes to the Master accordingly; and we came to anchor between the Islands and the main, in seven fathoms of water. Here we lay about five leagues from Whangarooa harbour, where the Boyd was cut off, and her crew Massacred, and one league from that part of the Main which belonged to the Chief Shunghee who came with us from Port Jackson. Duaterra and Shunghee, had often told me of the bloody war, which had been carried on between the people of Whangorooa and those of the Bay of Islands, from the time the Boyd was destroyed till that period. During the stay of these Chiefs in New South Wales, they were always apprehensive, that the Chiefs of Whangarooa would take advantage of their absence to make an attack upon the people at the Bay of Islands.— However we here learned that there had been no disturbances since they had left home. It appeared that after the Boyd had been cut off Tippahee (a chief belonging to the Bay of Islands) and who had visited Port Jackson, where he received great attention, was accused of being concerned in that dreadful massacre, and in consequence of which the whalers, who were at that time on the coast, and had come into the Bay of Islands, shortly after that affair, united their force, and sent seven armed Boats, before day-break, to attack the Island of Tippahee, where, on their landing, they shot every man, woman, and child that came in their way; in this attack Tippahee received Seven wounds, and soon afterwards died. Duaterra and Shunghee always declared that Tippahee was innocent of the crime for which he suffered; and that Tippoohee, of Whangarooa, committed it.— Whangaroa is situated about thirty miles nearer the north cape, than the Bay of Islands. Tippahee was in the habit of trading with the people of Whangarooa, and happened to go there with a cargo of fish, on the day, in which the ‘Boyd’ was taken, and the whole of her crew massacred.— When he arrived five only of her men were alive and in the rigging, whom he took into his own Canoe and landed them, with a view of saving their lives, but, being followed by the people, who committed the outrage, these five were forcibly taken from him and instantly put to death. This is the account given by these natives who had first visited New South Wales. They originally declared that Tippahee was innocent of the destruction of the Boyd. The people at the Bay of Islands in consequence of the murder of their chief Tippahee, declared War against the people of Whangarooa.— Several desperate Battles had been fought, and the war was likely to continue.— I had often told Duaterra and Shunghee that it would be to the interest of all parties to make peace, and that I wished to see it established, before I quitted New Zealand.— Duaterra expressed his doubts as to the accomplishment of this object.— I told him I thought if I could obtain an interview with the Chiefs, I might bring it about, and that it was my determination to visit Whangarooa before my return, to try what could be done.— The wind continued in the same Quarter next day, which obliged us to remain at anchor. I again visited the Cavalles, and there learnt, that the Chiefs of Whangarooa were on the main and all the principal warriors: they had come to the funeral of some great Warrior who had died a few days before, and were then encamped on the shore opposite to our Anchorage. At this information, I hastened on board and consulted with Duaterra— told him how anxious I was to make peace, now that Europeans were come to settle among them.— that this would secure the lives of the Europeans and tend to the general benefit of their country.— I expressed my wish to visit the camp of the Whangarooa people, and hear what the chiefs had to say on the subject.— As he had never met these people, since the loss of the Boyd, except in the field of Battle, he hesitated for some time.— I did all I could to induce him to try the experiment.— He was not afraid of himself, but was apprehensive that some accident might happen to me, or to the persons of my party,—he at length consented to go on shore with me; Shunghee and Koro-koro agreed to accompany us— and Messrs Nicholas, Kendall, King and Hanson volunteered to do the same. We took several loaded muskets in the boats with us.— The beach on which we landed belonged to Shunghee and was covered with his people. On approaching the Shore we saw the Whangarooa Chiefs with their warriors encamped on [a] high sugar loaf hill, to our left, with colours flying &c— The foot of this hill communicated with the sea.— As soon as they saw us land, our distance from them being about half a mile, they took to their spears, struck their colours, and ran off as fast as they could.— Duaterra took a brace of large pistols, and desired me to follow him slowly— for he would come up to them at a certain point, where they must speak to him, because they could not escape by any other way. We accordingly followed Duaterra, in a body, and were surrounded by a crowd of men, women, and children belonging to Shunghee’s tribe.— A few of the principal people ran in different directions to clear the way, and keep the crowd from pressing on us.— In a short time Duaterra returned to meet us, and called on me to come forward, we accordingly mended our pace and soon came in sight of the Whangarooa people who had stopped to receive us.— A line was formed on each side for us to pass through them.— An old woman whom I took to be a priestess, made a very great noise, and waved a flag in her hand as we advanced. The Chiefs were all seated on the ground, according to their custom, and their warriors standing up, with their Spears fixed in the ground uprightly— these instruments were from 15 to 20 feet in length— they were also armed with patooes.— Duaterra, with a Pistol in his hand, stood at some distance from the chiefs, and on my coming up to them, he fired off the pistol, and directed those who had muskets to do the same. This being done, the Whangarooa party returned the compliment by discharging their fire arms— which I considered as a favourable omen to the success of my mission. One of the principal chiefs (who had cut off the Boyd) had been at Parramatta and knew me; he had also acquired tolerable English from being on board of Whalers— He was known to Europeans by the name of George. I made a few presents to the chiefs, and after some conversation on various subjects—particularly on our visit to New Zealand, I enquired how they came to cut off the Boyd and to murder the crew.— Two of them stated, that they were at at [sic] Port Jackson when the Boyd was there; and had been put on board by a Mr. Lord in order to return home.— that George (their head Chief) had fallen sick while on board and was unable to do his duty as a common sailor, in consequence of which, he was severely punished— was refused provisions— threatened to be thrown overboard, and many other indignities were offered to him, even by the common sailors, he remonstrated with the Master, begged that no corporal punishment might be inflicted on him— observing that he was a Chief in his own country, which they would ascertain on arrival at New Zealand.— He was told he was no Chief with many abusive terms, which he mentioned, and which are but too commonly used by British seamen. When he arrived at Whangaroa, his back was in a very lacerated state, and his friends and people were determined to revenge the insult which had been offered to him; he said, if he had not been treated with such creulty [sic] the Boyd would never have been touched.— From the accounts which these people and their Chiefs gave of the destruction of the Boyd ‘Tippahee’ had had no hand in this melancholy affair. It was wholly their own act and deed.— This appeared to be strictly true (for I saw no reason to disbelieve their declaration) that Tippahee and his people suffered innocently, and that their death was the cause of much bloodshed,— for many men since that rash act was committed, have been cut off belonging to the Bay of Islands, as well as to the Whangarooa tribe, with whom the affair originated.— I never passed Tippahee’s Island without a sigh;— it is now desolate without an inhabitant and has been so since his death.— The ruins of his little Cottage, built by the kindness of the late Governor King, still remains and I hope that those Europeans who were engaged in that fatal transaction were Ignorant at the time, that they were punishing the innocent.— I think it probable that the mistake (if there was one) originated in the affinity between the Name of Tippahee and that of the Chief of Whangaroa, who was principally concerned in the destruction of the Boyd, styled Tippoohee.— This chief I saw and conversed with on the subject. Having fully satisfied myself respecting the loss of the Boyd and explained to these people, the reason of the Active’s coming to New Zealand— I found as night was coming on I could not accomplish the grand object I had in view, namely to establish peace among them without loss of more time.— I therefore resolved to remain in their camp all night.— Shunghee had given directions to his people to prepare supper for us, nearly a mile from where we then were; I told the chief we would go to visit Shunghee’s people, and when we had taken some refreshment; Mr Nicholas and I would return, and spend the night in their camp; in order that we might have a little more conversation with them: to this the [chief] readily consented, and with a view to show us some marked attention, they entertained us with a sham fight, a war-dance, and a song of victory before we went to Shunghee’s people.— After these ceremonies were over, we took our leave and returned to the place where we had landed, attended by a great number of natives.— Shunghee’s Servants had got our potatoes and fish prepared— Duaterra and the party who had come with us from the vessel now returned on board— leaving myself, Mr Nicholas and Shunghee to spend the night on shore.— We sat down, to supper, on the ground, but were soon almost smothered by the natives, who crowded so close around us, that I was compelled to draw a circle and direct them not to pass it. We were here much amused by these people, and they appeared equally so with us— They manifested every desire to serve us: and after spending about an hour with them, we returned to the Camp of the Whangaroa warriors who had removed about half a mile from the place where we had the first interview with them, and had taken their Station on a level piece of ground, which I estimated to contain about 100 acres. When we arrived, they received us very cordially, we sat down among them and the Chiefs surrounded us.— I then renewed our conversation relative to the destruction of the Boyd with a view of bringing about a reconciliation between them and the inhabitants of the Bay of Islands, as I considered the establishment of peace between these contending parties of great importance to the Mission. The Chiefs told me the state the wreck of the Boyd was then in, and promised to give me the guns and whatever remained belonging to her; if I would go into their harbour.— They had got some of the Guns on shore and would get the rest.— The Chief George told me that his father and five others were blown up in the Boyd, when she took fire. His father had got part of the powder on deck with some of the Muskets, and was trying one of the flints, in a musket lock, whether it would strick fire, when a spark from it, caught the powder and the explosion killed all within its reach.— He pressed me much to go into their harbour:— I told him I probably might do so before I left New Zealand provided the wind would permit; but I could not then go, on account of the Stock and number of people I had on board the Active.— I then addressed him on the subject of peace, pointed out to him, how much more it would be, for their interest and happiness, to turn their attention to agriculture, and the improvement of their country, than continue to fight and murder one another, and particularly now as the Europeans who were about to settle amongst them, through whom they would obtain wheat to sow their land and tools to cultivate it. I assured them, that every assistance would be given by the Europeans to promote the improvement of their present situation; and that, if they would only attend to the cultivation of their land, and lay aside all sorts of war and murder they would soon become a great and happy people.— George replied— he did not want to fight any more, and was ready to make peace—Much conversation then passed chiefly respecting New Zealand and Port Jackson, which George had visited. I endeavoured to impress upon his mind the great degree of comfort we enjoyed as compared with his countrymen’s enjoyments— our mode of living, Houses &c. which he had seen, and that all these blessings might be obtained by them, by cultivating their land, and improving themselves in useful knowledge, which they would now have an opportunity to acquire from the European settlers. He seemed sensible of all these advantages, and expressed a wish to follow my advice— the other Chiefs and their people stood around us.— As the evening advanced the people began to retire to rest in different groups— About 11 P.M. Mr Nicholas and I wrapped ourselves up in our great coats and prepared for rest also. George directed me to lie by his side, his Wife and Child lay on one hand— myself on the other, and Mr Nicholas close by the family. The night was clear, the stars shone brightly, and the Sea, in our front was smooth— around us were numerous spears stuck upright in the ground, and groups of natives lying in all directions like a flock of sheep upon the grass, as there were neither tents nor huts to cover them— I viewed our situation with new sensations and feelings that I cannot express; surrounded by cannibals, who had Massacred and devoured our countrymen, I wondered much at the Mysteries of providence, and how these things could be.— Never did I behold the blessed advantages of civilization, in a more grateful light, than at that moment. I did not sleep much, during the night, my mind was too anxiously occupied by the present Scene, and the new and strange ideas it naturally excited.— About three oclock in the morning I arose and walked about the Camp surveying the different groups of Natives, some of whom put out their heads from under the tops of their ‘kakkahows’, which are like a bee-hive, and spoke to me.— When the morning light appeared, we beheld men, women, and children asleep in all directions, like the beasts of the field.— I had directed the Boat to be brought on shore, for us at daylight, and soon after, Duaterra arrived in the Camp. I then invited the Chiefs to breakfast on board the Active, which invitation was readily accepted— We immediately went in the boat together, and several canoes put off at the same time for the Active— At first I entertained doubts whether the Chiefs would trust themselves to us or not, on account of the Boyd, lest we should detain them while We had them in our power; but they shewed no signs of fear, and went on board with apparent confidence. I communicated to Duaterra my intention to make them some presents, he told me whatever article I gave to one, I must give a similar article to another, and each article was to be given seperately [sic] and to the eldest chief first. The Axes, Bill hooks Prints &c &c which I intended to give them were all got ready, after breakfast. The Chiefs were seated in the Cabin, in great form to receive the presents— I sat on one side of the table, and they on the other; Duaterra stood and handed to me each article seperately, [sic] that I was to give them. Messrs Kendall, Hall, and King with the Master of the Active and his son were all, one after another, introduced to the chiefs; and the chiefs were, at the same time, informed what duties each of these persons was appointed to do i.e. Mr Kendall to instruct their children Mr Hall to build houses and boats &c &c— Mr King to make fishing lines, and Mr Hanson to command the Active which would be employed in bringing Axes and such other articles, as were wanted from Port Jackson, to enable them to cultivate their land, and improve their Country.— When the ceremonies of giving and receiving presents, was over I expressed my hopes that they would have no more wars, but from that time, would be reconciled to each other. Duaterra, Shunghee, and Koro-koro, all shook hand [sic] with the Chiefs of Whangaroa, and saluted each other, as a token of reconciliation, by joining their noses together,— I was much gratified to see these men at amity once more, and sincerely wished, that this peace might never be broken, and I considered the time well employed, while we had been detained by adverse winds.— The Chiefs took their leave, much pleased with our attention to them, and promised never to injure any European in future.— Having nothing more to do, and the wind having become favourable we weighed anchor in the afternoon, and stood for the Bay of Islands— we reached the mouth of the harbour, and were met by a war canoe belonging to Korokoro, who resides on the south side of the harbour. In this canoe were Korokoro’s son and a number of his servants, who were all greatly rejoiced to see their Chief. He left his son on board and immediately went on shore himself— at 3 p.m. on thursday 22nd Decr we anchored on the north side of the harbour, about seven miles from the Heads in a cove opposite to the town of Rangheehoo, where Duaterra was wont to reside, to the great joy of his people. The Active was soon surrounded by canoes from all quarters, on going ashore Duaterra and Shunghee found all their friends and relatives well, who wept for joy at their return and the women cut themselves in a similar manner to those of the Cavalles with shells and flints, till the blood flowed down. It was in vain to attempt to persuade them not to do this, because they considered it the strongest proof of their affection.— The next day we landed the horses and cattle, and fixed upon a place for the present residence of the settlers; and began to clear away the rubbish, and prepare for erecting houses, for their reception, on a piece of ground adjoining to the native town pitched upon by Duaterra and the other Chiefs of the place.— About 8 Oclock on Saturday morning, Korokoro who lived about nine miles from the Settlers, came to pay his respects to us; he was attended by 10 Canoes full of his warriors accompanied by some women and Children.— The Canoes came down in a regular line with colours flying on observing which, we immediately hoisted ours. Some of his officers stood up and regulated all their movements by word of command, and signals made by means of their large Patooes (which were ornamented with feathers) these they held in their hands, and kept in constant motion. Korokoro was dressed in his native clothing, and his brother Tohee both were painted with red ocre and had feathers in their hair;— the warriors were likewise painted.— The whole presented a grand warlike scene.— They advanced with great speed towards the Brig, and kept a regular line, every man striking his paddle at the same instant so that the whole sounded as one stroke— they sung the war song, as they approached and performed all their gestures and threats, as if they were determined upon attacking the vessel in earnest— We saluted them with a discharge of thirteen small arms, the song of victory was then sung in the canoes, and their customary rejoicing performed.— After this, Koro-koro, with the chiefs who had accompanied him, came on board, and made us several presents in the most polite manner— A number of chiefs from other districts were also on board; and Koro-koro introduced them all, one by one, to his European friends, commented on the particular attention they had shewn to him when at Port Jackson; and lamented that the poverty of his country prevented him from returning their kindness according to his wishes.— He was also very particular in explaining, to the other Chiefs, for what purposes Messrs Hall, and King had come to reside in New Zealand. Duaterra and his friends were present on this occasion and assisted in regulating the necessary ceremonies, and forms, in which Korokoro and his party were to be received. It had been previously arranged, between Duaterra and Korokoro, unknown to us, we were to be entertained with a sham fight— After taking some refreshment, preparations were made to go on shore.— Korokoro was to make an attack upon Duaterra’s people and take the place by storm; Duaterra then went on shore to prepare for the defence of his place.— A number of canoes, full of people immediately joined us belonging to other Chiefs, when Korokoro left the vessel accompanied by Mr. Nicholas, the Settlers and I,. Duaterra had got all his men drawn up in order, armed with their spears and other weapons of war— Korokoro’s canoes advanced towards the shore in the same order of Battle in which they had approached the Active, a chief belonging to Duaterra, quite naked, ran furiously to and fro along the beach, making a most horrid noise, and daring the sham enemy to land.— As the Canoes came nearer to the shore, those in them increased their shouts and furious gestures— at length they all jumped out of their canoes into the water, and in one compact body began the attack.— Duaterra’s men all retreated as fast as possible, and the others pursued them a considerable distance when Duaterra’s men, suddenly wheeled round, and attacked their pursuers; The Battle then became general— a number of women were seen in the heat of the action, among whom were Tippahee’s old widow (apparently about 70 years of age, and Duaterra’s wife, bearing her hand, a patooe about seven feet long made of the jawbone of a whale;— She brandished this weapon about, in the very centre of the mock fight, and went through all the various movements usually performed by the men in advancing and retreating. After both parties had run and struggled together, till nearly exhausted (some having been trampled upon and others accidentally knocked down) they formed a close body and united in the shouts of victory and in the war-dance, which ended the scene.— Duaterra, during the action, commanded one party and Koro-Koro the other. The former passed the remaining part of the day in preparing for the Sabbath. He enclosed about half an acre of ground with a fence, in the centre of which, he erected a pulpit and a reading Desk, and covered the whole with either Black native made cloth or some duck which he had brought with him from Port Jackson. he also procured the bottoms of some old canoes, and fixed them up as seats for the Europeans, on each side of the pulpit; intending to have Divine Service performed the next day. These preparations were made of his own accord, and in the evening, he first informed me that every thing was ready for public worship.— I was much pleased with this singular mark of his attention.— The reading Desk was about three, and the pulpit, six, feet from the ground;— The black native cloth covered the top of the Pulpit and hung over the sides.— The bottom of the pulpit, as well as the Reading-Desk, was made of part of a Canoe and the whole was becoming and had a solemn appearance. He had also erected a flag staff on the highest hill in the Village which had a very commanding view.— On Sunday morning, when I went upon deck I saw the English flag flying, which was a pleasing sight in New Zealand. I considered it the signal for the dawn of civilization, liberty, and Religion in that dark and benighted land.— I never viewed the British flag with more gratification, and I flattered myself, they would never be removed, till the Natives of that island, enjoyed all the happiness of British subjects. About 10 A.M. we prepared to go on shore to publish the glad tidings of the Gospel of Christ, for the first time, on this Island. I was under no apprehension for the safety of the vessel, and therefore ordered all on board to attend Divine Service on shore, except the Master and one man)— On our landing we found Korokoro, Duaterra, and Shunghee dressed in Regimentals, which had been given them by Governor Macquarie;— their men drawn up, ready to march into the enclosure, to attend Divine Service.— They had their Swords by their sides and switches in their hands.— We entered the enclosure and were placed on the seats, on each side of the Pulpit. Korokoro marched his men on, and stationed on my right and in rear of the Europeans, while Duaterra placed his men on the left of the Inhabitants of the village, including women and children, and the other Chiefs formed a circle round the whole— A very solemn silence prevailed— the sight was truly impressive:— I got up and began the service by singing the old hundredth psalm, and felt my very soul melting within me, when I viewed my congregation and considered the state they were in.— After reading the service, during which the natives stood up and sat down at the signal given by the motion of Korokoro’s switch, which was regulated by the movements of the Europeans, it being Christmas day, I preached from the 2nd Chr of St. Luke’s Gospel v. 10th “Behold I bring you glad tidings of great joy & ca. The Natives told Duaterra they could not understand what I meant— he replied they were not to mind that now; for they would understand by and bye, when he would try to explain the meaning as well as he could— When I had ended the Sermon [in pencil above: done preaching], he informed them, of what I had described in my discourse [in pencil— been talking about] been— Duaterra was very much pleased, that he had been able to make all the necessary preparations for the performance of Divine Service in so short a time; and we felt much obliged to him for his attention. He was extremely anxious to convince us, that he would do every thing for us that lay in his power; and that the good of his country was his principal consideration. In the above manner the Gospel has been introduced into New Zealand, and I fervently pray, that the Glory of it may never depart from its Inhabitants till Time shall be no more. After the service we returned on board, much gratified with the reception we had met with, and we could not but feel the strongest persuasion that the time was at hand, when the Glory of the Lord would be revealed to these poor benighted heathen, and that those, who were to remain on the Island, had strong reason to believe, that their labours would be blessed and crowned with success.— In the evening I administered the Holy Sacrement [sic] on board the ‘Active’— In rememberance [sic] of our Saviour’s Birth and of what He had done and suffered for us.— On Monday Morning, as there were no timber at Rangheehoo, fit for erecting the necessary buildings for the Settlers, I determined to take the Brig to the Timber district, which I understood was about 20 miles distant, on the opposite side of the harbour— up a fresh water river: because this would supply what was wanted, at once, and save considerable expense. I therefore ordered all the Iron and various other articles to be landed and given in charge of Duaterra.— The poultry were also sent on shore— the Sawyers and Smith with Mr Hanson Junr left the vessel likewise— I directed them, with the assistance of the Natives, to build a hut 60 feet by 16, and to thatch it for the immediate accommodation of the settlers and their families. When we returned from the Timber District the Natives seemed very willing to assist us as much as they could.— I found now I should be much distressed for want of axes, and other articles of trade, as the presents I had made at the North Cape and along the coast, had very much reduced my stock.— We had also omitted to bring coals with us from Port Jackson: and I hardly knew how to remedy these defects— As nothing could be done in our mechanical operations, nor could we purchase provisions from the natives without carpenters tools; Such as Axes &c. I had no alternative but to erect a Smith’s shop and burn Charcoal— in order that the Smith might get to work, and make axes &c to supply our present wants. I consequently desired that some of the Natives might assist the Smith in burning Charcoal and in erecting a workshop until the Active should return.— Having given such instructions as I deemed necessary and prudent, We sailed for the Timber District on tuesday taking with us, the Settlers and their families (This district belonged to a chief named ‘Terra’ an old man apparently seventy years of age). Terra was then the head Chief on the south side, and possessed considerable influence— I therefore judged it prudent to wait upon him and to obtain his permission— in the first place, to cut what timber we required in order to prevent any misunderstanding. Accordingly when we came opposite to his village I went, accompanied by Messrs Kendall, Nicholas, and King, to visit him and took with me a young man about seventeen years of age, who was related to the Chief, and who had been almost nine years from New Zealand— the latter part of which period he had lived with me in Parramatta— He had also lived several years with a Mr Drummond at Norfolk Island, from whom he experienced great kindness.— When we landed I found Terra sitting on the beach with some of his subordinate Chiefs and people;— He received us very cordially, and wept much on account of the young man’s return, as did many others, some of whom wept aloud.— I presented him with an axe, an adze and two plane Irons with several other trifles.— He said he did not want any present from me, but only my company, as he had heard so often of me, from his own people and others.— I told him, that I had waited on him, to beg his permission, to cut some timber in his district for building houses to the Europeans and Rangheehoo. [sic]— He expressed a strong desire that they would come and reside with him. I pointed out to him, that they could not well come then, but must settle with Duaterra in consequence of our long acquaintance with him; but, that in time some Europeans should come and live with him. He gave his consent for us to have what timber was wanted.— He informed me that the wheat, which had been given him when the ‘Active’ was first there, was growing. I went to see it, and found it almost ripe. As the Vessel had gone on, and I was informed, we were several miles from the place at which she would anchor— I wished to take my leave before the night came on us, but the old Chief would not consent till we had first taken some refreshment.— He therefore ordered his Cook to dress some sweet potatoes as soon as possible (these are, with them, esteemed a choice food). In a short time a basketfull of them were roasted and placed before us.— The Chief sat by us, as did his wives and a number of Men, Women and Children; he would not eat with us himself nor permit any of his people to do so, and when we parted with him, he ordered two baskets of Sweet potatoes to be put into the boat for our use. I invited him to come on board the Active which he promised to do, and we took our live [sic] being much gratified with the attention of this Chief and his people. The next morning we were visited by numbers of the natives from different districts; and I contracted with some of the subordinate Chiefs for a cargo of timber. The Brig lay about eight miles from the fresh water river where the pine trees grew, there not being sufficient depth of water to bring her nearer. I went up, accompanied by Messrs Nicholas and Hall, to see the pines, and we found a considerable village upon the Banks of the river, which they called Koua-koua. When our arrival was known, we were soon surrounded by numbers of the natives, who vied with each other in their attentions— None of us were under the least apprehension of danger any more than if we had been among our own country folk— In about ten days we had got our Cargo, and were ready to return to Rangheehoo. During the time the natives were getting the timber, Mr Nicholas and I visited different places for several miles round; and passed one night with an old Chief who gave us an account of Captn Cook’s visit and stay at the Bay of Islands. He said that he was then a young man, and shewed us where the sailors pitched their tents, washed their linen, watered their ships, and cut their wood; he also related several occurrences which took place while the great Navigator remained there.— Our Cargo being completed on friday the 6th of Jany 1815 We weighed anchor and sailed for Rangheehoo. When we got there the hut which I had directed to be built was almost finished. It was my intention, as soon as the Settlers and their luggage were safely landed, to visit either Whangarooa or the River Thames, as the wind at the time might permit.— Several of the natives of Whangaroa had visited the Active, since the peace had been established between them and the people of the Bay of Islands. As the Hut would not be ready for the reception of the Settlers for, at least, four or five days, I agreed with Shunghee, to visit one of his villages twenty five miles distant in the interior. Mr Nicholas volunteered to accompany me— early on Monday morning the 9th. Shunghee, Duaterra, his wife and several other chiefs came off to the Brig in a War Canoe, in which we were to go up one of the Western branches of the harbour, from the head of which we were to walk to a place called Waimate where the village alluded to was built.— After breakfast, we left the Active and went into the Canoe, which was large and commodious;— Sixteen persons could row on each side and we could sit or lie down at pleasure. These Canoes go very quick thro’ the water, and afford the most pleasant conveyance for passengers.— Some of them are 80 to 90 feet in length,— A smaller canoe also accompanied us, with some of Shunghees common Servants.— About eleven oclock, we reached the head of the cove, which we estimated to be about 15 miles from the Active.— Here we landed in a potatoe Garden belonging to Shunghee’s Brother named Kangarooa; where we were to take some refreshment before we proceeded on our journey. Duaterra and his wife had already gone to their farm, the servants were all busy some in digging potatoes, others in making fires to roast them.— Hearing the sound of a fall of water at a little distance; I went to examine it, while the potatoes were roasting, and found a fresh water river falling over a bed of rocks, which there extend from bank to bank. I estimated the fall to be about 91 [sic] feet perpendicular height— The water is sufficient to turn mills of any kind. A regular bed of solid rock, I think of whinstone, runs direct across the head of the salt water cove, and forms a dam similar to many of the artificial dams in England.— The water seemed to be supplied from regular springs and heavy rains.— The land on both sides of the river appeared very good.— After taking some refreshments, about 10 oclock we set off for Waimate.— For the first three or four miles we past through a rich uneven country.— The land in general was free from timber, and could easily have been plowed, it appeared to me to be good strong wheat land, and was then covered with fern.— For the next six miles the land seemed of various qualities some exceeding good, some of it stony, a part swampy, and the other portions of a gravelly nature— The whole of this part of country taken collectively would form a good Agricultural Settlement. It is watered by several fine streams running through it about a mile apart from each other and it is skirted in various places by lofty pine trees, and other timber.— When we had walked nearly 10 miles we entered a very fine wood in which there were some of the largest pines I had ever seen. One measured more than thirty feet in girth, and probably not less than one hundred feet in height, without a branch, it appeared to be nearly the same thickness at the top as at the bottom.. While passing thro’ this wood, we met with a Chief’s wife who was overjoyed to see us; her husband’s name was Terria a very fine handsome looking man, he had been on board the Brig a few days before; he informed me that some time back, a boat’s crew belonging to a whaler had entered his potatoe ground, in the Bay of Islands, to steal his potatoes, and that he had set his father and some of his people to watch them, when the Europeans shot his father dead, and killed another man and a woman, he afterwards watched them himself, and killed three European sailors.— I understood that the Europeans belonged to a Whaler called the New Zealander.— After meeting Terria’s wife, we came to his village situated on the banks of a fine run of fresh water, and a deal of rich land around it.— We enquired how many wives he had and were told ten. Terria was from home but his wives pressed us much to have some refreshments with them. There were a number of servants both men and women.— We accepted the invitation and Shunghee having shot a wild duck, we had it dressed while Terria’s Servants prepared abundance of potatoes for the whole party. We stopped in this village about two hours; they had a number of fine hogs but no other animal was seen exce[p]ting dogs— The New Zealanders are a very cheerful race: We were here entertained with a dance and song— and they continued their mirth during our stay. We took our leave of them a little before the sun went down.— Proceeding on our journey, we arrived at Shunghee’s village, just before dark, where we were received with the loudest acclamations of his people, several of whom wept for joy.— This village contains about two hundred houses and is situated on the summit of an almost inaccessible hill, and strongly fortified both by nature and art.— Three very deep trenches have been cut round the sides of the hill, one above another, and each trench fenced round with whole and split trees, from twelve to twenty feet high.— We entered this extraordinary fortification through a narrow gate way, when Shunghee shewed us how he defended his place in time of war. — He had one small Secret corner where he could be concealed and fire upon the enemy, every little hut, in this enclosure, is fenced round; Some [the] Store houses for the reception of their spears and provisions, are about 30 feet long and twenty wide.— they are also well built, the roofs are thatched some of the eves [sic] extend three feet over the sides in order to carry off the water, and keep the building dry.— In the centre of the Fort, on the very summit of the hill, a stage is errected [sic] upon a single pillar, about twenty feet long and three broad, hewn out of a solid log, and elevated about six feet from the ground. Upon this the Chief sits either for pleasure or business just as occasions require him to consult with his people.— It commands a most extensive view, of the surrounding country in all directions. Near this stage is a little hut about four feet from the ground, three feet long and two wide, with a little image placed up on the side of the door (which does not exceed one foot, a seat also is placed in front, upon which the Chief’s Lady sits when she eats her provisions, which are deposited in this little building.— About nine Oclock, we were informed that the room was ready where we were to sleep, some clean Mats had been placed upon the floor for us to lie on, we wrapped ourselves up in our great coats.— A number of the natives lay in different situations, some under cover, and some in the open air.— We had enjoyed a very pleasant day, and our long walk had prepared us for a Sound sleep, tho’ not indulged with feather beds. Early on tuesday morning the 10th we rose with an intention of visiting a fresh water Lake [called Morberrie— Hocken] about 5 miles distant from the village.— We set off attended by Shunghee, and several Chiefs with a number of servants.— Our way lay thro’ a wood composed of various sorts of timber besides the noble pine. We could not but view these wonderful productions of nature with reverence and wonder.— On our way to the Lake we also passed through some very rich ground and soon arrived at a small village where Shunghee’s people were at work preparing ground for planting potatoes.— There was a very fine crop nearly ripe in one part.— The land appeared dry and rich, and the potatoes mealy— I have never seen better potatoes under the best culture.— When we had walked two miles further we came to the Lake: it might be about 12 Miles in circumference, and we were informed, that it empties itself into the head of a River, which ran into the Ocean on the west side of the Island. It’s head was about an hours walk from the Lake.— The land appeared good on the north side of it.— We amused ourselves about two hours in viewing this Lake, and the neighbouring grounds, and then returned to the last mentioned Village; where we dined on a wild duck and potatoes (aided by the provisions we had brought with us) the Duck was shot by Shunghee. After this we returned to the Fort, and slept there for that night.— Shunghee’s people here appeared very industrious, they rose at the dawn of day, both men and women, some were busy making baskets for potatoes, others dressing flax, or making mats, none remains unemployed.— Shunghee and his brother Kangorroa have a large track of Country similar in extent [‘in extent’ crossed out in pencil] to one of the counties in England; It extends from the east side to the west side of New Zealand, and is well watered.— We saw much land well adapted for cultivation. Shunghee had near the village we were at, one field which appeared to me to contain forty acres, all fenced in with rails and upright stakes tied to them to keep out the pigs.— The greater part of it was planted with turnips, common, and sweet potatoes, which were in high cultivation. They suffer no weeds to grow but, with incredible labour and patience root up every thing likely to injure the growing crop.— Their tools of Agriculture are chiefly made of wood, some formed like a spade, and others like a crow bar, with which they turn up the soil.— Axes, hoes, and Spades, are much wanted. If these could be obtained their Country would soon put on a different appearance.— No labor of man, without Iron, can clear and subdue uncultivated land to any extent. The New Zealanders seem to do as much in this respect, and the strength and wisdom of man, in their situation is equal to.— Shunghee shewed me some fine wheat, the seed of which I had sent him about seven months before, it was nearly ripe, and the ear was full and large, he put a very high value upon it, as he appeared to know its worth from his few month’s residence at Parramatta.— I had also sent over a little English flax seed, this also had been sown and it came to great perfection, far superior to any I had observed in New South Wales— Shunghee treated us, during this visit to his village, with all the attention and hospitality his means afforded.— He had slain two hogs, and we had what we used of them, dressed after our own mode. Early on Wednesday the 11th we took our leave of this Extraordinary fortification, and the people who resided in it, intending to breakfast at the village belonging to Terria, about five miles distant.— Shunghee sent his Servants with two fine hogs for the use of the vessel.— We arrived at Terria’s Village a little after 7 a.m., where we were very kindly received, the fires were soon lighted and preparations made for breakfast.— Several natives joined us here, whom we had not seen before. Terria was not yet returned.— After Mr Nicholas and I had breakfasted I had tea made for Terria’s wives and Shunghee’s, who surrounded us— They all refused to take any— Shunghee told me they were all tabooed, and thereby prohibited from taking any thing but water.—I pressed Shunghee to allow one of his wives (who had a little child about a month old, and who had followed us from the village, to take it, he said she could not drink any, for if she did his child would die.— I was fully convinced that their refusing to take the tea was founded upon some superstitious notions.— They were all very fond of bread and Sugar; and I distributed what remained of these articles, among them, while Shunghee and the other Chiefs drank the tea— In about two hours, we proceeded to the cove where we had left the War Canoe on Monday morning.— The distance we had to walk was about eight miles, and our party consisted of twenty five persons, all natives of New Zealand, except Mr Nicholas and myself.— In about three hours’ time we reached the Canoe, here we stopped and took dinner, and afterwards set off for the Brig.— [In pencil- Active] When we had got within seven miles of the vessel we met Duaterra in his war canoe, with a supply of provisions, particularly tea, Sugar, and bread; he was apprehensive we should want these articles, as we had been about one day longer than was intended when we left the Active.— As Shunghee and Duaterra approached each other, the[y] mutually fired a piece, which is held by them as a mark of respect.— These two canoes were nearly matched, and these chiefs were determined to try their strength and skill to see which would go the quickest.— Shunghee commanded one and Duaterra the other;— they both ran at so rapid a rate, that it was not possible to tell at times which had the advantage, we were much amused with the exact order they struck their paddles, and their skill, in Struggling for the superiority.— One man in each canoe gave the signal, for every stroke, which changed every few seconds, sometimes the strokes were long and slow, at others short and quick.— In a little time we reached the Active.— On Monday Morning previous to leaving the vessel I directed that the Settlers, their families and every thing belonging to them should be landed, as soon as the building was ready for their reception. On my return I found Mr Kendall and his family were on shore, and every preparation made for Messrs Hall and King.— As I intended to sail either for Whangaroa or the River Thames as soon as the Brig was cleared, I went on shore to make the necessary arrangements for my departure. On landing I was informed that a Chief named Werrie (nephew to the late Tippahee) was very much enraged and had beat his wife, in consequence of finding a nail in her possession.— The nail had excited Werrie’s jealousy, which caused him to demand where she had got it; She told him that a man belonging to the Active had given it to her as a present.— Werie [sic] could not be persuaded that any man would give his wife so valuable a present, as a nail unless her conduct had been improper.— I was apprehensive that this unpleasant circumstance might be attended with serious consequences unless the chief’s mind could be satisfied with respect to the chastity of his wife.— I sent for Duaterra and consulted with him, when it was agreed that the man who was said to have given Mrs Werie the nail should be sent for, and if any improper act could be proved against him, he should be confined to the vessel.— A public investigation therefore took place, in presence of the chief and many of the inhabitants.— held on the open beach where they dance and exercise.— The New Zealand woman and the accused European were brought forward. She defended herself very warmly, but said she could not Identify the man, who had given her the nail, [in pencil, but] affirming however that she had received it as a present.— After a long examination, she was acquitted by the unanimous voice of the Chiefs, to the satisfaction of all parties tho’ I could not but entertain suspicions of the Lady’s chastity from her hesitation to point out the person, who had given her the nail.— I took this opportunity to assure them, that if any person belonging to the Active, either insulted or injured any of their people, he or they should be punished.— After this business was settled Mr and Mrs Hall were landed with the remainder of the stores.— On the following morning, Friday the 13th Mr and Mrs King were also landed and the vessel supplied with water and wood to be in readiness for sea.— About 3 P. M. we weighed and sailed down the harbour; it was my intention if the wind permitted, first to sail for Whangorroa, having been invited by several of the inhabitants of that place who had come to Rangheehoo, since the peace was established.— I had Duaterra and Korokoro, with 25 New Zealanders, as a guard on board they were very fine young men, and could be depended on— Many of them being the sons of Chiefs on both sides of the harbour.— I thought it prudent to take a sufficient number of men, in case any difference should happen to arise either at Whangoroa, the river Thames, or at any other part of the coast, at which we might touch.— When we got to sea, the wind was fair for Whangorroa, and we directed our course thither, but when we came over to the Cavalles, the wind suddenly changed and compelled us to anchor between the Cavalles and the Main, about five leagues Southward of Whangarroa, here we remained all night. Soon after we anchored three canoes came off from the Cavalles and other Islands around.— Some of the people came on board and remained till after the sun went down.— When they had gone, the Carpenter missed one of his chisels with which he had been at work.— Duaterra was very angry, as we were convinced that some of the natives had taken it;— the Boat was immediately manned by Duaterra’s men, well armed and proceeded to one of the above mentioned Islands:— I requested Duaterra, provided he should find the thief, not to injure him, but merely to take the chisel from him.— In about an hour’s time they returned without being able to find the thief; having landed on the wrong Island (as the the [sic] night was very dark)— The next morning (Saturday the 14th) at break of day, a canoe came off to inform us where the thief was, and wanted assistance to take him, but I thought it more prudent to let the matter rest, lest it should detain the vessel too long, as we had then got up the anchor, intending to sail for Whangarroa; a light breeze having sprung up:— It however soon became calm and obliged us to anchor again.— In the afternoon the wind blue [sic] pretty fresh, but directly against us, with a prospect of its continuing in that quarter, which would prevent us from entering the harbour of Whangarroa. I therefore determined to proceed for the River Thames: to which we bore away, as soon as the anchor was weighed.— On the same evening we passed the mouth of the Bay of Islands, with a gentle breeze which continued all night, and in the morning we were not far from the Poor Knights (some small Islands which lie a few leagues from the main)— About 10 A.M. a Canoe was observed coming to the Brig. Duaterra ordered his men under arms, and directed them to lie down upon the deck, that they might not be seen when the canoe came alongside.— The Canoe came up, it contained only one old chief, three men and a woman;— a rope was thrown to them to secure the canoe, the old chief got immediately on the side of the vessel to come on board, he had not observed the New Zealanders; who just as he was coming over the Gangway, sprung up some presenting their muskets and others their spears, which so alarmed him that he fell back into the canoe, and almost upset it, there he lay some time before he recovered from his fright; the New Zealanders making a most dreadful noise, at the same time.— The old chief came afterwards on board, and was much rejoiced to see so many of his friends, and laughed heartily at the trick which had been played on him.— After some conversation with him, we understood that he had learned who we were, & the object we had in view.— He took his leave with much apparent satisfaction but they had not gone far before another canoe came off from a different part of the coast, with a number of very fine young men in it: they had learned where we were going, as one of them had visited the Active before when she lay at Kouakoua and requested I would allow him to accompany us, to the river Thames which was granted.— By this time we were near a very high part of the coast, called ‘Bream head’ by Captain Cook; the Chief of that district with his son had visited the Brig when we lay at Kouakoua.— I had made him a present of a few things and among them piece of red and white India print, and informed him, that I intended to visit the River Thames, as soon as we had passed Bream head, the wind blowing very fresh, and observing two Canoes labouring hard to reach the vessel, one of them had a signal flying, I desired the Master to bear away for them. When we came up, I found that the Canoe with the flag, contained the son of the above mentioned Chief, and his Colours were a part of the piece of print I had given to his father;— He pressed us much to go on shore and visit his Father, but I told him we could not stop then, as the wind was fair, but would see him on our return.— The young man provided us with abundance of bream, and other fine fish, which they had in the Canoe.— After we had received this liberal supply of fish— we directed our course again towards the River Thames and the same evening passed Point Rodney (one of the heads of the harbour) and saw Cape Colville, the other Head, which is very high land and not much less than twenty leagues distant from the first.— On Monday the 16th we found ourselves pretty far advanced up the River Thames in which there are several Islands, on the east side and on the west.— About 11 A.M. we came opposite the residence of the Head Chief Houpa, of whom we had often heard, and from those accounts, were taught to believe, that he was a man much esteemed as well as feared, and possessed very great power. In a short time we observed a war Canoe full of men, advancing towards the vessel, we hove to— when they came near, they lay upon their paddles and viewed the Brig and informed us that Houpa was in the Canoe.— I requested him to come on board, which he did with one of his sons.— Houpa is one of the strongest and best made men, I almost ever beheld;— he was greatly surprised to see such a number of New Zealanders on board, and so few Europeans.— We had one chief in the Active named Timmaranghee who was intimate with Houpa, and who had lived on board the Brig for some time; he informed Houpa, who we were, and that we had come to the river Thames (which they call Showrakee) to see him and his people, and also that some of the Europeans were settled at the Bay of Islands with a view of instructing the Natives.— I made him a present of a few things and in return he directed two fine mats to be presented to me out of his Canoe; he expressed a wish for us to come to an Anchor near his residence.— I told him it was my intention to visit his place, when we returned down the river, but as the wind was then favourable, we would take the advantage of it, and proceed.— He directed us what course to steer, and told us we should get the vessel aground if we kept too much to the right.— After holding conversation with several of the natives on board, he took his leave expecting to see us again on our return.— We then made sail up the river, and were at the time on the western side, about four leagues from its mouth.— We had left Houpa more than an hour, before the wind began to blow very fresh, so that the water soon became so rough that we could not perceive the channel, when we had got almost to the head of the harbour it was then high water, and on sounding found that we had only three fathoms, and there being no appearance of the Gale abating we were induced to put the vessel about, by which means we got into deeper water before the tide fell too much for the safe riding of the Brig— At this time we were on the east shore not far from land.— We worked to windward for several hours, and in the evening came to anchor in four fathoms water, where we lay all night during which it rained and blew very hard.— The harbour here is very open, there is no shelter for shipping, which renders it very dangerous.— On tuesday [sic] about 4 oclock (as the gale increased, we weighed anchor, in order to work the vessel to windward, if possible and to get her under the land, as the place we lay in, was not safe should the vessel be driven from her anchor.— The Sea was so rough and the Brig had so much motion, that the New Zealanders who had never been before on board ship at sea, were much alarmed and imagined that they would be lost. About 6 P.M. the gale abated and we came to anchor again about two miles from the west shore opposite a large village.— Tho’ the inhabitants had seen us all day, yet they dared not venture out in their canoes on account of the weather.— After we came to anchor, the boat was hoisted out and ten New Zealanders went on shore to open a communication with the natives. Shortly after the boat had reached the Beach, we heard a great noise; Duaterra was uneasy because the boat did not return as soon as was expected;— he was afraid that some quarrel had taken place, between the inhabitants and the people in the boat; and observed— “if they had injured any of his men, he would immediately declare war against them with all the force he could command.— In about an hour after dark, the boat returned safe and they informed us, that they had been very kindly received, and that the noise we had heard was only their rejoicings.— They told us there were plenty of fine hogs and potatoes on shore, both of which we much wanted, the Brig being full of people.— This information determined me to visit the village in the morning.— However on the following day a Chief named Pithi (nephew to Houpa) came after the Active.— He was a very stout handsome man and in the prime of life, with mild manners, and a countenance both pleasing and interesting.— I invited him on board;— The Chief Timmoranghee was well known to Pithi: After the usual salutations, relative to our voyage and all affairs connected with it, as far as Timmoranghee knew: I gave him some biscuit (which they are all fond of) and shewed him some wheat in the straw, which had been grown at New Zealand by Shunghee, informing him that the biscuit was made from wheat, and I gave him some for seed; he shewed much anxiety to learn the culture of wheat, and enquired how many moons it was from sowing to reaping time, and expressed his determination to try if he could grow some at his settlement.— I made him a present of a few articles and (accompanied by Mr Nicholas, went on shore taking 12 New Zealanders with us.— On landing the natives received us with every mark of friendship.— The women and children were numerous, but not so the young men,— we enquired the reason, and they told us, that they (the young men) had gone to war, and that few, except old men, and those who had been taken prisoners, remained in the village.— At this place we found the New Zealanders sold their prisoners of war or kept them to work as slaves.— Several of the natives of the Bay of Islands had brought with them a little trade, some a few nails, others small pieces of iron-hoops, some a few feathers, and some had fishing hooks with a variety of articles of no value to Europeans, but of much value to themselves.— The village was all in motion they crowded together like a fair, from all quarters.— Some of the inhabitants brought their mats to sell and various other articles, so that the whole day appeared a busy scene, and many things were bought and sold in their way of trade.— When the fair was over, the Ladies entertained us with several dances and songs.— One of them had on a very fine upper garment, which a Chief from Rangeehoo (who had come with us) wanted to procure for his wife:— he had brought a box of feathers, neatly dressed, the pithy part of the quill having been all cut off, and only the external part remaining, to which the feather was attached— he made the feather wave gracefully with the smallest breeze, when placed in the air— He opened it in presence of the Ladies, many of whom wanted these feathers, he, on the other hand, wanted the fine garment.— After placing them very tastefully— two or three feathers in each of the Lady’s [sic] hair, she that had got the fine garment beheld how elegantly they appeared on the heads of those who wore them and became seemingly impatient to possess such an ornament. He asked her to sell her Garment, she hesitated for some time; at length he laid a certain number down at her feet,— this proved a temptation she could not resist— and she instantly threw off the fine Garment, and delivered it to him for his feathers.— The Chief intended this article as a present to his wife, and he presented it to to [sic] her, on his return.— After this Mr Nicholas accompanied me to Houpa’s fortified village, it was situated upon a high hill, nearly a mile from where we then were.— It was, in many respects, similar to that already described belonging to Shunghee.— Here we found no men;— it was entirely left to the care of some women and one of Houpa’s wives;— they told us the men had gone to war.— In this place there some very fat hogs, and fine plantations of potatoes;— The women afterwards told us: they could not sell the hogs, as they belonged to the men, who had gone to the war— Houpa’s wife said she had a very large one belonging to herself, which she would make me a present of, if I would stop till it could be brought in, for at that time it was out feeding. She sent the servants to look for the hog, along with one of our people but they returned without it— I made her a present of some print, and some other trifles— She was very anxious we should wait, till the hog could be found, but, we could not conveniently stay longer, and therefore left this romantic place— This Lady’s face, arms, and breasts were all covered with scars, which had been lately cut, in consequence of the death of one of Haupa’s children— She was a very fine tall woman.— Haupa did not reside there at the time.— I observed that the pillars leading into the Fortification, were carved with various figures, such as men’s heads &c and some of them had round Caps on their tops, similar to those on Gateways in many parts of England, and were about fourteen feet high.— Shortly after we left Haupa’s Lady, we received a Message from Duaterra to inform us that he was coming on shore for us;— We met the boat and Duaterra landed— Pethi the Chief came at the same time and wished us to go to the upper end of the village, where he resided, the distance was about two miles along the shore. We agreed to visit him, and ordered the Boat to follow us.— When we arrived we met some of the finest men and women I had yet seen in New Zealand. They were well dressed and received us very cordially. There were three of Haupa’s nephews and their Ladies who wore fine mats fancifully wrought which reached from their shoulders to their feet; and had a very graceful appearance.— I had taken a few pieces of print some plane Irons, common nails &c with me— of which I made the Chiefs and their Ladies a few presents.— We had a few baskets of potatoes dressed— Several songs and dances, in which the Chiefs and their Ladies took an active part, and exerted all their strength and voices to amuse us. [sic] It was now about 5 P.M. We therefore took our leave and retained [sic] on board to dinner.— When we had set down, I was informed that two Canoes were coming off with the Chiefs and their Ladies— I went on deck to receive them, and invited them to dine with us, which they readily accepted. I told the Chiefs I wanted some potatoes and hogs for the vessel, but as the men had gone to war, to whom they belonged, I could not purchase any, and therefore it was my intention to sail that evening for the Bay of Islands.— They wanted me much to stay, and told me to take whatever we wanted on shore, regardless of what the people said; I told them I could not steal nor take by force any thing from the inhabitants but I was willing to purchase, but would take nothing unless what was legally bought and paid for.— They urged me much to Stop and get my Supplies, which I would have done, if I had been sensible, they could be procured without giving offence to the natives; but I was convinced they could not, from what I had been told on shore, unless the male proprietors had been there.— As soon as we had dined, I desired the Master to prepare for sea immediately,— the Anchor was soon weighed and the Vessel put under sail dash [sic]. The Chiefs and their Ladies still remaining, unwilling to leave us they had several dances on deck;— At length I got the Ladies into the Canoes, but the Chiefs shewed no inclination to part, and again had another dance, when the Ladies once more leapt on board and joined them in the dance and song, which continued till we had sailed a considerable distance, when they were compelled either to leave us, or go to sea.— When they had got into the canoes the 28 natives I had on board, began to sing and dance in their turn, to amuse the Chiefs and their Ladies who lay upon their paddles all the time.— As soon as the dance ended on deck, they began again in the Canoes, and continued till we could hear them no longer:— They then waved their hands and returned to the shore.— One of these Chiefs promised to visit Port Jackson and to see Duaterra at the Bay of Islands from whom they had received and returned presents during our short stay here.— These people shewed us the kindest attention and did all they could to amuse us. I gave several of them wheat, which I hope will prove advantageous to them, I also told them, they would be able to procure axes and other tools from the Europeans at Rangheehoo for they will give any thing for axes— Duaterra with his armed men having dressed himself in European clothing with a sword by his side, commanded considerable respect from these chiefs when on shore. I trust our visit to the River Thames will unite in friendship the leading men of Rangheehoo and those of this part of New Zealand; and that if in future any European settlers should be sent to the River Thames, they will be welcomed by the natives.— I felt much gratified with the conduct of the people, but sincerely regretted that I could not see Haupa again; the Wind was so strong against us, we could not make his Settlement, and were therefore obliged to stand out to sea.— As my stay in New Zealand was limited I could not wait for a change of wind. The next morning (tuesday the 19th) We saw Point Rodney about seven Leagues off.— There being little wind we did not reach it till 12 Oclock when we entered Bream Cove, and Sailing into it, we ran along shore a little distance from the land.— The ground was, in general, level, and a grove of Pines, appeared behind the banks of the Cove.— When we had reached near Bream-head, the natives told us, there was an harbour at the head of the Cove into which a fresh water river ran from the interior.— We sailed up to the mouth of this harbour; Mr Hanson (the master of the Active) saying it would be a very safe place for a vessel to lay in as she would be completely sheltered from the sea. We enquired if any ship had ever been in that harbour, the natives told us that the Venus from Port Jackson had anchored there along [sic] time ago, and, further, that she had put in at the North Cape also and had taken two native women one from the Bay of Islands and one from Bream Cove; that she went from thence to the River Thames where her people got Houpa and one of his daughters on board with an intention to take them also away:— But when the Venus sailed from the River Thames Houpa’s Canoe followed her, and he waited his opportunity to leap over board, which he effected and was taken up by his own Canoe, but, none of the women have ever since returned. The Venus Brig belonged to Messiers [sic] Campbell and Coy of Calcutta— She was taken by some Convicts, who were on Board of her, at Port Dalrymple, and carried off the Coast.— Such are the horrid Crimes, which Europeans, who bear the Christian name, commit upon the Savage nations.— We lay to all night in the Cove, as I wished to see the Chief who resided near this place; and whose son supplied us with fish, as we past when bound for the River Thames.— We now began to fish and in a short time got abundance of Bream and other sorts of fish— I expected we would have seen the Chief, but the vessel had not yet been observed.— The next morning at daylight, we sailed, and shortly after passing Bream head, we were seen from the shore, when a Canoe put off for the Brig; as soon as it came along side I observed the Chief, whom I had wished see [sic], in it; he told us that he had not seen the vessel the night before, as he and his men had been busy at work on their Potatoe ground, which prevented him from looking out.— Mayhanger a young man, who is mentioned in Mr Savage’s account of New Zealand, and who accompanied that Gentleman to England, on his return from New South Wales to Europe, was also along with the Chief.— Mayhanger enquired after many persons he had seen in England, and who had been kind to him.— The Chief was anxious we should return with him for one day, saying he had abundance of hogs and potatoes and would supply all our wants— I told him I could not detain the vessel if the wind was fair, but must proceed— I gave him a little wheat for seed, some nails and a Cat with which they returned on shore highly pleased with their visit, and requested only that I could but stop one day, for him to make me some return— Shortly after they were gone, the wind changed and continued against us all day.— At 6 P.M. We were about two legues [sic] from Shore, the sea being smooth and likely for a fine night, I determined to visit the Chief, and had the Boat immediately hoisted out.— Mr Nicholas accompanied me, we had none but New Zealanders in the Boat— The sun was set before we reached the shore— The natives beheld the Boat, and one of them stood upon a rock pointing out where we were to land.— There is a bar which runs across the mouth of this harbour, and upon it the sea breaks with great violence, as we approached, it appeared impossible to us, that the boat could pass through the surf—yet two canoes came dashing through the waves, as if they bade defiance to the destructive rocks and foaming billows that rolled over them with a dreadful noise; to direct us, where it would be safe for the boat to land— When the Boat came near the shore a number of natives rushed through the surf, laid hold of the boat, and conducted us safely in. The Chief’s residence was on the east side of the harbour but we were compelled to land on the west side, on account of the surf, and had therefore to cross the water in a Canoe. The whole place was surrounded with broken rocks which resembled more the ruins of old abbies [sic] than any thing else.— Some formed very large Arches, others deep caverns, some were like old Steeples and others like broken Massy Columns;— in short they represented the most curious group of ruins which time, storms, and Seas have made.— A numerous crowd of men, women, and children came to meet us.— The Chief and Mayhanger were overjoyed at our visit. The Chief who had been on board was the War Commander, or one whom the New Zealanders call the Fighting man— Yet we now found there was another higher in authority than our friend, to whom we were conducted— He was seated on the ground and a clean mat was placed by for Mr Nicholas and me: the war Commander stood all the time with a Spear in his hand. The head chief was a very old man with a long grey beard, and little hair upon his head; he was an exceeding pleasant man.— Korokoro came with us, he related to the Chief all the wonders he had seen at Port Jackson the attention paid to him, the riches of our Country, and for what purpose our Brig had come to New Zealand. The old Chief laughed much, and made many enquiries and wanted us to stay till next day; he ordered us some pork and gave a few baskets of fish for the people.— We stopt till about 10 oclock, when we took our leave; having enjoyed a very pleasant evening.— They conducted us through the surf and we made for the vessel, she was by this time so far distant that we could not even hear the muskets which were fired as signals, tho’ we could observe the flash of the powder which directed us to the vessel.— We got on board, when a breeze sprang up and we made sail, and the next morning [Sat Jan 21/15- Hocken] discovered Cape Brett in sight.— As we sailed along the coast, we were visited by ten Canoes, which brought us plenty of fish.— About 3 P.M. we anchored in the harbour of Rangheehoo; and found all on the Settlement well, and assuming the pleasing appearance of civilization from the buildings erected and erecting and from the Sawyers, Smiths, and others at work.— Having now completed every thing relative to the Establishment of the Mission that appeared to me necessary as far as regarded the intercourse of the Settlers with the natives— I had opened a communication nearly two hundred miles along the Coast and the Chiefs in all the different districts were acquainted with the object in view; and they all seemed sensible of the benefits which they were likely to derive from the residence of Europeans among them.— A more promising prospect could not be looked for, than the present for civilizing this interesting people.— We had had no differences, during the whole time of our stay, (and we had no means of protecting ourselves against such numbers, as are in these districts) but were wholly in the power of the natives.— I put no restraint upon them, but suffered them to come at any time and in any number, to the vessel, Sundays excepted, when we had Divine service. A number of the chiefs lived constantly on board and many of their servants also.— We had only two small thefts committed while the Brig lay in this harbour.— One of the chiefs detected a common man with about 2 lbs of Iron, and brought him to me he was in a violent rage with him.— I ordered the man to be confined in the hold, till Terria, the head chief, came on board; when he arrived, he was informed of what the man had done; Terria desired the thief to be brought on deck, and on the man’s approach Terria made a blow at him with a billet of wood and would have instantly put him to death if I had not interferred [sic] to spare his life by getting him out of the brig into a Canoe. The Chief then ordered him to quite [sic] his dominions and return to them no more.— I afterwards lost two razors, and the Chiefs were much concerned when informed of the circumstance saying they hop’d I did not suspect either of them— or that they could be guilty of such a crime— (as no chief would steal.— They said I had been too indulgent in allowing their servants to come on board, who could not all be trusted; and assured me, that if ever they found out the thief at any period however distant, he should be put to death.— They also presented me with a very valuable mat— one of the finest I had seen, as a Compensation for my loss, observing that while I remained in their districts I should not suffer any loss which they could remedy.— They were all much concerned about these thefts.— One of them sat upon deck two days and nights, and would not come into the cabin to eat, from vexation— saying he was so much ashamed of such conduct.— (Theft & adultry [sic] they punish with death) On passing up the river Kouakoua I observed upon the summit of a very high hill a Roman cross; and asked the natives what it was for; they told me it was to hang thieves on whom they first killed, and then hung up their dead bodies till time or the vultures destroyed.— During our stay at Kouakoua I had many interesting conversations with the chiefs relative to the nature of crimes and punishments, and I pointed out to them, that there was no comparison between a man who would steal a potatoe and another who committed murder— and yet their punishment (in New Zealand) was the same— for they will as soon kill a man for stealing potatoes as for murder. The Chief has the power of life and death over his people.— They appeared much astonished, when I told them that King George had not the power to put any man to death, tho’ a much greater King than any in New Zealand,— I explained to them the nature of a British jury— that no man could be put to death in England unless twelve Gentlemen had examined into the case of the accused prisoner on [sic] any alleged offence, and if they pronounced him guilty of a crime deserving death then King George could put him to death but if these twelve Gentlemen said he was not guilty King George could not put him to death;— and even when a Criminal is condemned to die— King George has the authority to pardon him if he wishes to do so.— They remarked that such a law was very good; and one of them asked what Governor we should send them— I replied that we had no intention of sending them any; but wished them to Govern themselves.— I mentioned some Crimes which were punished with death, and others which we punished with banishment; and observed that punishment should be regulated at all times by the nature of the offence— I told them, if a man had two wives, in England, tho’ he was a Gentleman yet he would be banished from his Country.— One of the Chiefs said, he was of opinion that it was better to have only one wife, for where there are many the women will always be quarrelling, others said that their wives made the best overseers, and that they could not get their grounds cultivated if it was not for the industry of their wives; and for that reason only, they thought to have more wives than one was good policy these conversations sometimes past while the women were present, and they were generally of opinion that a man should have no more than one wife— Some of the Chiefs thought there were too many kings in new Zealand and that if there were fewer they would have fewer wars and be more happy.— I told them there was only one king in England, at the same time there were more Gentlemen than in New Zealand— but that none of these Gentlemen could put a man to death nor dared they to go to war one with another— King George would not allow it, and they could not do this without his permission on which account there was no fighting with, nor murdering of one another in England as there were among them.— I had one young man a native of New Zealand, belonging to the vessel who had lived some years at Port Jackson, a very good interpreter, who generally attended me, to explain any thing which the natives could not clearly understand: and by his assistance I also obtained any information I wished relative to the Island and Inhabitants of New Zealand and was enabled to communicate much useful knowledge to them— Our conversation was generally touched [sic] Religion, Civil Government, Agriculture and Commerce.— They always shewed an anxiety for information respecting the habits or customs of the people in other parts of the Globe. Shortly after our arrival at Kouakoua, a chief named Weevea came on board the Brig to request me to visit his settlement. I promised I would, as soon as i could conveniently leave the vessel.— This Village is situated on the banks of a fresh water river, called Wycaddee about 12 miles, from where we lay, at the head of one of the coves. The village takes its name from the River— Having now compleated [sic] our cargo I informed Weevea that I would accompany him to see his people. The next morning his Canoe was got ready, and being joined by another Canoe, we set off for Wycaddee— The rain fell very heavy— I was soon wet through my great coat and other clothing— The wind and tide were against us, and the fresh water river had risen in consequence of the late heavy rain, so that we made but little progress— When we had got about four miles on we came to a little village on the west side of the harbour— The Chief came to invite us on shore, but this I declined, as I was as wet as if I had been in the river— The Chief waded after our canoe notwithstanding the heavy rain, from a desire to know what was going on, and Weevea had enough to tell him of what he had learned on board the Active.— He pressed us much to take some refreshments with him— but, I was too cold and wet to leave the Canoe.— When he had taken his leave, Weevea said to me “this Chief is a great King give him a nail”. I complied with this request by giving him a few nails, and he returned on shore highly delighted with his presents.— We proceeded to Wycaddee but the higher we got up the river the stronger the stream ran against us So that at length the men could not stem the current with their paddles but were compelled to go close in shore, and get out of the canoe to drag it along, and with all their exertions they could not reach the village with the canoe.— We therefore landed a little after dark, in order to walk up the remaining distance (about one mile) to the place.— The rain still continuing we had to pass thro’ some swampy ground, which was in many places flooded with water. I however followed my guide, sometimes up to the knees in mud, and sometimes sunk in deep water holes, for the night being dark, we could not see to pick our way;— at length I discovered a light like the twinkling of a star; appearing and disappearing at short intervals— it was a signal that the village was near.— As one light only appeared, I inquired where it was and was informed that it proceeded from the Chief’s residence.— Weevea was a little behind at this time, and I was walking along with one of his officers.— Before we entered the village the Officer who was with me called aloud to the Inhabitants and informed them that I was coming— Many of these people had visited the Active.— I made for the spot where I had first seen the light (In order to get in shelter from the rain) and when I came up to this hut I had to creep into it, through a small door-way about two feet high and eighteen inches broad— A number of women and Children and a few of Weevea’s servants, composed the inmates.— There was about a handful of fire in the centre of the hut (made of a few small sticks) round which were the children all naked.— Sometimes the little fire blazed for a moment and then went out, and the hut was full of smoke (as there was no vent for it to get out) except at the small doorway already mentioned.— This strange group of natives were all rejoiced to see me— I took off all my clothes, being very wet and cold. The children ran out to collect some firewood. Weevea brought me two clean mats, to wrap myself in, as bed clothes to sleep upon, and a log of wood for a pillow.— The women and Children were busy in mending the fire and drying my clothes— I found the smoke very offensive, but I thought it more prudent to put up with this inconvenience, than run the risk of catching cold by sleeping in a hut where there was no fire— Weevea told me he could not remain in the hut, on account of the smoke, as I would not leave it, he retired into another by himself— and left me with the company before mentioned who entertained me a great part of the night in talking of their Chief and his concerns. The women and children were very kind and attentive and they did all in their power to make me Comfortable. When they sleep they lie upon the ground have little covering and some none at all. A log of wood was laid in the centre of the hut which ran the whole length, being about 30 feet long, and the natives lay on each side of the log with their heads reclined on it.— At this time I had no Europeans with me nor any other person exceept Weevea’s people.— My object was to gain as clear a knowledge of the character and habits of these Islanders as possible, while I was in the Country; which could not be acquired without sacrificing for a time, the comforts and conveniences of civil life.— I was under no apprehension for my personal safety as I had never met with the smallest insult from one of them.— About mid-night Weevea came to the hut and informed me that one of his wives was very ill, and her little child— that he was afraid she would die, and requested I would pray with her in the morning which I promised to do.— He appeared much concerned about this woman.— I had heard a person moaning very much for some time, as if very weak and in great pain; and I also heard a child cry occasionally. Early in the morning I rose to see the poor woman, and found her lying with a child about three days old, by her side in the open air, sheltered only by a few reeds placed in the direction from which the storm of wind and rain blew.— She had been exposed all night in this manner, notwithstanding the stormy weather and looked very ghastly as if death was near.— I talked to her for some time— she could scarcely speak, but smiled feebly, and seemed pleased with my attention to her. I knelt down by her side, along with Weevea and some of his people and offered up my supplications to the Father of Mercies on her behalf— She well understood the meaning of prayer tho’ not the language in which it was then offered; as the New Zealanders consider that all their afflictions come from some superior Being, whom they are much accustomed to address while in trouble.— The poor woman wanted nourishment. I presented her with a piece of biscuit but she gave me to understand that she was forbidden to eat any thing except potatoes.— I spoke to Weevea who told me God would be angry if she eat the biscuit— He took the bread and, after repeating many petitions over it placed it under her head and told me the presence of God would be in the biscuit but his wife must not eat it.— I lamented that the poor woman had been in the open air all night which was enough to occasion her death; and learned that it was the prevailing Custom among the New Zealanders when people were sick, to carry them out of the huts into the open air lest the huts should be defiled— these people neither eat nor drink in their houses, but always in the open air for the above reason. I could not learn that the New Zealanders have any graven images or likenesses of supposed deities; as other heathen nations have; but they consider their God to be an intelligent spirit or shadow for, when I enquired of one of them what God was like, I was told He was an immortal shadow— yet they suffer much, in times of sickness from their superstitions— being compelled to lie in the open air; and to refuse food and water, for days together under an impression that if either be administered to the sick, they will surely die.— I had often been struck previous to my present visit to Wycaddee with the weakly and aged appearance of young women who had born children, which I now attribute to the colds and other complaints caught, no doubt, by exposure whilst giving birth to their offspring.— In passing thro’ the village I saw a little naked child lying on the ground in the presence of a number of people.— A Chief informed me it was his Child, and was two days old, and shewed me its mother who was walking about— she would would [sic] probably have been lying there too if she had been sick— the child was not very well— I mention this as a proof that both women and children, at the critical time of danger, are exposed to sufferings unknown to civil society— At a small distance from where Weevea’s sick were lying— there was a little hut and a stage erected in it— Weevea took me to it and told me his Father had been slain in battle, and that his body was wrapped up and placed upon that Stage where it would remain till the bones moulded [sic] away— I could not observe any part of the body, as the covering had been drawn up into a round form, and not stretched out like our dead. The Chiefs in New Zealand, when they die, are generally placed on stages, in some secret groves, several of which I saw. The natives do not like to visit the places allotted to their departed friends, and there is generally some frightful image erected near the spot, to terrify all who approach near the repository of their dead.— I was therefore surprised that Weevea had his father’s remains so near his dwelling and in the centre of the village. This village is situated in the centre of a rich valley, the land good and fit for cultivation; I also observed many noble pine trees.— Weevea was anxious to have some European residents at Wycaddee and pointed out the spot where their houses might be built, where the advantages of situation and soil for cultivation (owing to the vicinity of the water &c). I told him that in time, his wishes might be complied with; but, that we must first see how the inhabitants of New Zealand conducted themselves towards the Europeans at Rangheehoo;— if they were well treated, more should be sent.— He wished then to accompany me to New South Wales— I told him the number I had already agreed to take were as many as the vessel could well accommodate: but I would give directions to secure a passage for him at a future time should he then feel inclined to visit me; with this he was satisfied and said he would come.— I then told him, as the Vessel would leave Koua-koua that day I must request the use of a Canoe that I might get on board without delay; he replied that he could not suffer me to go until he had presented me with two or three hogs— He then immediately through [sic] off his clothing, took a boy and a dog to the river, plunged, with them, into the water and swam across holding them above water with one hand and swimming with the other— On reaching the other side he ran off into the Forest, like a Lion (the boy following) and in a little time, returned with three hogs, which were put into the Canoe, and all was got ready for my return. He made me a present of some mats, at the same time, and told me he would accompany me to the vessel— When we got to the Canoe, he put in one of his sons, a fine boy about nine years old. I asked him what he was about to do with his boy— He told me that he intended to take him to Rangheehoo, to live with Mr Kendall, in order to be instructed.— I observed that Mr Kendall’s house was not yet ready to receive pupils, but as soon as it was and Mr K. be able to accommodate him; I would speak to Mr Kendall who would then, I had no doubt, receive him— with this he was satisfied— It may not be improper to notice here a conversation I had with the two Chiefs Tupee and Timmoranghee, some time after, respecting Mr Kendall’s School— He had already begun to teach the Children, and had taken into the School two fine boys, the sons of a common man at Rangheehoo; Those Chiefs told me, it was of no use to teach the children of the common people; that they had no lands, or servants and could never rise higher in rank than their parents— but that it would be very good to instruct the sons of the chiefs— From which I could learn that there is no middle class of people in New Zealand, they are all either Chiefs or, in a certain degree, Slaves— At the same time the Chiefs do not give the Commands to the people indiscriminately, as a body, with that authority which Masters in civil Society exercise over their Servants— nor do their dependants feel themselves bound to obey such Commands, it is true they have the power to put any of their people to death for criminal conduct, but, as the Chiefs have no means of remunerating the services of their dependants, there being reciprocal contracts between them as master and servant, they cannot command the people, as a body, to labour on their grounds— In time of war or other common danger the Chiefs assume Sovereign authority and compell [sic] the people to put themselves under their orders and all subordinate Chiefs must also (with their dependants) attend their immediate superiors to the field of action— The Chiefs have their domestic Servants, to Cook their provisions, manage their Canoes, cultivate their land or do any menial service required— and these only are wholly under the Chief’s Authority. I now took my leave of this people and returned to the Brig which had got under way, but was obliged to anchor again, the tide running so strong, she could not stem it with the light wind she then had.— When I arrived I was informed by some of the Chiefs, that the Jefferson Whaler had come on the Coast and was anchored in the Cove near Terria’s Village, and that their [sic] had been a serious difference between the people on board, and the chief Terria, whom they had threatened to shoot— Further that if any injury was done to Terria, it was designed to cut off the ship and kill her crew, and they therefore requested me to go down and know the cause of the quarrell. [sic] I was much concerned to hear this account, and told them I would go on board the Jefferson and if any injury had been done to Terria;— the party who had done it, should be brought on board the Active and taken to Port Jackson where he would be punished by Governor Macquarie.— I took the largest Carpenter’s axe we had in the Vessel, with me as a present to Terria— (knowing that nothing would be more acceptable to him) and set off in a Canoe for his Village.— I found him at home, and, after presenting the axe, I told him what I had heard; he stated that he had been on board the Jefferson, and that a pistol had been pointed at his breast by a person who threatened to shoot him.— I desired him to go with me and point out the person who had thus insulted him— He ordered his Canoe and we proceeded on board accompanied by his Brother and another Chief— When we got on board, he pointed out the person who had threatened to shoot him and stated because [sic] of their difference, but, as the matter was at length settled to the satisfaction of the chief and his friends, it is not necessary to say more than it appeared to me that the Europeans were wholly to blame. I remained on board the Jefferson all night— while walking upon the quarter deck, in company with the second mate I saw one of the Chiefs in a dreadful rage and Tupee (Terra’s Brother) pointing up to the mast head, at the same time; making signs to some of the natives, as if he wanted to hang some person up— I immediately went with the mate to know what was the cause of the uproar; The Chief, who was too angry, pointed to a young man who had a sword in his hand and said he had struck his wife several times with the sword, and when he forbade him he had made several stabs at himself.— I told him to be quiet and the man should be punished, if he had done wrong. I then turned to the young man who still kept the sword, and when I spoke to him was very insolent, and used extremely bad language before his officer and me— He refused to be reconciled to the chief tho’ neither he nor his wife had given the smallest offence. I told the Chief I should represent the man’s conduct to Governor Macquarie, and that Mr Kendall, who was appointed by the Governor to hear their complaints against the Europeans, would be sent for and he would write them on paper and I would take them with me to Port Jackson, which was done.— They attended the examination; when the young man was brought before Mr Kendall, as a Magistrate, and they were perfectly satisfied with what was done.— I enquired of Tupee what he meant by pointing at the Mast head, he said, that he was recommending to his countrymen not to injure any person on board but the man who had struck him and his wife with the sword, and to hang him only at the mast head— Masters of vessels should be very particular and not to place swords in the hands of young thoughtless sailors when they are among savage people.— The number of natives on board and alongside the Jefferson, could have taking [sic] her in one moment. The Natives should either be prohibited altogether, excepting the Chief of the District, from coming on board or care should be taken not to insult any of them, to whom this permission may be given.— Previous to this time I had had frequent conversations with the Chiefs respecting the loss of the Boyd, and pointed out to them, the injustice of putting to death the innocent with the guilty, as the people of Whangaroa had done in that instance; they readily admitted that the guilty only ought to suffer. I was pleased to find that Tupee was strongly impressing upon the minds of the natives, the same idea and instructing them not to injure any person on board the Jefferson except the man who had given the offence.— All differences being now settled, I waited for the arrival of the Active— She soon appeared in sight and anchored not far from the Jefferson, where we intended to take in our water, and then to proceed to the settlement at Rangheehoo.— While the Active was taking in her Cargo at Koua-koua and [sic] number of native women came on board every day.— I told them I could not allow any of them to remain on board at night— unless their husbands were with them;— Accordingly in the evening the vessel was searched and if any women were found they were sent on shore (sometimes not very well pleased). During my stay on board the Jefferson I saw many of my old female, acquaintances who laughingly said they were not now on board the Active and that the Jefferson was not tabooed when the evening came like the Active— there was no iriauta (meaning, there was no command to be off— I replied that I was angry with the Master and Crew of the Jefferson, for suffering them to remain all night in the Vessel and that these were all very bad men.— The women smiled, and expressed their confidence that they would not be molested.— The next day I accompanied Mr Kendall to Rangheehoo in the Jefferson’s whale boat; where I found Duaterra dangerously ill: this was a very distressing circumstance to me: I called to see him but the superstitions of the natives would not permit me for several days to do so— Having at length gained admission, I found Duaterra lying on his back, facing the sun which was exceedingly hot, in a high fever— his tongue very foul— he complained of violent pains in his bowels, and from every appearance he was not likely to survive long. Two of his wives, his father-in-law, the Priest, and several attendants were with him.— He was much pleased that I had come to see him.— I asked him if he had any thing to eat or drink— he replied he had not excepting potatoes and water. I told him whatever he wanted he should have, and ordered him a supply of tea, sugar, rice, and wine: for which he expressed his gratitude.— I had some wine and water got for him as soon as possible, part of which he took; he also eat some rice, and drank some tea, which revived him a little.— It was his intention to have laid out a new town with regular streets to be built after the European mode in which ground was to be set apart for the erection of a Church. I had examined the spot; which appeared delightful— the situation is on a rising hill fronting the cove and commanding a view of the whole harbour being about 8 miles from its mouth.— He mentioned his intention to me and hoped he would recover in time to have the town properly marked out before I sailed. I told him I should be ready to attend him, but hoped to see him better first and recommended him to take what nourishment he could— Having obtained permission to see him at all times I called the next day and found that he spoke much better and I entertained hopes of his recovery but on the following day he appeared worse.— He was supplied with all the necessaries he could wish for— by Messrs Kendall, Hall and King, who willingly did all they could for him.— All the utensils used in conveying meet [sic] or drink to the sick chief were detained by his relations, who said if these were removed Duaterra would die; and he was himself of the same opinion. So strongly rooted is superstition in the human mind when once admitted.— I had hitherto met every thing in New Zealand to my full satisfaction and nothing to give me pain till this unexpected affliction of Duaterra which was to me, very distressing, because, upon his wisdom, zeal, industry, and influence I had calculated the production of many advantages to New Zealand. My hopes were now likely to be blighted, as I could entertain little expectation of his being restored.— I know Infinite Wisdom cannot err, what the Great Head of the Church ordains to be done will in the end be best; but, as David moaned [sic] for Abner —I shall long moan for Duaterra— now removed by Death: for as a great man fell in Israel when Abner was killed, so did a great man fall in New Zealand when Duaterra died, so far as natural causes may be considered to operate.— I attributed Duaterra’s sickness to his exertions, he was a man of great bodily strength, and possessed an active and a comprehensive mind: which on his return to New Zealand he exerted to the utmost day and night to carry the plans he had formed into execution.— His grand object was agriculture— He calculated that in two years he should be able to raise sufficient wheat for all his people, to supply other chiefs with seed, and in a short time to export some to Port Jackson in exchange for Iron and such other articles as he might want. With this view he had visited his different lands, or farms, some of them forty miles distant from Rangheehoo— laid out the ground he intended to clear and cultivate and marked out the work for his men having first enquired of me how much ground a man might break up in a day at Port Jackson. He was seldom at home but constantly at his farms, excepting when he went with me to the River Thames, and on this account I fear he will be a great loss to his Country.— He had introduced agriculture and paved the way for the civilization of his Country men.— When he last came to New South Wales, in Augt 1814, he brought his half brother with him, and left him with me, desiring that the boy might be instructed in useful knowledge— The boy is now about 10 years of age— and is a very fine intelligent youth exceedingly well disposed and industrious— This youth is next in Authority and will succeed Duaterra in his estates. I intend him to remain till he can speak the English language and gain a knowledge of Agriculture— He is every day at work either as a carpenter or a farmer and I entertain hopes that should Duaterra be removed by Death this young man will soon be able to fill his place— I have a person instructing him also to read a little before he returns to his native home. I trust that in these mysterious dispensations Divine goodness is preparing a way to bring these poor heathen into the church of Christ and that if one instrument fails another will in due time be provided— In the day of trouble we may say with Abraham “God will provide himself a lamb for a burnt offering.” On friday 24th February the Brig Active was ready for sea, Duaterra still continuing in a dying state, and my time being limited by Governor Macquarie’s order I could not remain to see the result of his sickness.— I was happy however in the consideration, that those I was about to leave behind would cheerfully administer to all his wants and would do every thing in their power to restore him to health— for they were all very kind to him, and anxious for his preservation— I had given permission for ten New Zealanders to accompany me to Port Jackson, eight of whom were Chiefs or sons of Chiefs,, and two servants.— They all embarked on Friday and their friends assembled from every quarter to take their leave of them and me— before my final departure from the Island, I wished to obtain, and as far as possible secure a legal claim to the land occupied and required by the Europeans who I was about to leave in the country; and for this purpose application was made to two nephews of the late Tippahee who were the legal proprietors of the land in question which adjoined the village of Rangheehoo.— These two chiefs readily consented to sell us the land (they were related to Duaterra). I went with them and the settlers to ascertain the proper dimensions or boundaries, but we had no instruments to measure the exact quantity, which I took to be about 200 acres.— The natural land marks or boundaries were inserted in the Deed of Sale made and executed on the friday (24th February 1815) in the presence of several Chiefs from the several districts around.— The land was purchased on behalf of the Church Missionary Society for twelve axes: and the Deed of Grant or Sale contains (by way of seal and signature) all the curves and lines which are taboued [sic] on the Chiefs faces which renders it a very singular and curious document— I took this opportunity to inform the assembled Chiefs that as the land now belonged to the Europeans— they were all at full liberty to come or send from any part of New Zealand for such things as they might wish to purchase, and that the Smith would make them axes, hoes, and other useful tools, but on no account was he to repair fire arms or make any warlike instruments whatever, not even for the greatest Chiefs on the Island. Ahoodea o Gunna (one of the chiefs from whom we purchased the land) declared that the ground was no longer theirs. But, wholly and solely the property of the white people and was tabooed for their use only.— The ceremony of executing the deed was performed on the newly purchased land, and a son of Mr King’s (the first white native of New Zealand born at Rangheehoo) was publicly baptized on this occasion which with many other impressive circumstances will render this truly interesting scene a subject of long remembrance to the New Zealanders and of gratitude and praise to the few followers of Jesus, then present, who were the humble instruments of the work. Ahoodea O Gunner , a sensible man and very partial to the Europeans, is the chief man in Rangheehoo, where the settlers reside. It is the largest and most populous town or village, we had seen on the Island & It contains upwards of 200 Huts.— Mrs OGunner, wife of the chief, was a pleasant woman and had much improved in her appearance and cleanliness before we left— She spent most of her time with the Europeans assisting the women in any thing she could do— Ahoodee O Gunner requested I would send him a suit of clothes to wear on the Sabbath, as he did not like to attend Divine Service in his native dress, which he thought improper, and I promised to attend to his request. [in pencil – Insert here the deed & title &c. [Sat. Feb 26/15]] Having finally arranged and settled all matters respecting the Establishment of the Missionary Settlement at Rangheehoo— I embarked in company with Mr Nicholas and on Saturday morning the 26th we weighed anchor and sailed— Many of the Chiefs came on board and accompanied us down the harbour. There was much weeping and lamentation at the parting scene.— Messiers Kendall, Hall and King, were also on board: and the Chiefs promised very kindly in reference to them— saying that if Duaterra should die— they would take care of the Missionary Settlers that none should hurt or molest.— Many requested to go with me to N. South Wales— but, I was obliged to refuse them, partly because we had not room in the Vessel and partly on account of the heavy expense necessary to maintain them on the passage and while the vessel might lay at Port Jackson. I told them I would at all opportunities permit a few to have a passage at a time and that they should come in turn by rotation, and with these prospects— they were satisfied— the Head Chief’s wife wept greatly, and cut her face, arms and breast with shells &c— till the blood streamed down her person; she said that she would neither eat nor drink during five days and nights but would sit in her hut and weep and pray for us all that time.— She was a very intelligent young woman, could then speak a little English and was partial to Europeans: and her husband was equally well disposed to them.— Terria was urgent to have one or two Europeans sent to reside in his district: and it was my intention, provided I heard favourable accounts of the settlement, and could meet with suitable persons, to send a man and his wife by the next return of the Active to New Zealand.— We proceeded [in pencil – sailed] down the harbour till we neared the heads when the Canoes returned with our weeping friends, here we had to anchor till the turning of the tide: and during this interval, we were visited by a Chief from the River Thames who had just arrived.— About noon we put out to sea and bore away for the North Cape and came in sight of it about noon next day (Sunday the 27th). I determined to put in and spend a day according to my promise, if the wind would permit.— [in pencil – & derived the marlin to] We accordingly steered for it. The wind was not unfavourable during the Sunday night, and on Monday [in pencil – Feb 28] morning we were four or five leagues from the shore with a land breeze.— The Vessel had passed the north east point where I had intended to touch, but we could not make it.— We endeavoured to work to windward by carrying all the sail we could, and about 10 o’clock a canoe put off for us from a different part of the shore where the chief lived whom I wished to visit.— When the natives came on board, I was informed that the Chief had got a quantity of flax dressed and ready for me; and that Jem, the Otaheitian was about four miles in the interior. I requested the principal native to send his Canoe on shore to inform Jem of my arrival, but, to remain himself on board— this accordingly was done.— He, like many others, wished for a passage to Port Jackson which [in pencil – but], for the reasons already assigned [in pencil – want of room], I could not grant [in pencil – his wishes]. Shortly after another Canoe reached us, in which I went on shore accompanied by Mr Nicholas and the chief who had come on board. We landed at a Small Village near the Beach— this surf was high and the place where we landed appeared to me very rocky and full of danger, but, relying on the knowledge and dexterity of the natives in such cases we ventured thro’ all, and got safely on shore, our only damage being the sprinkling of a little salt water [in pencil – the waves]. We here found some pretty little cottages and their gardens in high cultivation, well laid out and neatly fenced in— The potatoes and yams &c were planted in separate beds, and no weeds were to be seen in these plots of ground. In passing through the village I observed a man’s head stuck on a pole in the front of the cottage; the chief stole silently from behind me and took it down and then carried it into the hut; he was not aware that I had observed it and by his cautious conduct, I concluded, he was desirous I should not; on which account I took no further notice but passed on.— It was from this village a Messenger had been sent for Jem the Otaheitian who had not yet returned. We walked about two miles into the interior on the path by which Jem was expected to pass and a number of natives attended us— We saw on our way some beautiful plantations of potatoes and other vegetables.— The women appeared as if they were little acquainted with Europeans— Most of them kept at a distance for some time, and always fled away when we spoke to them.— Being informed that Jem had taken another road and was gone down to the Beach, we returned towards the sea by a different way to that by which we left the village being conducted by the natives.— We met the Chief’s son dressed in the India print I had given to his father, when on my way to Bay of Islands [sic]. The edges of his garment were ornamented by a white hog’s [sic] skin with the hair on, which looked tolerably handsome the Print being red and white gave it a tasteful effect.— He was an exceeding fine youth.— He produced the printed Orders of Governor Macquarie (given by me to his father) they were wrapt up and covered with great care in order to keep them clean.— At his request I consented to give him a passage to New South Wales.— Being informed that his father was waiting to see me at the head of the Bay (about 3 miles off) I set off to visit him, and was met by Jem— who told me the flax was ready— It being almost dark and the wind blowing fresh from the land, so that the Brig could not get up; I was apprehensive she would be driven out to sea, and therefore thought it prudent to get on board without delay; with this view we returned to the village, and on our way saw two women leaning on a rock weeping and making loud lamentations.— I enquired the cause and learnt that it was on account of their husband, the Chief who had applied for a passage. I desired them not to weep, for I could not take their husband with me because the vessel was full.— When we got to the village I requested a canoe from the natives to take us on board; they launched one immediately and filled her with men— The sea was rough and the Brig a considerable distance from shore— and I expected we should meet with some difficulty in getting on board.— But as the natives apprehended no danger I endeavoured to persuade myself that my fears were groundless and therefore entered the canoe which soon passed over the raging surf and reached the Active in safety. Some of this [sic] Canoes are 80 feet long and it is astonishing to see with what skill these people manage them in a rough sea.— Previous to leaving the shore, I informed Jem that the Brig would lay to all night— if not driven off by the wind, and in the morning we should stand in for the land, in order that I may see his father in law before I left, and get the flax he had prepared on board.— As the wind continued the same all night we could not make nearer the land in the morning than in the evening before— Jem came off however pretty early with a message from the chief requesting me to go on shore. I desired him to return and tell the chief the sea was so high and not being accustomed to their Canoes I was afraid to venture, and that if he had any thing to send the vessel should wait till I heard from him again: at the same time I sent him a present of some edge tools which I had reserved for his use— In about three hours Jem returned with a quantity of potatoes and about 3 Cwts. of flax: he also brought a boy whom the chief wished me to take to Port Jackson with a request that Jem might accompany him and return by the Active on her next trip to New Zealand.— I was unwilling to disappoint the wishes of this Chief who placed such confidence in me— and I therefore gave my consent for them both to remain in the vessel.— We then made sail and bore away with a fine breeze for Port Jackson.— Jem told me the chief’s eldest son, whom I had seen on shore, was very anxious to come, but, his Mother would not consent at this time.—I had how twelve natives as passengers, besides the one employed in the vessel, on board, and it was with the most heartfelt satisfaction that I left New Zealand. I had not met with the slightest accident provocation or insult.— I had fully accomplished the object of my voyage and satisfied myself respecting the real character and disposition of these heathens. I had obtained satisfactory evidence that there existed to [sic] real obstruction to the introduction of christianity and civilization among them, and that nothing more was requisite than common prudence on the part of the persons who might be engaged in this humane and benevolent undertaking. Nothing material happened during our passage till the 20th of March when we had a very heavy storm of thunder and lightening [sic] from the south east:— It blew a very hard Gale which compelled us to lay to for two days and nights, at this time we were not far off the Coast of New South Wales [in pencil – New Holland].— Some of the New Zealanders were greatly alarmed for their safety and expected the vessel to be dashed to pieces every moment— particularly the chief Timmerangha who wept and said he would never see his wife and children any more— and begged the Captain to take all the coats from the masts (meaning the sails, for they would kill the ship.— Tupee on the other hand was quite composed during the Storm— he said that “neither thunder, lightening [sic], nor wind would destroy the vessel [while] he and I remained in it”— and exhorted Timmorangha not to be afraid for he was safe enough.— Notwithstanding all that Tupee could say Timmorangha’s fears continued as long as the Gale lasted: he neither rested by night nor by day.— Tupee was often accustomed to pray, and sometimes he would have some of his countrymen with him.— He had a strong confidence in some Supernatural [supreme] being (the God of New Zealand) as he was wont to call the object of his worship.— I was very sick during the storm and could seldom get out of my cott. [sic]— Tupee would sit beside me and put his hand on different parts of my body and pray to his God.— He was a dignified and a superior character and was always the same— very mild and even tempered— In this Gale we were driven more than 200 miles to the northward of Port Jackson.— When the storm abated the wind became favourable to us and we anchored safely in Sydney Cove on Wednesday 23d March 1815.— I shall conclude this detail of the voyage by observing that the New Zealand Chiefs are a warlike race, proud of their rank and jealous of their dignity [crossed out in pencil – jealous of their].— They seemed to be men who never forget neither [crossed out in pencil – neither] a favour nor an injury. They retain a grateful remembrance of those Europeans who have been kind and faithful to them.— and a spirit of sovereign contempt and revenge to such as have abused their confidence or otherwise injured them.— The people appear to live in amity and peace among themselves when under the government of one Chief.— I saw no quarrelling nor domestic broils while I was on the Island. They are kind to their women and children. I never observed a mark of violence on any of them— nor did I see a woman struck: & the Missionary Settlers informed me that they had never seen any differences among the native people of Rangheehoo during the period they had resided there.— I have reason also to hold the same opinion generally of those of them who inhabit the districts on the south side of the Bay of Islands— especially when connected with each other by the ties of blood or being of the same tribe and belonging to the same village.— I was likewise informed that no injury had been done, in these parts of the country, to any European since the time of [crossed out in pencil – of] Captain Cook’s voyage [in pencil – was there]. The two Brother Chiefs Terria and Tupee are exceedingly well disposed men, and have never allowed acts of violence towards Europeans, altho’ often provoked by insults from the latter.— They frequently stated to me the nature of the injuries which they and their people have sustained or suffered from English seamen and that not long ago a master of a vessel had shot two of their men dead; but notwithstanding this outrage they had not retalliated [sic] upon the Europeans and mentioned the circumstance only as a proof how much they wished to cultivate our friendship.— The[y] wished me to be under no apprehension for the safety of our Brig [in pencil – the Active] while on their coast— because she would be protected by the unanimous [crossed out in pencil] good will of the people. I said in reply that the vessel was intended to be constantly employed for their benefit and the improvement of their country— and they might therefore consider her as belonging to New Zealand; but, it was not intended that she should come to the Island under the expectation of making profit or securing any advantage from them.— One of the chiefs observed in answer that they were convinced of the latter fact. because they had nothing to give! [in pencil – ^v R: 521 b]— I am of opinion that little good can be done among the New Zealanders without the aid of a vessel to ply regularly between that Island and New South Wales [crossed out in pencil – ply regularly between that Island and New South Wales] which would supply necessaries and secure the lives of the Missionary settlers.— It would also give opportunities for the native Chiefs to visit Port Jackson where by seeing the habits and tasting the comforts of civilized life, they would acquire more useful knowledge in one month, than they would in a long time in their own country even when instructed by Europeans.— A single view of our houses and furniture,— our public buildings, such as Churches the King’s stores, Magazines and Grannaries [sic] &c. and of our arts and method of cultivating the land would make impressions on their comprehensive minds never to be forgotten— and would therefore materially assist the gradual process of missionary instruction. As an instance of such effects I may state, that when I took Tupee and Timmorangha to see our General Hospital in Sydney their minds were greatly excited by surprise and astonishment— They immediately took the dimensions and particulars of it, in their own way, in order to be able to describe what they had seen— and the[y] contrasted the work with their own country labour: observing to me that “their people were in an ignorant state— no work was done there”! but notwithstanding this remark of Tupee I believe the natives are an active and an industrious race of men.— I think however that besides the labours of a few solitary European residents among them, they will require to be frequently encouraged by visits and supplies of agricultural tools.— Iron is the only article which they at present value (fire arms excepted)— They are bold and daring and will undertake very difficult enterprizes with little apparent means to accomplish them. Having scarcely any means to cultivate the land for want of Iron; and no grain of any kind (till supplied by the Active) nor any sort of commerce with other nations. The only profession of the chiefs may be said to be solely that of War.— It is no uncommon occurrence for the people of the North Cape to travel throughout the Country to the east cape, a distance of 200 miles, to make war; this is a great undertaking when it is considered that there are no regular roads on the route— no bridges over rivers,— and little means of subsistence in an uncultivated country like New Zealand. Jem, the Otaheitian, told me he had been three times, within the last five years, at the East Cape to war, accompanied by a thousand men each time.— When, with all this travel and toil, they get to the territory of their supposed enemies, the spoils to be gained consist of nothing more than a few mats and the prisoners who may be taken in Battle.—While the Active lay at the River Thames we observed a number of Canoes on the Beach and were informed that they belonged to Warriors who resided on the west side of the Island, and that they had brought there [sic] Canoes, overland, and were going to war with some of the tribes at the east Cape.— I wished much to visit their camp and see the men who could under take such an arduous task as to carry those large heavy canoes so far over a hilly and an uncleared country.— Duaterra however recommended me not to visit their Camp as it would not be safe, and I took his advice.— The Camp appeared to be about three miles from our Anchorage.— The New Zealanders are all Cannibals and [They did not – Hocken] appear to have any idea that it is an unnatural crime.— When I expressed abhorrence at their eating one another— They said it had always been customary to eat their enemies.— I could not learn however that they ever eat human flesh merely to satisfy hunger or from choice nor in cool blood but solely from a spirit of retaliation and revenge for injuries sustained— and as far as I could form an opinion of this horrid custom I am inclined to believe that [in pencil – N Z ers do not consider it any more crime to eat] these people consider the eating of their enemies [in pencil – men ambiguous[?]] in the same light as we do the hanging of a criminal (condemned by the laws of his country) and that the disgrace reflected on [in pencil – nations so to hang on offender; at the same time it reflected as much public disgrace upon us the public exception of a criminal in Europe] the surviving relatives of the victim is nearly the same as that reflected on a [in pencil – upon the] family in Europe by the public execution of one of its members [in pencil – of the sufferer]. When I informed them that this was a custom unknown in Europe and considered there as a great disgrace to the nation which practises it— they seemed surprised and Shunghee, tho’ a man of great authority, has since told me that he thought it was wrong and that his people would never be guilty of it again:— a few others made a similar promise.— I took opportunity as [^ all] occasion offered, to convince them of the inhuman nature of this practice by picturing the horror it excited in the bosoms of all good men—of [sic] If other nations in whose opinion they were disgraced and dreaded on its account.— It may be proper to remark here that altho’ we met a friendly reception on every part of the coast at which we stopt or touched, I should recommend Masters of vessels who may visit New Zealand to be very cautious unless they can depend upon the proper behaviour of their respective crews;— The New Zealanders will not be insulted with impunity nor be treated as men without understanding, but will assuredly resent and revenge an injury as soon as an opportunity permits.— At the Bay of Islands, I would consider any ship as safe, in the event of a difference between the natives and the crews, as she would be at Port Jackson: but, not so in any other port or harbour in the Island. When I take [in pencil – into consideration] an Estimate of what I have seen of these Islanders, and of what I have learnt from the numerous conversations on various subjects which I have had with them I am [^ strongly] inclined to believe and hope that under the blessing of an Omnipotent and merciful God—[in pencil – will soon be wanted] they may e’er long rank among the civilized and Christian nations of the Earth [in pencil – if their wants in from are supplied]. The want of Iron is at present however a great obstacle to their further improvement and without it I fear these people could scarcely rise much above their present Situation— but, if means be adopted to supply them with that essential article Their Country will soon produce to them all the necessaries and conveniences enjoyed in civil Society:— and as such comforts increase, to reward their labour, so will their wants increase to stimulate them to greater industry and thus lay a solid foundation for their progressive social and mental improvement in the arts of Civilization and in that, which is the grand and most important object of all, a Saving knowledge of Christianity which is the ultimate and leading feature of all the proceedings contemplated by (that benevolent and blessed Institution) the Church Missionary Society and the most hearty wish of all who love the Lord Jesus, and sincerely pray for the prosperity of Zion. [v. R 523 and esp. M.B.]Second Voyage in 1819 [T. M. Hocken] The following statement contains an Account of my Second visit to New Zealand. In the beginning of the year 1819 the Rev. John Butler Mrs Butler & their Son, with Mr & Mrs Kemp & Mr Francis Hall came out as Missionaries from England to join the New Zealand Mission. At this time the Brig Active was gone to New Zealand and it was very uncertain when she would return. Independent of the Missionaries, there were several Mechanics wanted at the Bay of Islands for the erection of the necessary buildings, as well as New Zealand Chiefs waiting at Parramatta wishing to return to their friends. As the Master of the “General Gates” an American brig then in the harbour intended to proceed to New Zealand I made an arrangement with him to convey the above Missionaries, Mechanics & Chiefs to the Bay of Islands. It was now about four years since my first visit & wishing to see the state of the Mission I made application to the late Governor Macquarie to accompany the Missionaries & obtained his sanction, having left directions for the Active to follow me to Ne in order that I might return in her. The number of persons who accompanied me were twenty two, we sailed from Sidney on the 29th of July, and on the 10th of August we made the North Cape and came up with about forty Canoes full of men all fishing for Guard Fish: We had some conversation with them, when they informed us they were all tabooed, and on that account they could have no communication with us though I was acquainted with some of them. We now proceeded on our voyage with a fair wind, and came opposite to the Cavalles at sunset, when several canoes came off to visit us; in one of which was the Chief, Okeeda, whose son had lived with me twelve months at Parramatta, and was gone again in the Active. He requested to remain on board till we arrived at the Bay of Islands, which was complied with. Okeeda informed us that they were assembling their men to go to war with the people of Whangarooa; and that Shughee [sic] was to leave the Bay of Islands on Friday Morning, with his war Canoes and Warriors to join the people on the main opposite to the Cavalles. Okeeda told us the cause of the difference between Shunghee and the people of Whangarooa was this: a whale had been driven on the Shore which belongs to Shunghee, and the peope of Whangarooa had eaten it, which was considered a public theft & Shunghee was going to punish them for it. About twelve o’clock at night, the “General Gates” anchored safely off Ranghee-hoo in twelve fathoms, and the Natives immediately fired several muskets, to welcome our arrival though midnight. Several Natives with the Pilot, came off immediately; but we could not admit them on board till morning; and therefore requested them to return on shore, and inform the Settlers which they complied with.— Aug. 13th 1819. At day break the vessel was surrounded with Natives. Some of the Settlers came on board and told us all was well. Our meeting afforded mutual satisfaction to all interested in the Mission. When we viewed the shores of New Zealand, and the Natives of New Zealand flocking around us, our hearts were warmed within us; and we considered that we had arrived at the Land of Promise. About eleven o’clock Shunghee arrived, with his War Canoes and fighting men, on his way to Whangarooa. He received us very cordially, as did all the Chiefs who were with him. I told him that we had heard of his intention to go to war with the people of Whangarooa and remonstrated with him on the folly of carrying on a continual warfare one with another. Several of the subordinate Chiefs urged me to speak to Shunghee to give over fighting, as they wished to live at peace, and some of them requested me to take Shunghee with me to Parramatta, for that would tend to promote the general quiet. I used every argument with Shunghee to dissuade him from fighting. He laughed at me, and said it was very hard to comply with my wishes; but that he would not fight while I remained at New Zealand, and would accompany me to Port Jackson, if I approved of his going, and that at present he would suspend his intentions against the people of Whangarooa: but he must go in a few days near that place to remove the bones of his Wife’s Father; but he would not fight, and I might go with him if I chose. I told him I would if I could spare time. Shunghee is a man of the mildest manners and disposition, and appears to possess a very superior mind. Canoes continued to arrive the greater part of the day, at Ranghee-hoo, till the beach was crowded with Natives. Aug. 14 &15th Early in the Morning we began to land our stores, and continued the whole of the 14th & 15th. We had considerable difficulty to get through the multitude of Natives who covered the shore, as they were so eager to see us, & what we brought. They gave us every assistance, in carrying the Stores to the house appointed for their reception; nor did we miss in these two days a single article that I know of, excepting a silk pocket handkerchief which was taken out of my pocket. When I missed it, I informed Shunghee, who in about ten minutes, brought it to me again. I made no enquiry who had taken it, but left Shunghee to settle that matter. During these two days, we landed all our light and many of the heavy stores, as the weather was fine— On the Evening of the 15th a heavy gale came on which drove the boats of the “Active” and the “General Gates” from their moorings & broke them to pieces. This was an unfortunate circumstance; as we had only the whale boat belonging to the “General Gates” left, which was not sufficiently strong to carry to carry our heavy stores on shore. Aug 17th This morning we resolved to build a punt 24 ft long by 10 wide for the purpose of landing the heavy stores &c for general use. x The gale continuing this day, with heavy rain, nothing could be done; and as we were confined to the house, we deliberated on the propriety of immediately forming a new Settlement where the operations of Agriculture could be carried into effect on an extensive scale. In the Eveng Korrokorro Tooi’s Brother, arrived. He is Shunghee’s opponent, and commands a large extet of the Coast on the South side of the Bay of Islands. The two Chiefs were soon informed acquainted with our intentions of forming a New Settlement and were both equally anxious to have us within their respective jurisdiction. Shunghee said he would give me Choice of all his lands, and any quantity we might wish: Korokoro was ready to do the same. However it was agreed that we should proceed, the next morning to Kiddeekiddee, a district about twelve Miles from Ranghee-hoo where Shunghee carries on his principal cultivation of the Sweet & Common potatoes. Aug. 17th 1819. Accordingly, after setting the Natives to cut the timber for our punt, and giving the necessary directions to the carpenters, myself the Rev. John Butler, & Messrs F. and W. Hall, set off with Shunghee in his war canoe for Kiddeekiddee where we arrived in the afternoon and proceeded immediately to examine the country. I had surveyed the part of the land and about 14 miles to the west of it when I was in New Zealand in 1815 and considered this district as the most promising, for a new Settlement of any I had met with in the Island; the soil being rich— the land pretty level, free from timber, and easy to work, with the plough— bounded by a fine fresh water river— the Communication by water free and open to any part of the Bay of Islands and safe anchorage for ships of any burden within about two leagues of the Settlement. Shunghee told us that we were at full liberty to take what land we wanted on either side of the River; as it was all his own to a very great distance. We determined, therefore on forming the principal Settlement at this place; as we could not doubt but the rich soil would be grateful for any Cultivation we should bestow upon it, and return a plentiful produce. We accordingly told Shunghee, that we should, with his approbation, settle there. He was much gratified, as well as his people at with our determination. After walking over the land till towards dusk, we returned to Shunghee’s village, where we were to sleep for the night. We found a fine sow, of about 140 lbs weight at the door of our hut, which Shunghee was going to kill for our supper, with plenty of sweet and common potatoes: but, as we had brought with us a sufficient quantity of provisions, we requested him not to kill the sow; and with some difficulty, prevailed on him to spare her life. The ground was wet in consequence of the heavy rain; and, from having had some rain on our passage from Ranghee-hoo, together with walking through the wet fern, our clothes were wet too; we therefore took them off on entering the hut where we were to remain for the night, and had them dried. After taking necessary refreshment, and spending the evening in pleasant conversation with Shunghee & his People, who were in the hut with us and about the entrance, we read a Chapter, sung a hymn, and returning our grateful thanks to Almighty God for his kind protection of us and for the safety and comfort that we enjoyed in the very midst of cannibals, we lay down in peace to rest till morng. Aug 18th— We rose about three this Morning, sung a hymn, and offered up our Morng sacrifice of Prayer and Praise; and after breakfasting at four o’clock Crossed the River, in order to examine the land on the opposite banks. Here we were much gratified with a fine clear Country for cultivation, and of great extent; though the soil, in some parts, did not appear so rich as the land passed over the preceding evening. On the whole of the Survey which we had taken, we were perfectly satisfied that a more suitable situation could not be found in any of the districts adjacent to the Bay of Islands. There is a fine fall of water close to the place where we intend the new Town to stand, for a Corn Mill, Saw Mill, or any other purpose, without the expense and risk of making a dam; which is a valuable consideration. At Kiddee Kiddee, any quantity of grain &c may be grown that the Settlement may want for years to come either for victualling the Native Children in the Schools, or Europeans belonging to the Mission. Before our departure, we marked out the ground where we wished our Public Store to be built; and requested Shunghee to put up a temporary building for the accommodation of the stores, and of the Mechanics who had accompanied us from Port Jackson, who immediately set his people to work. Having now gratified all our wishes, as far as respected the object of our visit to Kiddeekiddee, in the evening we returned to Ranghee-hoo, in Shunghee’s War Canoe; who with much pleasure accompanied us back again. Korrokorro remained at Ranghee hoo with Tooi, till we returned, in order that he might know what prospect there was of forming a Settlement there within his jurisdiction. When we arrived, he was anxious to know if we approved of the land that we had seen, and had come to any determination relative to forming a Settlement there. We told him that the land was good at Kiddeekiddee, and on that account, we must form a Settlement there. He was much affected; and said that Shunghee would now cut him and his people off. We replied, that Shunghee had promised us that he would leave off fighting, if we would settle in his district; and would reside himself with the Europeans. Korokoro replied, that Shunghee would make fair promises, but we could not see into his heart; and gave us to understand that he would not believe a word that he said, however fairly he might speak: and recited instances how Shunghee had taken advantage of himself and others in former times; and contended that what he had done formerly, he was capable of doing again. We endeavoured to pacify Korrokorro, but in vain. He said he should be perfectly satisfied, if the Europeans were fairly divided between him and Shunghee: but it was too great an affliction for him for all the Europeans to reside with Shunghee. He made strong appeals to our feelings, and urged his request by every argument he could advance. We all felt much anxiety to relieve his distress. I and Mr Butler promised to accompany him and Tooi, the following day to Parroa, where he resides and examine his land; and that if we found a suitable place for a Settlement, we would build him and Tooi a house; and one or more Europeans should reside with him at present, till more Europeans arrived from England, when his wishes should be complied with, as far as we could. This assurance relieved him a little though not much. August 19. 1819. I and Mr Butler went with Korokoro to Parroa who was tolerably quiet on the passage. Tooi had not, as yet, seen his friends and relatives, and therefore he accompanied us, with his Brother Teranghee. After we arrived at Parroa, Korrokorro again brought on the subject of the Settlement on the district where he lived. He told us that there was a fine tract of land, called Manowowra which he would give us; and which we should give us see the next morning. We endeavoured to convince him that it was not in our power at present to form any extensive Settlement within the limits of his jurisdiction. He became extremely angry, and told us that he was treated with great ingratitude; that his brother Tooi had been long absent from him and his friends, had been to England— had brought out white people with him— and after all, he was not to have the advantage of any of them to reside with him! that this was an act of great injustice, and such as we ought not to be guilty of. His brother Teranghee joined in his remonstrances with us, at length, both of them grew warm. Tooi took our part; and endeavoured to convince Korrokorro that we had not the means, at present, for supplying him with Europeans. He then got extremely angry with Tooi, and Teranghee joined him. Korrokorro told Tooi that he might go and live at Ranghee-hoo or with Shunghee, or where he liked; for he cared nothing about him, as his request could not be complied with relative to the Europeans. Tooi went, and was much distressed; and Mr Butler and myself felt much pain, on both their accounts. After a long conversation, and strong remonstrances from Korrokorro we retired to rest. Mr Butler and myself were convinced that we could not avoid doing something for Korrokorro. We also pitied Tooi. He was anxious to live a civilized life and not to conform to the Native habits and dress any more; but he said he could not stand his ground, if he had not one or more Europeans to support him. The ridicule of the Natives, if alone, would compel him to conform to their dress, and to live in their manner, which he was greatly averse to do. Tooi is a fine man, well informed, and well disposed; and would do all in his power to second the views of the Society. His family is of the first respectability and his Brother’s influence and authority extend along the Coast almost to the River Thames, and that of his friends, from the North to the East Capes. We feel much interested in the future welfare of Tooi, and must give him all the support possible.— August 20th 1819. In the Morning Korrokorro was more calm, and appeared more reconciled than he had been before. He was very friendly, and expressed his sorrow with a warmth with which he had spoken to us the preceding evening. We assured him that we would assist him all in our power. As we had gone down in the “General Gates” to Korrokorro’s place, where the Master intended to fit out for sea again, we remained on board all night. Korrokorro accompanied us with Tooi from Ranghee-hoo. As he knew that the vessel would anchor off one of his Settlements, he had given directions to his people previous to his visit to us, that none of them should presume to come to the “General Gates” till the following day. It was dark when we anchored. We were hailed from shore by one of Korokoro’s officers; when Teranghee answered, and informed the people that Tooi was arrived; and gave directions that Messengers should be immediately sent to the different districts, to inform the inhabitants of Tooi’s arrival. A party of chiefs had arrived a few days before, at Wyecaddee from the River Thames, by whom one of Tooi’s cousins had been cut off sometime before, and they were apprehensive that the father of the young man & Korrokorro would revenge his death. Tooi ordered a messenger to be sent immediately to Wycaddee, to inform the chiefs that a general pardon would be granted to them; and that, if they thought proper to come and pay their respects to him, their persons would be safe. The next morning the vessel was crowded with chiefs and their friends who came to see Tooi. Some wept for joy, and all welcomed him home. The chiefs from the River Thames met us the next day at Ranghee hoo. After breakfast we set off to Manowowra, to examine the ground for a Settlement, accompanied by Korokoro and many of his people. We found a level piece of good land, surrounded by hills the soil of which was generally rich, at the head of a fine harbour. As this was the best situation for timber, water, and good land, we determined on forming a small settlement here. The harbour abounds with the finest fish; and there is safe anchorage for Shipping. The fresh water is good; and it is a very convenient place for a school. Korrokorro was much gratified with our choice. Here Tooi intends to reside. He gave directions for materials to be collected immediately, for a temporary building for the Europeans; and returned in the evening to Ranghee-hoo. The distance between Manowowra and Rangheehoo is about nine miles. This morning we set all hands that we could muster at work for our punt, as we could not land the remainder of our stores till that was completed. We had soon fourteen Natives, sawing timber, others cutting knees; in short, all the beach exhibited a scene of happiness and busy civilization. A sight more grateful to a benevolent mind could not possibly be seen. Our hearts overflowed with joy and gratitude. We viewed the various operations with delight and considered them as the dawn of Civil and Religious Liberty to this Land of darkness, superstition, and Cruelty. August 21st 1819. All our works went on well and every preparation was made for completing the punt, with all possibe dispatch, in order that the stores might be landed, and the Settlement formed at Kiddee kiddee, and Manowowra. August 22nd. We assembled on the beach for public worship, as there was no place, for divine service sufficient to hold the People. We were surrounded with Natives, and a number of Chiefs from different districts of the River Thames. It was very gratifying to our feelings, and afforded us a pleasing prospect, to be able to perform the worship of the true God in the open air, without any sensations of fear or danger, when surrounded by Cannibals with their spears stuck in the ground, and their Pattoo-pattoos & daggers concealed under their Mats. We could not doubt but that the time was at hand for gathering to the fold of Christ this noble race of men, whose temporal and spiritual wants are inconceivably, and call loudly on the Christian world for relief. Their misery is extreme. The Prince of Darkness, God of this World, has full dominion over both their bodies and souls. Under the influence of darkness and superstition, many devote themselves to death, and the chiefs sacrifice their Slaves as a satisfaction for the death of any of their friends— So great is the tyranny which Satan exercises over this people!— A tyranny from which nothing but the Gospel can set them free; and we cannot hope for the Gospel having its full effect, according to the ordinary course of the Divine proceedings, without the united aid of the Xn World. Suitable means must be provided for the civilization & evangelization of the inhabitants of New Zealand; and if this be done there can be little doubt, but the important object will be attained. 23rd. We this day built a shed for the Carpenters to work in, and in which divine Service, might be performed while we remained at Rangheehoo. The Natives continued to saw timber and to render us every service in their power. August 26th. I went with Tooi accompanied by Mr Samuel Butler, to an island called Motoorooa, belonging to Korrokorro and where he principally resides. My object was to set the people to work, the next day, at Manowowra. We arrived about two o’clock, and found that Korrokorro was on board the General Gates about two miles distant. The first object that struck my eye, near where we landed, was a man’s head stuck on a pole, on the summit of a hill close to the shore, and near the hut where we were to sleep for the night. The face appeared beautifully tatooed. Tooi told me that it was the head of a chief near the East Cape, who had been killed by Shunghee’s people, and purchased by some of Korrokorro’s people. This sight naturally excited sensations of horror in my breast; and caused me to value, more and more the blessings of divine revelation, and the protection of civil government. These are blessings, which can never be duly estimated, by those who enjoy them, as they respect the life that now is, and that which is to come. As the afternoon was fine, we walked over the island to the opposite side. When we got to the top of the island which is very high, we had a full view of Korro Korro’s hippah, or castle; which is situated on the top of another island less than two miles distant. A number of Natives were at work on this second island. I was anxious to visit it; and when we came opposite, Tooi, Mr Butler, and myself, got into a Canoe, and crossed over. We were received with much pleasure by the Natives. We found Korrokorro’s head wife, or Queen hard at work, with a little wooden spade, digging the ground for potatoes; and Teranghee’s wife, with several more women & men. They were all much rejoiced at our visit to them. The old queen earnestly requested that I would give her a hoe; and endeavoured to convince me how hard it was to turn over the ground with a stick. I promised to comply with her request. After spending about an hour among them, we returned; taking with us a quantity of fish which they had given us. The land on this island was rich: part of it was sown with turnips and part was already planted with potatoes. The women turned over the ground with sticks about two feet long, and as thick as a broomstick. They wrought hard; but made little progress in cultivation, for want of proper tools. When we reached the beach, Tooi said one of his sisters was coming, whom he had not seen since his return: and earnestly requested me to get into the canoe before she arrived, as he did not wish, to have his first meeting with her there. I begged him to wait for her, as she was hastening down the hill and not to regard me; but I could not prevail upon him; he leaped into the canoe, urging me to follow him. I delayed till she reached the beach, when I stepped in. Tooi ordered the canoe to put off; but at that moment, his sister sprung into the canoe, weeping aloud, and passed by me. She fell on her knees, and grasped Tooi’s: he saluted her, when she gave vent to her feelings in tears and loud lamentations, which she continued for about an hour. When we landed at Motooroa, she still sat weeping for a long time. Tooi conducted himself with great propriety, he suppressed all the wild feelings of an uncultivated mind, and yet showed all the soft & tender feelings of nature towards his sister. I could not but view his conduct with admiration: and told him to indulge his affection for his sister, without any respect to my being present. I saw that he was anxious, lest the warmth of his Sister’s affection & the strong manner in which she manifested it, should overcome his manly fortitude, and cause him to imitate her example; as he had done on a former occasion when I first visited New Zealand. When we landed, we found Korro-korro, and a number of his people who received us with much kindness. I told him I was come to set the people to clear the land at Manowowra, and to see about the house, which it was necessary to build for their accommodation. He received this news with much joy; and said he would accompany me in the morning, and give the necessary directions to his people to lend their assistance. When he saw the hoes, for breaking up the ground, he was much pleased. After conversing on various subjects we had supper, sung a hymn, and committed our selves to the protection of the Angel of the Everlasting Covenant, and then lay down to rest. A number of the Natives lay round about the hut & some within. I slept well till the day returned, being weary with walking, when I lay down. Aug. 27th. 1819— We took our breakfast and then set off for Manowowra, which lay a few miles distant, on the opposite main. On our way we came up with a very large war canoe. I inquired how many men she carried; and was told sixty fighting men, with their provisions &c when they went out to sea, to the River Thames, or to East Cape; and eighty men in smooth water. On examining the Canoe, I observed in the stern the head of a Chief— the features of the face as natural as life, and one of the finest countenances I ever saw. The chief must have been about thirty years old. The hair was long; and every lock combed straight: and the whole brought up to the crown, and tied in a knot, and ornamented with feathers according to the custom of the Chiefs when in full dress— the hair and countenance both shining with oil with which they had been lately dressed. From the beautiful tattooing on the face, the chief must have been of high rank. I inquired whose head it was; and was told that it was the head of a chief who had been killed beyond the River Thames by Shunghee. It is possible that the head death of this Chief may be revenged by his children if the tribe to which he belonged should ever have strength to retaliate on Shunghee or his posterity. Hence the foundation is continually laid for new acts of cruelty & blood, from generation to generation; as the remembrance of these injuries seems never to be forgotten by them. I shall mention an instance of retaliation, some of the circumstances of which came within my own knowledge:— About fifteen or sixteen years ago, a vessel belonging to Campbell & Co of Port Jackson, called the Venus, was taken by the Convicts at Port Dalrymple. When the pirates had possession of the Venus, they sailed for New Zealand, and touched at the Bay of Islands; from whence they took the Sister of a Chief, named Temmarangha; and afterwards sold her at an island near East Cape for some mats. Two of the Natives afterwards quarrelled about her, in consequence of which she was killed. Some time after, some Natives arrived from East Cape at the Bay of Islands, and gave information relative to the fate of Temmarangha’s Sister. Temmarangha’s Father was alive; and previous to his death, caused Temmarangha to swear that he would revenge the death of his Sister. In 1815 Temmarangha accompanied me to Parramatta; and two years after his return, he mustered his tribe and set off to the East Cape to perform the oath which he had sworn to his father. He killed the Chief of the island where his Sister had been murdered, and brought away the Chief’s Wife a prisoner, and gave her to his brother, with whom she now lives. Mr Kendall informs me, that there is always some, either, remoe or immediate, cause, that induces the Chiefs to go to war; and that it is not for the mere motive of plunder and blood, but to obtain satisfaction for some injury done to them or to their tribe. In the above canoe, I met with Hooratookie, and his two brothers and Uncle, who were all officers under Korrokorro. Hooratookie was the first New Zealander who was introduced into civil Society. He had been landed at Norfolk Is. with another of his countrymen about twenty five years ago, by some vessel which had touched at New Zealand. The late Governor King had the command of the Island at that time. He treated the two strangers with great kindness: they lived at his table and received from him every attention. After remaining a considerable time with the Governor, the Brittania Whaler touched at Norfolk Island; when the Governor agreed with the Master to take Hooratookie and his companion to New Zealand, and accompanied them himself to see that they were properly treated and safely landed in their own Country. The great kindness of Governor King towards these New Zealanders towards these New Zealanders made a most favourable impression upon all the Natives who heard of it; and, to the present day they always speak of it with gratitude, and make enquiries after Governor King’s eldest daughter whose name is Maria, and who was only a few years old when Hooratookie was at Norfolk Island. When he asked me about Maria, I told him that she now lived at Parramatta. He said he would go and live with her till he died. Hooratookie was much rejoiced to see me. He left his war canoe, and some of the Chiefs with him, and accompanied us to Manowowra. On our landing, I selected a small spot of ground to sow a little English flax seed upon; which was immediately cleared and broken up, and afterwards I sowed the seed. I then examined the ground for building on; and staked out a house f. about 40 ft by 13 ft. for the work people, and, in the evening returned to Rangheehoo. Aug. 28th— All hands were busy, either in cutting timber for the intended new buildings, or in working at the punt. Aug. 29. Sunday. Divine Service was performed in the new shed, when we enjoyed the administration of God’s word, with little molestation. It was very interesting to see the eager countenances of the Natives who surrounded the Shed; and to hear them frequently repeat the word that was delivered, though they could not as yet understand it. After Morning Service, I and Mr Butler visited the Native Village, and conversed with the people. In walking over the ground near the village, I had some conversation with a young women, who lives with Mr brother in law to Mr King. On asking if her father was alive she told me that he was killed and eaten at the North Cape by Shunghee’s People; and that she was a prisoner of war. I was also informed, that, since she had been brought to Ranghee hoo, it had been determined to kill her. A few months ago the brother of the present Chief at Ranghee hoo died; the people believed that he was killed by incantation, or charm. As he told them that this was the cause of his death. Towha the son of the late Tippahee, lived with me at the time of this man’s death; and had two female Slaves, whom he had left at Ranghee hoo. When the Chief’s Brother died, in order to give satisfaction to his departed spirit, to appease his anger, and to prevent him from coming again and destroying them, these two young Women were killed by the relatives of the departed Chief: They both belonged to the School under Mr Kendall, at the time. Another relation of the Chief demanded the death of the young Woman who lived with Mr Hanson, as a satisfaction, on his part, that the spirit of the departed Chie might not injure him; and, as it was the custom of the country, she delivered herself up to be killed: but the Chief, before he died, knowing that some would be sacrificed for him had given directions that she should not be one of them, and, on that account, her life was spared. When the Active was returned to Port Jackson, the two young Men who had been appointed to kill Towha’s Female Slaves, came in her. Towha was with us at the time. Mr Kendall informed me of the above circumstance, fearing that Towha might be angry with them when he heard of the death of his servants. The young Men, when they arrived, appeared alarmed: I spoke to Towha, and told him what had taken place: he was much concerned for the death of his servants; but assured me that he should show no anger to the young men who had killed them, for he knew better than to do so now; which promise he strictly kept. These incidents will tend to show the superstition and character of these people. In passing along the Village, we spoke to a man and his wife. There were some fowls running on the premises, which the man told me, had been bred from some that I had given Terra, the Head Chief on the south side of the Bay, when I was first there; and that when Terra died, his wife had taken Terra’s Nephew for her Husband, who succeeded to the authority of his uncle. As it was contrary to the established custom of the Natives for a Chief’s wife to marry again, a party from Ranghee-hoo went over to punish her for the violation of their laws, and stript her of what property she possessed. The fowls that we then saw, were part of the plunder which this ma had taken at that time. We then returned to the village, and had Divine Service in the evening. Aug. 30, 1819— After dark, I was called out by a Chief named Towhee; who informed me that Shunghee had made an attack on a village betwee Whangaroa and the North Cape, and had killed six persons; and had told me neither to be angry nor afraid. I expressed my concern for what had happened. Towhee said the cause of the difference between Shunghee and those people was the following:— his Wife’s Father had died some years ago: the people spoiled his sepulchre, took his bones, and made fish-hooks of them, for the express purpose of cruelly and wantonly sporting with Shunghee and his relations; and had put his scull on a pole to provoke him to revenge. Shunghee told me that he was going to fight, when he left Ranghee hoo, but only to remove the bones of his Wife’s Father. When he returns we shall lean whether he knew, previous to his departure, that the sacred tomb, in which the bones of his Father in law were deposited, had been spoiled. Aug-31- About 40 Men, Women, and Children, arrived at Ranghee-hoo, from a village situated on the banks of the Shukeangha, distant between 50 or 60 miles. This river empties itself into the sea, on the west side of the island, about 100 miles to the south of Cape Van Diemen. They brought with them a few hogs for sale; and a large quantity of sweet potatoes, as presents for their friends and relatives at Ranghee-hoo, where many of them reside. The complexion of these Natives is fairer than any that I had seen. They are a very fine race of people. I told them that it was my intention to visit them before I left New Zealand; which gratified them much. The Chief wished to know how long it would be before I went; and said that he would show me the way, and carry me over the intermediate swamps. I promised to visit them in one moon, if I could. He expressed his fears that Shunghee would be offended if I went to Shukeangha, lest any ship, at a future time, when the river and harbour were known, should come to them. I replied, that before he came to Ranghee-hoo, I had formed an intention of visiting them; and had already mentioned the circumstance to Shunghee, who approved of my design, and would not be displeased with me, or them, for my visiting the inhabitants on the banks of the Shukeangha. He expressed his satisfaction that Shunghee approved of my going; and said that he would supply the Settlement with pigs and potatoes, when formed at Kiddee Kiddee; as it would be nearer to Shukeangha. I gave him a spade; and promised his people some fish-hooks when I came to their Settlement, which pleased them all. Sept. 1, 1819— Mr Butler accompanied me on a visit to the Chiefs at the south side of the Bay; We arrived at Corraddica, the residence of the late Chief Terra, who was, at all times, a warm friend to Europeans. When I first visited New Zealand, Terra wept much for joy; and both he and his wife shewed us the greatest kindness. Mr Kendall informed me that he died last November; and expressed his happiness, on his dying bed, that no European had ever been killed in his district. We found his successor at home, who had long been known by the name of King George; and Terra’s late wife, with several of their people. They were overjoyed to see us; and Terra’s Widow requested me to sit down by her, which I did. She then told me what troubles she had met with, since I was there— that when Terra was alive, they had plenty of hoes, axes, spades, fish-hooks, tokees, sweet and common potatoes, and fowls, from those I had given them, and clothing; but that now they were completely destitute. They had not a nail, fish-hook, spade, axe, or hoe; and she had not any clothes, but the mat which she had on. She wept as she related her misfortunes, and spoke in a feeling manner. She is naturally a kind and tender- hearted women: many instances of this I saw, when first at New Zealand. I told her that I had been informed that she had married King George since Terra’s death, which was contrary to the customs of their country; and which offence against their laws had furnished her countrymen with a pretence to plunder her of all that she possessed at the time of Terra’s death. She admitted that she had consented to marry King Gerge; but, as yet, they were not united with the public sanction, nor could they be for some time to come. When Terra died, she wrapt up his body in mats, and performed every other necessary service for the dead: and had the body deposited in the Ahoodoo Pa, or sepulchre in which the dead are laid, till their bones are finally removed to the family vaults belonging to their tribe. She shewed me where Terra was laid; and said that she had to remove his bones before she could marry King George, which ceremony she would perform in a little time. In consequence of having performed the above services, and what she had still to do for Terra’s remains, she was polluted, and was compelled to eat and live with the common people; and could not enter into King George’s house: but, when terra’s bones were removed, she would then be received by King George as his wife, and raised from her present low state. She said that what King George possessed, at the time of Terra’s death, had also been taken from him, in consequence of taking her for his wife. King George confirmed what she said; and lamented that he had no pork or any thing to give us for our supper, but fern root; and also regretted that he had not an English house for us to sleep in. He reminded me how he had been treated when living with me at Parramatta, which favours he could not return; but said that we should have the best accommodation that he could give us. We spent the evening very pleasanty with these poor Heathens. At the length, King George informed us that our lodgings were ready. He had prepared his hut in the best manner— had spread new clean mats on the ground for us to sleep upon, and a clean mat at the entrance. The hut might be about 14 feet by 10; and he had made a fire in the centre, which made it as hot as an oven, there being no vent for the smoke but at the entrance, which was very small— so small, that I could not creep in without taking my coat off. I requested him to have the fire taken out, as we should not be able to bear the heat; which was done. When all was ready, we crept into the hut, along with King George, and his Wife, and Nephew, who is a fine youth, named Racow, and will succeed King George in his authority, should he survive him. Though the fire was removed, the hut was extremely hot. We perspired profusely when we lay down, and requested that the door of the hut might be kept open for a little air, as the hut was naturally from its construction, as warm as a bee-hive. Sept. 2, 1819.— When we awoke, we observed Terra’s widow sitting at the outside of the door, waiting for our rising. Our berth had been very warm— and clean; yet we willingly left it, on the return of day, and crept out to breathe the morning air. We desired Teeterree to prepare our breakfast. While it was getting ready, Terra’s widow, who was sitting on a log, with two or three females, requested me to sit down by them, which I did. The conversation turned on Terra, and the former time I was there. A fine young girl sat by, as we conversed together. She burst into a flood of silent tears: they ran in streams down her cheeks, on her mat. She sat and wept, and never spake, Her grief was to [sic] excessive. I called Mr Butler to witness the scene. It was more than his feelings could support: he was melted into tears. We then turned to King George who was sitting with his Wife, Racow, and Racow’s mother. Mr Butler inquired if they knew Mowhee; not knowing at the time, that he was speaking to Mowhee’s relations. The fine youth was Mowhee’s cousin; and his Mother, Mowhee’s Mothers sister. When she heard his name she was greatly agitated, and wept bitterly, as did his other relations; and told us that his Mother was dead. The account which Mr Butler gave them of Mowhee having been at his house, &c, was very gratifying to them, and they knew not how sufficiently to express their affection for Mr Butler. Racow is a tall, fine, handsome, youth, as can be seen in any country. His countenance is rather fair; and very open, noble, and placid. I told King George that he must not tattoo Racow— that it would spoil his countenance, and disfigure his face; but he laughed at my advice; and said he must be tattooed, as it would give him a noble, masculine and warlike appearance; and he would not be fit for his successor, with a smooth face.: the New Zealanders would look on him merely as a woman, if he was not tattooed. Poor Racow has much to suffer, before his face is carved like his Uncle’s, and other parts of his body too. When we had breakfasted on the provisions which we had with us, we prepared to visit another Chief, on the coast opposite to Coorraddicea, named Tekokee, about five miles distant; not knowing, at the time, that King George had prepared any thing for us to eat. When we informed him that we must leave him, he told us that his cooks had been providing for us some sweet potatoes, and that we must not depart till they came. We remonstrated with him for detaining us; but he resolved that we should not go till we had partaken of his hospitality. We had every reason to believe that he had sent a messenger in the night, to Pomarree, to procure for us some sweet potatoes for our entertainment; as two of Pomarree’s daughter s arrived very early, and shortly after we saw King George’s servants kindling the fire at a distance. In about half an hour, six cooks arrived, with a number of baskets of sweet potatoes, ready dressed, for ourselves and people. King George said that we must take the whole of them; and what we could not eat, we must take in the canoe, which order was complied with. King George expressed his regret that there were no Europeans to reside with him: he said that he wanted a Carpenter, Smith, and a Clergyman. We promised that he should have a European to live with him, as soon as we could spare one. When we left Corroraddicea, King George accompanied us to the other side; where we were kindly received by Tekokee and his people, who were busy preparing their land for potatoes. Tekokee was much rejoiced at our visit, as well as his wife and people. He told me that since I was there, he had buried four of his children, and had only one son remaining, and he was gone in the Active on a visit to me. I told him that he had arrived safe at Port Jackson, and was well; which gave him and his wife much satisfaction. He expressed a very ardent desire to have some Europeans to live with him; and pointed out a situation where an European house would stand to great advantage, and be an accomdation [sic] to the ships that came into the Bay, as they could easily water on his shore, from a stream of fresh water which went into the cove. We promised to bild him a house, as soon as we could, on the spot that he fixed on. Tekoke is the Chief of the Timber District; and, as much timber will be wanted for the intended buildings it was necessary to acquaint him with it. W promised him a few tools of Agriculture which he was much in want of, as he had only wooden tools to work with. He was much pleased with our promise, and said he would come to Rangheehoo for them. After staying about two hours, we set off for Wytanghee, where Mr Hall formerly lived. It lay in our way, about three miles from Tekokee’s. When we landed, and the people observed us, they ran in all directions to inform the Natives of our arrival. They met us with great joy. The Head Chief’s Wife was much affected. Her husband was gone to Parramatta, on a visit to me. I told her that he was well, and would return in the Active; which gave her & the other Natives much satisfaction. They earnestly solicited that some Europeans might live with them; but were apprehensive, from what had happened to Mr Hall when there, that none would come to them. Their land is rich; and the finest fall of water, for mills, is here that perhaps, ever was seen. We were much gratified with these poor Heathens while we remained with them. In the evening, we had a stormy passage to Ranghee-hoo, in a small canoe, with six Natives to work it. The water was rough, and the wind fresh. We were not without our fears, till safe on shore at the settlement, where we arrived after dark, highly gratified with our visit to the Natives, and thankful for our preservation; having, for some time, almost despaired [sic] of reaching the shore, as we had about seven miles to pass through a rough sea, the water frequently over the sides of the canoe. When we arrived, I learned that Shunghee had returned from his expedition. I inquired what he had done. He informed me that he had been told, some time previous to his present voyage toward the North Cape, that the inhabitants, not far from Whangarooa, had taken the bones of his wife’s father from the sacred sepulchre, and had made fish-hooks of them, as already mentioned; but he did not believe the report, but, went first to examine the sepulchre; where he only found a few ribs, and the upper part of the scull, which was broken; and that the thigh— land [sic] arm-bones, and also he jawbones, had been all broken and mad up into fish-hooks. Having satisfied himself of the fact, he proceeded to the village, where the people lived who had committed the sacrilege; and, going up within gun-shot of them, in the open-day, informed them that he was come to punish them for spoiling the sepulchre where his Wife’s father’s bones had been deposited, and for making his bones into fish-hooks. They admitted his charge, and the justice of his conduct: he then, without entering the village, fired upo them, and killed five me; whereupon the party attacked, requested him to fire no more, for the death of those who were shot was a sufficient atonement fr the offence committed. Shunghee answered that he was satisfied; and the business was thus decided, with the mutual consent of both parties: and Shunghee returned, after visiting the people who had taken the dead whale cast on his shore, and breaking the canoe in which they had gone. Shunghee appealed to me, wishing to know if we did not consider it a high crime to rob the sepulchre of the dead, and to offer such indignities to their remains; and whether the people, whom he had been to punish, had not merited their punishment for their crimes. I replied, I was sorry that any lives had been taken; and, at the same time, admitted, that it was just to punish such offences; but I was apprehensive that what he had done would excite the other party to avenge the death of their friends. Shunghee said that they were not able to make war upon him; and, therefore, would be quiet. Sept. 4, 1819.— Ahoudee O Gunna, the Chief from whom the land had been purchased where the present settlement stands, informed me that Mr Kendall had insulted him and his brother, by turning them out of his house. I assured him that Mr Kendall had no intention to offend him at the time, as I was there, and saw what passed. I was shortly after informed, that his Brother had gone to Mr Hall’s, and stolen two earthen pots. In the afternoon, I met Ahoudee O Gunna and his brother, and charged them with the theft. Ahoudee O Gunna replied, that his brother had not stolen the pots, but had taken them away with an intention to bring on an explanation respecting Mr Kendall’s conduct; as he demanded some compensation for the insult, and he should refuse to give up the pots till the compensation was given I told him that Mr Hall was not to be punished for what Mr Kendall had done; and that the pots ought immediately to be restored to the owner. Ahoudee O Gunna was willing to give them up; but his Brother demanded an axe; not as a favour, but as a reward for them. W conceived that if we complied with this demand, it would open the door for future robberies; and therefore told him that he might keep the pots; for we would not purchase them, because they were stolen. Ahoudee O Gunna was much hurt at his brother’s conduct; and, in the course of the following week, they differed seriously. Ahoudee O Gunna, in order to show his disapprobation, set his own house on fire, and burnt it; and left Ranghee-hoo with a determination to return no more to his brother, he was so much ashamed of the theft, after our kindness to him and his Wife. A few days afterward, Mr Butler and myself were walking through the village & met Ahoudee O Gunna’s brother. He told us that he had but one pot, which he would give up: the other had been broken by another Native, who was gone into the country. We pointed out to him the evil of stealing; and that it was a crime which we could not reward, whatever we lost. He sent his son to us with the pot. We gave the boy six fish-hooks; who soon returned with them, and said that his father would take nothing for the pot. Thus, by firmness, we gained our point. We are concerned for Ahoudee O Gunna and shall heal his grief and vexation by some act of kindness, the first opportunity. Our punt not being complete, the Master of the “General Gates” brought up the remaining stores, in a canoe belonging to Korrokorro. The casks being cheifly [sic] filled with tools of Agriculture, we could not land them, without opening and exposing their contents to the Natives. A Miser never valued gold so much as they do edge tools. These are a temptation which they cannot withstand. We now expected to be robbed, more or less; as the Natives cold not be kept from the canoe, nor from the casks when opened. We were obliged to employ some of them, to carry the stores to the public store. When about half of them were landed, a report was spread that the Natives had stolen some of the axes, bill-hooks, &c. An immediate stop was put to the Natives carrying any of the articles from the canoe, and several of them were charged with theft; which created a general tumult and fermentation among them. We could not ascertain what they had stolen, but knew that some axes, sickles, &c were missing. We remonstrated with them for their ungrateful conduct; and told them that we had come there to do them good— that we wanted nothing that they could give us, as we had plenty in our own country— & that, as we had no object but to serve them, we could not allow them to rob us of our property. I told them that King George and the gentlemen in England, would be ashamed of them, when they heard of their thefts; and that I could allow no thief to go in the Active to Parramatta; &, if they went there and stole there, Governor MacQuarie would hang them; and if any one of them should come to Port Jackson in any other ship, I should then catch them. After a long debate, some recommended the stolen property to be given up, and others alleging it was too valuable to be given up, the honest party prevailed; & ran off, in different directions, for the axes, &c. A number were brought in on Saturday evening, and laid down publicly, on the beach, where we were assembled to discuss this important subject. Our object was to convince them of the injustice & immorality of their conduct, and to check, as much as we could, their disposition to steal. Before we allowed the casks to be opened, & the Natives to carry the Stores, I asked Mr Kendall publicly, if they would not steal them. Mr Kendall said they would not; for he had never known them steal any thing from him. When they were charged with theft, Towha, Tippahee’s son, who had resided 12 months at Parramatta, reprobated their conduct, and told them that they had covered Mr Kendall with shame— that he had given them a good character for honesty; but their theft proved that he was a liar, hen he said they were honest. At length they said that they would return all that had been taken, excepting one axe, which was the first stolen; & that the man who had taken it should be banished from Ranghee-hoo, and not allowed to return again. The theif [sic] offered to return his axe; but the others said, that if he was allowed to remain, he would steal again; and therefore desired him to leave the place, & take the stolen axe with him. The remainder of the stores were safely landed, and the Natives promised to return on Monday what property they could not recover on Saturday night; & thus ended the business, to our mutual satisfaction. I spoke to Shunghee on the heinousness of their crime in stealing the axes. He said that they were not his people, and that it was very wrong to take so many; & observed, with a smle, that if they had taken one axe, he should not have thought much of it: which convinced me that Shunghee himself could not have withstood the temptation, had it lain in his way. Sept 5, 1819.— Early this morning arrived King George and Racow, Mowhee’s Cousin, with their relations; and, at the same time, Pomarree, with part of his Tribe. I was walking on the beach when they landed, and told them it was the sabbath day; &, on that account, we could not do any thing with them. They said that they could not stop, as they had bought no provisions, We ordered them what was necessary, & afterwards performed Divine Service in the shed; where the four great men in New Zealand (Shunghee, King George, and Pomarree, with Racow the Young King) attended, & many others. All behaved with decorum & we hope the day is not far distant, when they will know the joyful sound of the Gospel; & have the Lord for their God, in the fullest sense. In the evening, we had Divine Service; &, afterwards, the Holy Sacrament was administered in this distant land; the solemnity of which did not fail to excite in our breasts sensations and feelings corresponding with the peculiar situation in which we were. We looked back to the period, when this Holy Ordinance was first instituted in Jerusalem, in the presence of our Lord’s Disciples; and adverted to the peculiar circumstances under which it was now administered, at the very end of the earth, where a single ray of Divine Revelation had never till now dawned on the inhabitants. Sept. 6.— This morning, the greatest part of the articles stolen on Saturday were returned. We expressed our approbation of the conduct of the Natives in attending to our remonstrances, recommending them to act honestly in future; & rewarded such as had given information of thefts, or had exerted their influence to obtain the stolen property. A good understanding was soon established again between us & the Natives; & they joined their respective work as before, in sawing timber, &c. Pomarree paid us an early visit with King George. He told me he was very angry, that I had not brought a blacksmith for him, & that when he heard there was no blacksmith for him, he sat down and wept much, as also did his Wives. I assured him that he should have one, as soon as one could be got for him. He replied it would be of no use to him to send a Backsmith, when he was dead; & that at present he was in the greatest distress: his wooden spades were all broke, and had not an axe to make any more: his canoes were all broke and he had not a nail or a gimlet to men them with: his potatoe grounds were uncultivated, and he had not a hoe to break them up with, nor a tool to employ his people; and that, for want of cultivation, he and his people would have nothing to et. He begged me to compare the land of Tippoonah which belonged to the inhabitants of Ranghee hoo and Shunghee, with his; observing that their land was already prepared for planting, because a Smith was there, and they could get hoes, &c. I endeavoured to pacify his mind with promises, but he paid little attention to what I said, in respect to sending him a Smith at a future period. He was so angry with me for not giving him a Blacksmith, that he had taken twenty five hogs to the General Gates, but had brought none for us. I tried to divert his mind from hi disappointment, and asked him if he should wish to go to England, with that view. He replied, he should not: and observed he was a little man when at Port Jackson, and should be less in England; but, in his own country he was a great king. We then promised him a few hoes, &c., which operated like a cordial on his wounded mind. He begged hard for three hoes, one axe, a few nails, and a gimlet. I told him he should have them. Mr Butler, when he accompanied me to Corroraddica, had seen the distress which King George was in for want of a few tools; and told us, if he did not get an axe he would hang himself. We therefore agreed to give these Chiefs, 15 hoes, 2 spades, 3 axes, 4 gimlets, a few nails, 12 combs, 2 looking-glasses, 2 plane irons, and nearly 100 fish-hooks. They received this present with the greatest joy and gratitude, and returned to their own district as happy as King’s with the spoils of war. Sept. 7, 1819.— Mr Butler & Mr Francis Hall accompanied me to Tippoonah; a Native Settlement, about two miles distant from Rangheehoo. The land there is chiefly planted with sweet potatoes, which constitute the choicest food of the Natives. The soil is generally rich and light, and well adapted for the growth of this root. The principal inhabitants of Ranghee-hoo have their sweet potatoe gardens here. We found numbers of them at work, in their respective allotments; some with spades and hoes which they had received from us; others, with wooden spades, with long handles to them, the mouth made about the same as an English spade; and such as got neither spade nor hoe, turned up the ground with long spatulas, about three feet in length. The wooden spades and spatulas can only be used when the land is light, and has been previously turned up. They have another wooden tool, about seven feet long, pointed like a hedge stake, and a piece of wood lashed on about two feet from the point, to place the foot upon, to aid in thrusting the instrument into the ground. They call this tool Koko. They pull up all the weeds with their hands, and then cover them with the spatula or spade, as they proceed in digging. The Natives were overjoyed to see us, and their universal cry was for spades and hoes. We regretted much that it was not in our power to gratify all their laudable wishes. We saw, with pain, the hard toil which they endured, and the little progress which they made in cultivation with their rude instruments; and were convinced, by ocular demonstration, that the earth can never be subdued, and made to bring forth its increase, to reward the sweat and toil of man, without iron; and that this valuable article is the only thing in the creation that can relieve the temporal miseries of this people. In passing over these potatoe grounds, we were informed that Shunghee had an extensive allotment, and was then in his garden. We went to visit him; and found him in the midst of his people, who were all at work, preparing the land for planting. Shunghee received us with great pleasure. I observed his head Wife at work with a spatula; and her little Daughter, between four and five years old, sitting on the bed which her mother was digging. I knew the age of this little girl; for she was born at Shunghee’s Hippah (or Epah, a fortified place), about thirty miles from Ranghee-hoo, the very night I slept there, when first at New Zealand. Shunghee’s Wife reminded me of this circumstance; and said that she had called the child Marsden” from my being with them at the birth. [Left off - in pencil] This woman is about thirty five years old, and is quite blind. She lost her sight from an inflammation in her eyes about three years ago. She appeared to dig the ground as fast as those who had their sight, and as well. She pulled up the weeds, with her hands, as she went on— then set her feet upon them, that she might knw where they were,— afterward, dug up the ground, and covered the weeds with the mould, with her hands. I told her, that if she would give me the spatula, I would give her a hoe: which offer was accepted with joy; her daughter was sent immediately with the spatula, along with Mr Butler for the promised he. When we viewed the wife of one of the greatest Chiefs in New Zealand— a man possessed of a very large and extensive territory of rich land; and one whose name, as a soldier, strikes terror into all the inhabitants, from the North to the East Capes— labouring hard, though completely blind, with a wooden spade to gain a scanty subsistence on potatoes— this sight excited, in our breasts, new sensations and reflections, both of pleasure and pain & kindled within us the best feelings of the human heart. We most ardently wished that the Christian World could witness this sight, with the surrounding scene: the means would soon be raised to furnish every blind woman, whether of high or low rank, who are willing to labour for their bread, with a hoe or spade; as well as to afford relief to all that are in distress, for want of these necessary instruments. We have found, in every district which we have visited, the body of the inhabitants industrious, but their industry is universally checked for the want of agricultural tools. We need not adduce any other proof of their habits of industry, than what has now been stated. If a woman of the first rank, and, at the same time, blind, can, from habit, labour in the field with her servants and children, what will not these people rise to, if they can procure the means of improving their country, and bettering their condition! Their temporal state must be improved by agriculture and simple arts, in connexion with the introduction of Christianity, in order to give permanence and full influence to the Gospel among them. It may reasonably be expected, that their moral and religious advancement will keep pace with the increase of their temporal comforts. They are, at present, naked & hungry: and if we should say unto them, “Be ye warmed and filled, notwithstanding we give them not those things which are needful to the body, what doth it profit? The bwels of Christians would yearn, I am sure, over their temporal and spiritual miseries, was it possible to make them known. Our God and Saviour, who is loving to every man, and whose tender mercies are over all his works, is now blessed be his name! moving the hearts f his servants to send relief to the por Heathen, even to the very ends of the earth; which must cause the hearts of all who wish well to Zion, to rejoice. Sept 8, 1819— Early this morning, several canoes left Ranghee-hoo for Whangarooa, in consequence of infor mation, that had arrived inthe night frm the people who had been attacked by Shunghee. A number of our sawyers, we found, were gone with them. The report is, that the Natives, in these districts, are going to muster their tribes; and to demand satisfaction from Shunghee for the men he shot, in his late attack on the village. Shunghee has a Hippah in the Bay of Islands, about two miles from Ranghee-hoo, which he is fortifying, and preparing to receive the enemy. As these people have no regular established government, it appears that all crimes are punished, either by an appeal to the sword, or by plundering the offender of his little property and laying waste his potatoe grounds. In the evening, Tori and his brother Teranghee paid us a visit. Tooi informed us, that his brother Korrokorro wished him to be tattooed. We told him that it was a very foolish and ridiculous custom, and, as he had seen so much of civilized life, he should now lay aside the barbarous customs of his country, and adopt those of civilized nations. Tooi replied, that he wished to do so himself; but his brother urged him to be tattooed, as otherwise he could not support his rank and character as a Gentleman among his countrymen, and they would consider him timid and effeminate. However, he promised that he would not be tattooed, unless compelled by his friends. In time of war, great honour is paid to the head of a warrior, when killed in battle, if he is properly tattooed. His head is taken to the conqueror, and preserved, as the spoils of war, with respect— as a standard, when taken from a Regiment, is respected by the victor. It is gratifying to the vanquished, to know that the heads of their Chiefs are preserved by the enemy; for when the conqueror wishes to make peace, he takes the Heads of the Chiefs along with him, and exhibits them to their tribe. If the tribe are desirous of putting an end to the contest, they cry aloud at the sight of the Heads of their Chiefs, and all hostilities terminate: this is the signal that the Conqueror will grant them any terms which they may require. But if the tribe are determined to renew the contest and risk the issue of another battle, they do not cry. Thus the Head of a Chief may be considered as the Standard of the Tribe to which he belongs and the signal of peace or war. If the conqueror never intends to make peace, he will dispose of the Heads of those Chiefs whom he kills in battle, to ships, or to any persons who will buy them. Sometimes they are purchased by the friends of the vanquished, and returned to their surviving relations; who hold them in the highest veneration, and indulge their natural feelings, by viewing them, and weeping over them. When the Chief is killed in a regular battle, the victors cry aloud, as soon as he falls, “Throw us the Man”, if he falls within the lines of his own party. If the party, whose Chief is dead, are intimidated, they immediately comply with the demand. As soon as the victim is received, his Head is immediately cut off; and a proclamation made for all the Chiefs to attend, who belong to the victorious party, to assist in performing the accustomed religious Ceremony, in order to ascertain, by augury, whether their God will prosper them in the present battle. If the priest, after the performance of the ceremony, says that their God is propitious, they are inspired with fresh courage to attack the enemy; but if the Priest returns answer, that their God will not be propitious, they quit the feild [sic] of battle in sullen silence. The Head already in possession is preserved for the Chief on whose account the war was undertaken, as satisfaction for the injury which he, or some one of his tribe, had received from the enemy. When the war is over, and the Head properly cured, it is sent to all the Chief’s friends, as a gratification to them, and to show them that justice had been obtained from the offending party. With respect to the Body of the Chief, it is cut up into small portions, and dressed for those who are in the battle, under the immediate direction of the Chief who obtains the Head; and, if he wishes to gratify any of his friends who are not present, small portions are reserved for them; on the receipt of which they give thanks to their God for the victory obtained over their enemy. If the flesh should be so putrid, from the length of time before it is received, that it cannot be eaten, a substitute is eaten in stead. They not only eat the flesh of the Chiefs, but are wont to take their bones, and distribute them among their friends; who make whistles of them, and fish-hooks of others. These they value and preserve with care, as memorials of the death of their enemies. It is also customary with them, for a man, when he kills another in battle, to taste the blood of the slain. He imagines that he shall then be safe from the wrath of the God of him that has fallen; believing, that from the moment he tastes the blood of the man whom he has killed, the dead man becomes a part of himself; & places him under the protection of the Atua or God, of the departed spirit. Mr Kendall informed me, that one occasion, Shunghee ate the left eye of a great Chief, whom he killed in battle at Shukeangha. The New Zealanders believe that the left eye, some time after death, ascends to the Heavens, and becomes a star in the firmament. Shunghee ate the left eye of the Chief, from present revenge; and under the idea of increasing his own future glory and brightness when his own left eye should become a star. From all that I have been able to learn, relative to the New Zealanders eating human flesh, this custom appears to have its origin in religious superstition. I could hear of no instance of any man ever being killed, merely to gratify the appetite; or of any killed for the purpose of selling their Heads to Europeans or other nations. The Heads which are cured and sold, are those of the slain in war, which are not intended to be returned to their friends. At the same time, I am of opinion, that it is not safe or prudent for masters of vessels or any of the crews, to purchase heads from the Natives: for if a Tribe knew that the head of their Chief was on board any vessel, it is more than probable that they would make an attempt on the vessel, in order to obtain the head from the high veneration and esteem in which they hold the relics of their departed leaders. Sept. 12, 1819. Sunday— Divine Service was performed, this morning, on the beach, in the shed; when some Chiefs from distant districts attended. We met with no molestation from the Natives: they behaved with decorum; and we trust they will, ere long, esteem this Day above all other days, & become true worshippers of the only true and Living God: then shall this Heathen Land, in every sense, “bring forth its increase, and God will give His blessing.” Sept. 13.— Ahoudee O Gunna came, this morning to take his leave of us. He had been on the spot where his house stood before he burnt it, to weep with his friends. He had cut and lacerated his face, arms, and other parts of his body, very much; to express his grief, according to their custom; and his friends had followed his example. We gave him a spade, hoe, axe, gimlet, looking-glass, file, and two Knives, one for himself and one for his Wife. These presents contributed to heal his distressed mind. He told me that he should never return to Ranghee hoo; and should take up his residence with Tekokee, and pressed me much to send an European to live at Cowa cowa, with him and be friends. I promised him his wishes should be granted as soon as we could. Whenever he turned his eyes on his presents of tools, his joy was visible in his countenance, and appeared to to swallow u all his late sorrows. Ahoudee O Gunna is much attached to the Europeans, and was very serviceable when I first visited New Zealand. We had also a number of Chiefs to visit us to-day, from different districts. Their object was, to obtain a hoe or a spade some of them had come more than twenty miles. They urged their distresses with every argument in their power. We distributed about three dozens of hoes among them, and a few other tools, and regretted much that it was not in our power to give them three hundred; which number even would only be like a drop in the bucket. They danced with joy when they were presented with these tools: and many of them will immediately be at work with them, which will greatly increase the quantity of corn & potatoes next season, as this is the Spring, and the proper time for planting both; by which means their comforts will be increased, and the Settlers more abundantly supplied with pork, corn, and potatoes. As the comforts of the native inhabitants increase, so will their civilization be proportionably improved. All they seem to want is the means of procuring the comforts of Civil Life. They neither want industry, nor natural ability of mind, nor strength of body; for these they possess, perhaps, in a superior degree to any other barbarous nation: and, as their climate & soil are both favourable for all the purposes of agriculture, they, no doubt will make a rapid progress in the attainments of the necessary comforts of Civil Life. We, this evening, had the pleasure to launch our flat-bottomed boat, in the presence of the joyful natives. It is estimated to carry twenty tons, and is the first vessel ever built on the Northern Island of New Zealand. We may view it like a grain of mustard-seed, if we anticipate the naval power and strength which this country is capable of attaining, from the energy of the inhabitants— their bold and enterprising spirit— and their harbours, rivers, and naval stores. It was impossible to prevent the mind from contemplating, with secret pleasure, on viewing the launching of this little bark into the bosom of the great deep, the infinite blessings which the Christian World would impart to this nation, by the introduction of the Arts of Civilization and the Gospel. it is not possible for persons in Civil Life to conceive the wants of those who are in a state of nature; nor can they estimate the blessings which they themselves enjoy when compared with the miseries of a barbarous state. Sept. 14, 1819— This morning, I met Korrokorro at Rangheehoo. He informd me that he had been spending the night with Shunghee, at Tippoonah. Knowing the jealousy that existed between these two Chiefs, I wished to know what was the nature of his visit to Shunghee. He said he went to arrange some public matters with Shunghee, previous to his own departure for the River Thames; whither he was going on an embassy of peace, and intended to take the gratest part of the men of his tribe with him. He was apprehensive that Shunghee would take advantage of his absence, and attack the people whom he should leave behind, unless Shunghee and he cam to a good understanding before he went. I inquired if Shunghee and he had settled their differences to their mutual satisfaction. He replied that they had and that Shunghee had engaged not to molest his people during the period that he was from home, which he expeced, would be about 4 months. The object of his present visit to the river Thames, was, to make peace between some of the Chiefs there & his uncle Kaipo. Some months ago, the son of Kaipo was poisoned, or supposed to be so, by some of the Chiefs at the River Thames, when he was on a visit. For this real or supposed offence, Kaipo wanted satisfaction; and Korro Korro was going with all his fighting men, and his Uncle, to settle this business— not with a view to fight, but to bring the offending party to some honorable terms of settlement, according to their customs. Korro Korro is a very brave and sensible man. I have seen no Chief who has his people under such subjection and good order as he; yet he is tired of war, and wishes that there was no fighting at New Zealand; and we have reason to believe that he will prevent war, as much as he can. After conversing with Korrokorro, I set out for Kddeekiddee, with our ne boat, full of scantling-boards for the New Settlement; accompanied by Mr W. Hall, the three carpenters, and Mr Samuel Butler. We arrived in the evening, in the midst of a crowd of joyful Natives, who immediately conveyed the timber to a spot where we intended to erect the Public Store, the Smith’s Shop, &c. We set the Natives to work to clear the ground; and then we marked out these buildings— the Public Store, 60 feet, the Smith’s House, thirty feet, and his shop, twenty feet, by fourteen. After the ground had been marked out, I left Mr Hall and the Carpenters to begin the buildings, and returned, with Mr S. Butler, in the boat to Ranghee-hoo, where we arrived at near eleven o’clock that night. The boat will prove the most essential service to the Settlement, from the bundles of timber, lime, and stores, which she carries. Sept. 15, 1819— This morning I met some of the people who had returned from Whangaroa; and inquired how they had settled the difference relative to Sunghee’s shooting some of their people, in his late attack on the village. They informed me that there had been a very large meeting of Natives, from different parts, among whom were hundreds from the North Cape. The object of their meeting was to mourn and weep with Topira, the Chief of Whangaroa, and to comfort him for the loss of his people. One of the Chiefs from Ranghehoo [sic] informed me, that Topira wished me to go to Whangarooa and see him. If I could not go, he would come to Rangheehoo, before I returned to Port Jackson. He wished to obtain a he, spade, adze, and a few fish-hooks. Topira is considered a very mild, and sensible man, and much averse to War, and is greatly respected by his countrymen, as well as by the Settlers. It is not intended to call on Shunghee for satisfaction, on account of his attack on the village; the inhabitants have given the first offence, by spoiling te Sepulchre of his Wife’s Father, as already mentioned. In walking through the Village of Ranghee-hoo, this morning, I observed Towhee tattooing the Son of the late Tippahee, on the seat and on the upper part of the thigh. The operation was very painful, it was per= formed with a small chisel made of the wing-bone of a pigeon or wild fowl. This chisel was about a quarter of an inch broad, and was fixed in a handle, four inches long, so as to form an acute angle at the head, something like a little pick, with one end. With this chisel he cut all the straight and spiral lines, by striking the head with a stick about one foot long, in the same manner as a farrier opens the vein of a horse with a fleam. One end of the stick was cut like a knife to scrape off the blood as it gushed from the cuts. The chisel appeared to pass through the skin at every stroke, and cuts it as a carver cuts a piece of wood. The chisel was constantly dipped in a liquid made from a particular tree, and afterward mixed with water, which communicates the blackness or, as they call it, the “Amoko”. I observed proud flesh rising in some parts, which had been cut almost a month before. The operation is so painful, that the whole tattooing can not be borne at one time; and it appears to be several years, before the Chiefs are perfectly tattooed. On my return thro’ the village, in company with Mr Kendall, I observed the Heads of four Chiefs, stuck on four poles, at one of the huts. I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me to the hut, in order to ascertain the cause of the death of these fur Chiefs, and from whence the heads had been brought. On making inquiries of the people, we received the following account:— Some years ago, a vessel from Port Jackson, called the Venus, touched at the bay of islands, from whence the crew took a woman belonging to Shunghee’s tribe, and afterwards landed her at or near East Cape, on te main land. After Temmarangha had heard of the fate of his sister (who was taken at the same time), he sent spies towards the East Cape to ascertain the particulars, and the situation of the people who had killed her. Temmarangha’s spies travelled as traders, all along the coast; and when they returned, they brought information of what had become of these two women: one had been killed and eaten on an island, and the other on the main at a greater distance. Temmarangha set off to revenge the death of his Sister, as already stated; and Shunghee followed when he was ready. They both returned, without meeting, after taking vengeance on the respective people who had committed the above murders; and the Heads which I saw were the Heads of Four Chiefs whom Shunghee had killed in battle. He also brought with him two Chiefs as prisoners, and many more Heads. Mr Kendall told me that Shunghee was eleven months on his voyage; and returned eight months ago, with many prisoners of War, who were shared between him and his subordinate Chiefs. I could not but reflect, with pain and grief and shame, on the crimes of my countrymen; who, by their wanton atrocities, spread war, misery and death, even among the poor Heathen Nations, who have never done them the smallest injury. What an amazing day that will be, when God shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness! Almost sixteen years have now elapsed, since the Venus was pirated; and, in consequence of that piracy, and the crimes afterward committed by the pirates, the Heads of the Fathers of families and leaders of tribes are this day exhibited in Ranghee-hoo and their Wives, children, and servants, either slain, or delivered over to captivity! Previous to closing this day’s observations, I met with Shunghee and Temmarangha. Wishing to know every particular relative to their expedition toward the East Cape, I requested them to accompany me to Mr Kendall, that I might, with his assistance, examine them very minutely. After a conversation of nearly two hours, I collected the following particulars relative to their expedition and customs. Temmarangha went chiefly to revenge the death of his Sister, as already mentioned. he took with him 400 fighting men, and, after attaining his object, returned with a few prisoners of war. He went on his expedition previous to Shunghee; but they never met on any part of the coast. Shunghee had two objects in view; the one was, to revenge the murder of the Woman belonging to his trie, who had been taken away by the Venus, as already stated: the other, to assist Houpah, a Chief at the river Thames, to revenge three murders, which had been committed on his tribe several years before. Houpah had long solicited Shunghee to aid him, in punishing the tribe who had cut off his people. Shunghee left the Bay of islands, on the 7 of February 1818, with his fighting men, to join Houpah at the River Thames. When they sailed from the river Thames, their forces amounted to 800 men. On their arrival at the districts where they intended to make war, such of the Natives as were able fled into the interior, leaving their habitations. Shunghee says, that they burnt 500 villages. The inhabitants are very numerous on the Coast, between the River Thames and the East Cape. Many of them were taken by surprise, and had not time to muster; and, therefore, were compelled to fly for safety to the country, as Shunghee advanced. A number of Chiefs were killed, either by surprise or in defending their towns and people; and many of their heads brought away by the conquering party. The settlers informed me, that about seventy heads were brought to Ranghee hoo, in one canoe. They also took 2,000 prisoners of War, whom they brought back with them, as their spoils; consisting of Men, Women, and Children. These prisoners were shared among the Chiefs and their Officers, and made slaves. I was anxious to know whether or not they eat those slain in battle; and, therefore, requested Shunghee and Temmarangha to inform me how they acted in the field, when the enemy met them; and also if they eat their enemies when then killed. In answer to my request, they gave me the following account:— When a Chief of the enemy’s party is killed, his body is immediately demanded by the assailants; &, as before stated, if the party attacked are intimidated, it is directly delivered up. If the Chief was a married man, his Wife is then called for; and she is also delivered into the hands of the enemy. She is taken away with the body of her Husband, and is killed. If she lved her Husband, she voluntarily resigns herself and her children; and desires the victors to do unto her and her children as they had done to her husband. If the party refuse to give up the Chief’s Wife, they are immediately attacked by the enemy; who will not give up the contest, till they obtain her, or are overpowered. When they have got possession of a Chief and his Wife, after the Woman is killed, their bodies are placed in order before the Chiefs. The Areekee, or High Priest, then calls out the Chiefs to dress the body of the man for his God; and the priestess, who is also an Areekee, gives the command to the Wives of the Chiefs to dress the women for her God. The body are [sic] then placed on fires, and roasted by the Chiefs and their Wives; none of the common people are allowed to touch them, as they are tabooed. When the bodies are dressed, the Areekees take each a piece of the flesh, in a small basket, which they hang on two sticks stuck into the ground, a food for their Gods (to whom they are going to offer up their prayers & whom they are about to consult relative to the present contest) in order that their Gods may partake first of the sacrifices. While these Services are performing, all the Chiefs sit, in profound silence, in a circle, around the bodies, with their faces covered with their hands or mats, as they are not permitted to look on these mysteries; while they, the Areekees are praying, and picking small pieces of flesh from their sacrifices which they eat at the same time. These consecrated bodies are only to be eaten by the Areekees. When all the sacred services are completed, the Areekees return the answer of their Gods to their prayers and offerings. If their prayers and offerings are accepted, the battle is immediately renewed (as before mentioned) and all in common feed upon the after slain. They eat the slain, not so much for food, as for mental gratification, and to display, publicly, to their enemies, their bitter revenge. Wishing to know if the Areekees prayed secretly to their Gods, at the time of performing the above ceremonies, I asked them the question: to which they replied, No: but publickly, with an audible voice, that all might hear what was prayed for unless the Areekees disapproved of their proceedings: in that case, their prayers were not heard. The New Zealanders are not only afraid of being killed in battle, if the enter on war without permission of their God; but they are also afraid of spiritual consequences that they will either afterward be killed by the anger of their own God, or of that of their enemy. They fully believe that a Priest has power to take away their lives by incantation or charm; and attribute many of their deaths to this cause. I may observe here, that I never discovered that the New Zealanders offered up human sacrifices to their Gods on any occasion, before Shunghee and Temmarangha made the above statement; but I am now satisfied that they do perform these cruel rites. After we had ended our conversation, I was walking on the beach, when I was met by a young woman, of a very interesting countenance and address. She asked me to give her a hoe, I inquired who she was, and from whence she came. She told me that she was a Prisoner of War, and had been taen between the East Cape and the River Thames, by Shunghee’s party, and brought to Rangheehoo; and that her Aunt’s name is Heena, a great Queen. I have often heard the Natives, when at Parramatta, speak of this Woman, as possessing a large territory and numerous subjects; and Mr Kendall has occasionally mentioned her, in his correspondence with me. This Young Woman informed me that Shunghee attacked their Settlement by surprise. She was taken prisoner in the town; and her Father, brother and Seven sisters escaped in the country: none f them were killed. The cause of the attack being made on them, was that her forefathers had killed three persons belonging to Hupah’s tribe, and they came to revenge their deaths. This account confirmed what Shungee [sic] had just stated. While she was stating these circumstances, the Young Man was standing by, who had taken her in the attack on the town; and she was part of his spoil. I observed, that, when the “Active” returned, I might visit the place which she came from if I had time. The young man said, that if she went in the “Active” he would go too; and would allow her to see the place, but not to land, as she would in that case run away. Sept. 16, 1819— In consequence of many of the principal inhabitants of Rangheehoo having never been able to obtain either an axe, or a hoe since the Settlement was formed, we resolved to make a few presents of these articles, so far as our means would allow, this Morning, and for that purpose we requested the Settlers to give us the names of those persons whom they knew to be the most needy and deserving. Our intention was soon known in the Village when the Natives in great numbers, collected about the Public School, which, at present, contains our stores. When the list was completed, I went to deliver the presents, assisted by Mr Francis Hall and Mr Kendall; Mr Butler being confined to the house by sickness. The crowd was so great, that I could not get into the School for some time. I told them, that I should be obliged to return, if they would not make way for me. The School yard was as full of Men and Women, calling out for an axe or a hoe, as a sheep pen; and when no more could get in, they got upon the roofs of the School and Out-houses. After distributing 23 hoes and 37 axes, I was obliged to steal away through a back door, as we had not the means to meet all their urgent wants, in order to avoid the painful importunities of those whom we could not relieve; for no hungry beggars ever craved more earnestly for a morsel of bread, than these poor needy Heathens did for an axe or a hoe; and nothing could exceed the gratification of those who were so fortunate as to obtain one. Though many hundreds of axes and hoes, and thousands of tokees, have been distributed amongst this distressed people, since the formation of the settlement; yet all that have been received hitherto is only like a single passing shower, falling on some favoured spot, in a barren and thirsty land. Many years must roll away, before every Native in this country is worth an axe or a hoe notwithstanding the readiness of Christians to contribute to their relief. Sept. 17, 1819.— I remained the principal part of this day in the house, in order to avoid the importunities of those Natives, to whom we had not the means of giving an axe or a hoe. It was not possible to walk, without being surrounded by them on all sides; some urging their request with savage rudeness, and others with pleasing civility. Their universal cry is “Give me a hoe, an axe, or a spade.” In order to move compassion, they will shew their hands; and represent how sore their fingers are, with scratching out the earth, in opening the water-farrows, through the potatoe grounds. It is exceedingly painful to refuse any of their requests; for their wants are real, and their toil and sufferings great, in consequence of not being able to procure those necessary implements of Agriculture. When we consider that all that their country produces, which they can produce convert into any kind of Tools, is wood and shell, we cannot wonder at their distress. With stone axes they cut all their timber, for making their huts, fencing their potatoe grounds, forming their wooden spades and spatulas and making their canoes. Hence it is not in their power to build permanent or even comfortable huts, or to make fences &c for want of iron. Little can be done in cultivation, for the same reason. I believe that there is ten times more land in cultivation, at the present time, in the districts round the Bay of Islands, than there was in 1814, when the Settlement was first formed. This improvement in cultivation is wholly owing to the Tools of Agriculture which have been sent out, from time to time, by the Society. The mortality among the Natives was very great the first Winter after the Settlement was formed, for want of food. It is gratifying to say, that there have been, for the last two years, but very few deaths among the Natives in the above districts; which is to be attributed, under Divine Providence, to the extensive cultivation, by which the Natives have been more abundantly supplied with food. Cultivation and their temporal comforts will most certainly keep pace with the means afforded for improving the agriculture of the country. Hoes and spades are the tools which will be principally wanted, till the country is supplied with cattle, and the plough is set to work. Cattle can easily be supplied from New South Wales, and, in a short time, the plough may be employed in cultivation, as the land is generally free from timber, excepting small brushwood and fern, which can, with little trouble, be cut down and burnt off. Sept. 20, 1819.— A number of Natives arrived, at a very early hour, from remote districts, some 20 and others 50 miles distant. They were ready to tear us to pieces for hoes and axes. One of them said his heart would burst, if he did not get a hoe. We are wearied with their importunities; and exceedingly distressed that our means are so small, as to put it totally out of our power to meet their wants at the present time. I told many of them, this morning, that I had written to England for a great number; and, as soon as the ship arrived, they should have some given them. They replied, that many of them would be in their graves before the ship could come from England, and the hoes and axes would be of no advantage to them when dead. They wanted them now. They had no Tools at present but wooden ones, to work their potatoe grounds with; and requested that we would relieve their present distress. It is exceedingly difficult, nay, I may say impossible, to convince them, by any argument, that we have it not in our power to comply with their wishes. It would take 5000 axes and hoes to meet the present demand; and it is more than probable, that when that number should have been distributed, as many more would be required. In the evening, I walked over to Tippoonah, accompanied by Messrs. Kendall and Hall, to see what progress the Natives were making in preparing their potatoe grounds for planting. We found more than 100 in the field, men and women, most of them at work, some with the hoes and spades which they had received from the Missionary Stores, and others with wooden tools. Very considerable portions of land were cleared and broken up in different places, and made ready for planting, since our last visit. Shunghee has built a small village here, on the ground which he is cultivating, for the accommodation of his working people. We visited this Village. He was gone to Kiddee Kiddee. We found his three Wives at home: two of them had been prisoners of War. His head Wife, who is blind, told us, with a smile, that Shunghee was not so kind. in his attentions to her, since he had taken the two New Wives, who were present. His head Wife has a very fine family of Children. In this Village, I observed the Heads of eleven Chiefs stuck up on poles, as trophies of victory. I learned that they were part of those whom Shunghee brought with him, from his last expedition to the southward. He had cured them all. Their countenances were very natural, excepting their lips and teeth, which had all a ghastly grin, as if they had been fixed by the last agonies of death. How painful must these exhibitions be to the Wives, Children and subjects of these departed Chiefs, who are prisoners of War, and labouring on the very spot, with these Heads in full view! My mind was filled with horror and disgust at the sight of this Golgotha: at the same time, I anticipated, with pleasing sensations, that glorious period, when, through the influence of the Gospel, the voice of joy and melody would be heard in these habitations of darkness and cruelty, where nothing now reigns but savage joy on one hand, and weeping and mourning on the other. In returning through the potatoe grounds, we met with the Chief Tacow, Duaterra’s Father-in-Law. I wished to visit the sacred Grave, which was near, where he died; but as I understood that it was tabooed, I could not presume to enter without permission of the Chief. Mr Kendall spoke to him, and told him what I wanted. He came, and pointed out the tree, where his Daughter, Duaterra’s Wife, hung herself; and shewed us the spot, where both bodies were deposited. The sacred spot was enclosed with a fence. Here the bodies remained together, till the flesh was decayed; when the bones were carefully collected, and carried to their respective family sepulchres. How mysterious are the ways of God! Duaterra once prided himself in the prospect of raising his country to the rank of a civilized nation; and was cut down like a flower, in his first attempt to put his benevolent intentions into execution. The ground where he intended the Church and European town to stand, is now under cultivation, and divided among different families by his successors: while about half an acre is reserved, as sacred to his memory, where no shrub or tree is suffered to be cut down; and where, apparently, no foot had trod before ours, this evening, since the last funeral rites were performed for him and his faithful partner. In passing through the Village of Ranghee-hoo, on our return, I stopt to speak to the Chief Werrie; and observed the head of a Woman, upon a sacred Ark, near the hut. I inquired whose head it was fomerly. Werrie said that it was the head of his Wife’s Sister. His Wife and her Sister had been brought as prisoners of War, by Shunghee, to Ranghee-hoo: he obtained them both, as his slaves: on of them he took for his Wife, and the other for his servant. The servant died a natural death: at the time of her death, his Wife requested to have her Sister’s head preserved, in order that she might releive [sic] her mind by weeping over it; and it was kept for that purpose. Having never seen, when last at New Zealand, any thing like the Ark on which the head was placed, I wished to know the origin and use of it. Mr Kendall and Werrie informed me, that, nearly two years ago, the caterpillars made great ravages among the growing crops of sweet potatoes The Natives conceived that this public calamity came upon them by the anger of their God. The inhabitants of Rangheehoo, sent to Cowa cowa for a great Priest, in order that he might, by his prayers and ceremonies, avert from them this heavy judgment. The priest came, and stopped several months. He performed his religious rites, and directed every principal cultivator to make an Ark for his God, and to deposit in it sacred food for his God to feed upon. In compliance with the order of the Priest, this Ark and others were made. It is about five feet long, two wide, and eleven and a half deep, and is ainted and ornamented with carving and various figures, and within are placed the sacred provisions. The caterpillars left the potatoe grounds in a short time; and the Natives attributed their departure to the influence of the Priest, and not to any natural cause; and hence they preserve these sacred Arks. Mr Kendall told me that he had never seen or heard of any custom of this kind before the above. Sept. 23, 1819.— This morning, several Chiefs arrived from the river Thames. When they landed, they all sat down in solemn silence, in one group, on the beach. Shortly after, the Fighting men of Ranghee-hoo came running, in a body, from the village, quite naked, like so many furies; with their spears fixed in a threatening posture, and making the most horrid noise. They advanced towards the Chiefs on the beach, as if they were going to make an immediate attack. When they came within a few paces, they stopt, and performed the War Dance; distorting their features in the most frightful noise manner and making at the same time, the most horrid yells. Wen they had gone through all their martial movements, they returned to the Village; when the Head Chief Racow, an old man, about eighty, came forward, and made a speech to the River Thames Chiefs, who had never moved from their place during these transactions. I inquired the meaning of the Fighting Men coming so furiously out of the Village with their spears fixed, on the arrival of the Chiefs from the River Thames. They replied, that it was done as a mark of military honour and respect; and the Oration of the Chief afterward, was to assure them of his cordial friendship: he told them, that he was glad to see them; that they had done well to pay him and his people a visit; and that all future hostilities between them and and [sic] his people should cease. On asking why the Chiefs, on their arrival kept at such a distance, they told me, that, some time ago, a man, belonging to a friend of the people at Rangheehoo, had been killed by their tribe, and that the people at Rangheehoo had gone to revenge his death, and had killed two Chiefs and common men. The Chiefs who now arrived, were afraid lest the people at Ranghee-hoo should still retain their resentment against them, and not receive them with proper attention. At length, a full explanation took place, between them, and mutual confidence was apparently restored. The Chiefs from the River Thames admitted that their tribe ought to be punished for the murder of the man whom they killed; but contended that the people of Ranghee-hoo had taken more than ample revenge for they had killed four persons belonging to them, which was more than justice required, and that they felt themselves the injured party. After all matters were arranged they went into the Village to feast with the Chief. The afterward paid us a visit, and requested an axe or a hoe; but we could only spare one axe for the Head Chief, and a knife for his Son. We were much distressed that we had it not in our power to give them the tools which they so much wanted. I promised to visit them when the Active returned, if my time would permit. Sept. 24, 1819— This morning we loaded the punt with some timber for the New Settlement; when Mr Butler, Mr Francis Hall, and myself, set off in her for Kiddee Kiddee. When we had got about half way up the river, the tide turned; when the boat anchored, and Mr Hall accompanied me on shore. We walked on the beach toward the Settlement; intending to visit the Natives on shore. We observed, in one place, a deep cavern under the rocks, the mouth of which was neatly hedged up. We looked into this cave, and perceived a body lying on a mat, on the ground, with a mat thrown over it. There was also a stage, raised about three feet from the ground, upon which there appeared some human bones. This was the first Sepulchre that we had seen, where the dead appear to be finally deposited; and it must belong to some neighbouring tribe. A short distance from the Sepulchre, we met with a Native Village; the inhabitants of which were overjoyed to see us. They had got some very fine hogs running about. We made them a few presents of fish-hooks; and passed on to another village, about a mile distant. In this Village were a number of very fine children, who had got a tame cock, which was very familiar with them: it sat with them, walked with them, and appeared to live entirely with them without fear. I promised the Chief a hen, when he came to the Settlement. They urged us to give them an axe or a he, but we had none with us. Opposite this Village is a very large cockle bed, in the middle of the river, which is dry at low water. On this bed, about 100 women were busy, collecting cockles for food. Here we got a canoe to carry us up to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived about five o.clock. About seven o. clock, the punt arrived with Mr Butler. We were much gratified to find that the carpenters had completed one building, twenty feet by fifteen; where we could be comfortably accommodated for the night. We found the work going o to our satisfaction, and our New Settlement beginning to put on an appearance of civilization. Saw pits have been dug, timber lying in different directions, and a new European house built. We read a portion of Scripture, sung a hymn, and returned thanks to God for all his mercies, in the midst of the wondering Natives, and then lay down to rest. Sept. 25, 1819— This morning we examined more particularly the ground in the neighbourhood, and set the Natives to clear and burn off the brushwood, &c. where it is intended that the town shall stand, and the gardens laid out. We had a small spot of land cleared and broken up, in which I planted about 100 Grape Vines, of different kinds, brought from Port Jackson. New Zealand promises to be very favourable to the Vine, so far as I can judge at present, of the nature of the soil and climate. Should the Vine succeed, it will prove of vast importance in this part of the globe; as the grapes blight so much in New South Wales, that there is little prospect that New Holland will become a Wine country. Sept. 26. 1819— We returned to Ranghee-hoo; and had a very stormy passage, with heavy rain. We were about ten hours in the boat, and were very wet and cold. During the residence of the late Duaterra with me at Parramatta, he often mentioned a river called Shukeangha which empties itself into the sea on the west side of the island; and described it as a very fine river, the land rich, the timber good, and the inhabitants numerous on its banks and in its neighbourhood. It was my intention, when at New Zealand in 1815, to visit this river; but my leave of absence being limited, I had not time to gratify my wish in this respect. On my arrival in August, I learned from Messrs Kendall and King, that they had visited the Shukeangha about a fortnight before; and had found that Duaterra’s information was correct. I had conversed with several Natives of New Zealand, at Parramatta, relative to the harbour, wishing to know if there was any entrance for a ship: they were all of opinion that no ship could enter, as there was a bar across the mouth, on which the surf broke with such violence, as to prevent a vessel getting in. Messrs Kendall and King had not the means to ascertain this point, when they were at the river. I, therefore, resolved to put my original intention into execution, and to visit the Shukeangha, and examine the entrance of the harbour; in order to ascertain how far it might be expedient, at a future period, to make a Missionary Station on its banks. As Mr William Puckey, whom I hired at Port Resolution, had and brought with me to assist in putting up the necessary buildings at the New Settlement, had commanded a vessel for several years out of England, and was better versed in the knowledge of navigation, than any other person at New Zealand, I determined to take him with me to examine the Mouth of the River and the Harbour in order that he might ascertain whether or not the entrance is good for shipping, and the anchorage good in the river; and I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me, a he was acquainted with several Chiefs, and could speak the Native Language. Sept 28, 1819.—Accordingly, we took our passage to Kiddee Kiddee with the Revd John Butler, Messrs Francis and William Hal, and the Car penters and Labourers who were going to the New Settlement to forward the buildings, and prepare the ground for sowing of such seeds and planting such fruit trees as had been brought with us from Port Jackson. We arrived at Kiddee Kiddee about one o’clock, and immediately proceeded on our tour, accompanied by three Chiefs— Shunghee’s Son, Werrepork from Ranghee-hoo, and Roda from the river Shukeangha with six Natives to carry our baggage: more accompanied us of their own accord so that our whole party of Natives amounted to seventeen. About four miles from Kiddee Kiddee we rested, and took some refreshments. Here we met the Daughter of Shunghee’s Brother, and her Husband, with two Servants laded with potatoes. They immediately put down their baskets; and presented us with portion for ourselves, and another for the Servants who attended us, and compelled us to receive them. They were much pleased at meeting us, and greeted us with every mark of respect. About four o’clock, we resumed our journey. the day had been very fine; but now the clouds began to gather, and threatned [sic very heavy rain. We had passed over about four miles of very fine land fit for the plough, as soon as the fern and brushwood are cut and burnt. There is not a single tree on some thousands of acres of good land, to the right, and left of the path; and; in general, the ground is very level. We had not walked more than a mile, before we came to a swamp lying on some rising ground. It was about a mile across; and our road lay directly through it. It was covered very thick with rushes and other aquatic plants; with the water generally, from one foot to three feet deep. The Chiefs proposed to carry us over; but the distance was so great, that we should have been more fatigued by being carried, than by wading through. We therefore stript off part of our apparel and waded through. After we had passed the swamp we came into a very open country, for many miles round, covered with fern. The part through which we walked was gravelly and not very good in general. The wind increased toward evening and blew strong from the rainy quarter; so that we had the prospect of a very wet night, without a single tree to shelter us from from the storm, for about eight miles from the swamp we had passed. At this distance was a wood, through which our road lay; which we were anxious to reach, if possible, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind and rain. With this hope, we pushed forward; and arrived at the edge of the wood, about nine o’clock. The rain began to fall heavily. The Natives cut branches of fern and boughs of trees, and made us a little shed under the trees, to afford us some shelter. The black — ness of the heavens, the gloomy darkness of the wood, the roaring of the wind among the trees, the sound of the falling rain on the thick foliage, united with the idea that we were literally at the ends of the earth with relation to our Native Land, surrounded with cannibals whom we knew to have fed on human flesh, and wholly in their power, and yet our minds free from fear of danger— all this excited in my breast such new, pleasing, and, at the same time, apposite sensations, as I cannot describe. While I sat musing under the shelter of a lofty pine, my thoughts were lost in wonder and surprise, on taking a view of the wisdom and goodness of God’s Providential Care, which had attended all my steps to that very hour. If busy imagination inquired what I did there, I had not answer to seek or wild conjecture: I felt, with gratitude, that I had not come by chance; but had been sent to labour in preparing the way of the Lord in this dreary wilderness, where the voice of joy and gladness had never been heard; and I could not but anticipate, with joyful hope, the period when the Day Star from on high would dawn and shine on this dark and Heathen Land, and cause the very earth on which we then reposed to bring forth its increase, when God himself would give the poor inhabitants his Blessing. After reflecting on the different ideas which crowded themselves upon my mind, I wrapt myself up in my great coat, and lay down to sleep. Sept 29. 1819— Rose at the dawn of day. The Natives immediately kindled their fires, and prepared for breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we set forward on our journey. After walking through the wood for about a mile, in a path rendered very difficult, partly from the heavy rain and partly by the roots of the trees which covered the road, we came once more into an open country. The rain still fell very heavily. When we had walked about six miles, we arrived at the edge of another wood, through which we had to pass. Before we entered the wood, the rays of the sun, from under the edge of a cloud, gilded the side of a distant hill. A New Zealander, who was walking by me, called my attention to the spot where the sun shone, and asked me if I saw it; on my answering in the affirmative, he said, “That is the Wydua” or Spirit, of “Shunghee’s Father”. The Chiefs of New Zealand are full of pride: many of them assume to themselves the attributes of the Deity, while living; and are called Gods by their people. The Natives will occasi= onally ^call Shunghee a God, when he approaches them, in the following terms—“Hairemi, hairemi, Atua”!— Come hither, come hither thou God! This paying of divine honors to the Chiefs, fills their minds with the most proud and profane notions of their own dignity and consequence. When they die, their posterity deify them and offer up their prayers to them. The New Zealander here compared the departed spirit of Shunghee’s Father, to the glory of the sun— clearly evincing the veneration paid by them to the Manes of their Ancestors, and the dominion which the Prince of this World exercises over their minds. The whole road in which we walked through this dreary wood, was the worst that I had ever walked over. The roots of the trees entwined themselves over the whole path; which made it as painful to travel on, as if we had to walk on round bars of iron. We were several hours before we got through. Within about a mile of one of the branches of the Shukeangha River, the wood rises to a very high summit, from which there is an extensive view of the River and of the Western shore. On the left hand of the hill, a large plain appears covered with pine and other timber. The tops of the trees below were like a level sea, as far as the eye could reach; but our prospect was, in some degree, obstructed by the heavy clouds and rain, which fell in torrents: it thundered loud at the same time. The descent from the hill to the River is very difficult, from its exceeding steepness; and when we arrived on the banks, we had this branch to wade through several times, before we reached the first village, Koraka. As soon as the inhabitants discovered us, they invited us to visit them; and, as a signal of welcome, immediately fired a musket; which was returned by one of the Chiefs who accompanied us. Our guide directed us to proceed first, and the Natives to follow us. The Chiefs were seated on the ground. The old Chief, Warremaddoo, I had seen at the Bay of Islands, when I was there the first time, and had made him some small present. His son, Matanghee, and his Son-in-law, Ietawnuee, I was not acquainted with. Their first inquiry was to know the object of our visit. We informed them that we had a desire to see the River Shukeangha, and to examine the mouth of the Harbour, to see if a ship could come in with safety; and, at the same time, to visit the Chiefs and see the different inhabitants. Warreemaddoo and Ietawnuwee were much pleased and expressed an earnest wish that a ship might visit their river, and some Europeans come to reside with them, to teach them agriculture, and to make good roads. Matanghee who has now the supreme authority, his Father being a very old man apparently eighty years old, told us that we had better go no farther at present; as there was a serious difference between him and a neighbouring Chief, named Moodewhy. Moodewhy had speared a young man in the thigh, the preceeding day, who was lying on the ground, and shewed us where the spear had entered. Matanghee stated the following cause of the quarrel:— Their lands lay contiguous. Moodewhy’s Slaves carried away part of Matanghee’s fence for firewood: in consequence of which, Moodewhy’s pigs got into Matanghee’s potatoe grounds, who shot several of them, and Moodewhy, in retaliation, shot some of his pigs. They met, the day preceeding our arrival, to settle the difference, when the young man mentioned above was speared. We replied, that we had nothing to do with their quarrel, and should proceed on our journey. When they found that we were resolved to visit the river, they insised that we should not leave them for two nights. To this we agreed, as we were wet and weary; having been travelling, through bad roads, from an early hour, till about four o’clock in the afternoon. The Chief accommodated us with the best hut that he had, and our people with another. He also gave us a hog, and plenty of sweet and common potatoes. I presented him with an axe and a few trifles, with which he was much gratified. We spent the evening in conversing on various subjects, such as Agriculture, Commerce, and Religion. Tetawnee is a very well informed man. He appeared to have lost no opportunity of gaining instruction; and was very anxious for some Europeans to reside with them; and hoped that we would consider them, at some future period, and send them a Missionary. Matanghee, though very kind to us, seemed deeply involved in thought, and uneasy in his mind, from what had taken place between Moodeewhy and him. Before we returned to rest, we read a portion of Scripture, sung a Hymn, and committed ourselves to the Protection of Him who keepeth Israel. Sept. 30, 1819.— Early this morning, a Chief arrived to inform Matanghee how Moodeewhy was affected toward him and his people, and how they were resolved to act. We now learned, that Moodewhy had been speared in the arm, but the wound was slight. Soon after this messenger had given his information, several Chiefs arrived in the same business. One of them began to make an oration, while all the others sat on the ground in profound silence. He spoke with great force. His action was warlike and graceful; and his weapon of war, which he brandished in his hand, added emphasis to every expression and gesture. He exhorted Matanghee to act with courage and firmness; and to vin= dicate his own and his tribes rights. He stated, that he was a friend to both parties; and, as one had been wounded on both sides, he recommended that the difference should be settled as amicably as would be consistent with their rights. After this Chief had ended his address, another principal man, belonging to the Village, started up; and, taking a long spear in his hand, began to state all the particulars of the present difference. He spake with great feeling, stamped, with his foot at every action, and brandished his spear, while warlike indignation fired his countenance. The whole of his manner and dress reminded me of what I had read of the Chiefs of the Ancient Britons; and I am of opinion that the New Zealand Chiefs resemble very much the character of our ancestors. Shortly after this Chief had ended his speech, they all, in a moment, threw off their mats, girt up their loins with their war-belts, took their muskets, spears, pattoo pattoos, and ran off toward Moodewhy’s leaving us in the Village with old Warreemaddoo and his Son-in-law. In about three hours, the hostile party returned; when we learned that their sudden departure was in consequence of hearing that Moodeewhy had been killing their pigs: Matanghee and his party went to ascertain the truth of the report. They appeared very indignant at the conduct of Moodeewhy, and threatened to punish him. In the evening, old Warremaddoo threw off his mat, took his spear, and began to address his Tribe and the Chiefs. He made strong appeals to them, against the injustice and ingratitude of Moodeewhy’s conduct towards them— recited many injuries, which he and his Tribe suffered from Moodeewhy, for a long perod— mentioned instances of his bad conduct, at the time that his Fathers bones were removed from the Ahoodu Pa to their famly vault, stated acts of kindness, which he had shewn to Moodewhy, at different times and said that he had twice saved his trie from total ruin. In the present instance, Moodeewhy had killed three of his hogs: one of them was very large and fat, being two year’s old. Every time he mentioned the large hog, the recollection of his loss seemed to nerve afresh his aged sinews. He shook his hoary beard, stamped with indignant rage, and poised his quivering spear. He exhorted his tribe to be bold and courageous; and declared that he would head them in the morning against the enemy, and, rather than he would submit, he would be killed and eaten. All that they wanted was firmness and courage: he knew well the enemies whom they had to meet; their hearts did not lie deep; and, if they were resolutely opposed, they would yield. His oration continued nearly an hour; and all listened to him with great attention. When we sat down, I requested Mr Kendall to tell him that I was very anxious for a reconciliation to take place, between Matanghee and Moodeewhy; and proposed to give each of them an adze, on condition of peace being made between them. In reply, Matanghee said that his young man hd been severely wounded, and Moodeewhy only slightly. If Moodeewhy had been equally wounded, he would have come to terms of peace. However we still urged our terms of peace. In the mean time, Werrepork had been to fetch some of Moodewhy’s people; and brought us a message from Moodeewhy, saying, that he could not visit us at Matanghee’s, but wished to see us at his Village in the morning. We therefore informed Matanghee, that we should proceed to Moodeewhy’s in the morning; as we had nothing to do with their differences, but were friends to both parties, and wished, as far as we culd, to reconcile them. Matanghee said that he and Moodeewhy were to meet in the morning, and we might go with them. If they could not settle their dispute without fighting, no injury would happen to us, as they would direct us how to act. After this conversation, we retired to rest. Oct, 1, 1819.— Very early this morning, old Warreemaddoo appeared fully armed for battle. His long beard was painted with red ochre, to shew that his mind was thursting for blood; his loins were girt with a broad war belt, in which he carried his pattoo and his spear was in his hand. In a few moments, Matanghee, and all his tribe and friends, were ready,— some armed with muskets; others with spears, pattoos, and other warlike weapons. With this feudal clan, we marched from Koraka to Moodeewhy’s village, which was about four miles distant. We were joined on the road, by numbers of men, women, and children, and some Chiefs; among whom was the brother of Moodeewhy, which induced us to hope that matters would be accommodated. The Chief spoke to me and Mr Kendall; and requested us to make peace, or, in their own language, to make “Matanghee and Moodeewhy both alike inside.” This observation struck me as very signficant and worthy to be recorded. When we reached a field about a quarter of a mile from Moodeewhy’s Village, the Fighting men stopped, and arranged the plan of their operations. As soon as this was settled, all marched forward, till we came near Moodeewhy’s residence— our party being on one side of the river that runs through the Village, & Moodeewhy’s on the other. Moodeewhy’s was ready to meet them. After some parley across the river, one party discharged all their muskets, and saluted Moodeewhy: they then performed the war dance, and returned into the ground where the young man and Moodewhy had been wounded. Moodewhy and his men marched five abreast, all naked & armed, with him by their side. His Wife marched in front, with a long spear in her hand, and her Daughter in the rear, waving a white mat, as a flag. There appeared 300 of Moodewhy’s tribe in this body; Their spears were very long, more than twenty feet. The men marched in a very close body; and Moodeewhy, with a long spear, regulated their movements. Whe they came opposite to Matanghee’s partyMoodeewhy and some of his men plunged into the river. Matanghee’s party made a sham opposition to their landing, and the whole scene closed with savage shouting and dancing. Old Warreemaddoo led on Matanghi’s party. When the public confusion was a little over, Moodeewhy and the hoary Warrior rubbed noses, as a token of reconciliation; but Matanghee refused this salutation, and appeared sullen. No sooner were matters adjusted, than old Warreemaddoo, with his Slaves, began to burn & destroy the fence of the inclosure on which we were assembled, belonging to Moodeewhy, who too no notice of it. I asked Mr Kendall if he knew why they burnt and destroyed Moodeewhy’s fence, before his face. He told me that it was a satisfaction required for the fence which Moodeewhy’s Slave had destroyed, in the first instance; and that the New Zealanders, if they make peace, always demand satisfaction as an invariable condition— life for life, wound for wound, property for property. We now accompanied Moodeewhy to his Village, called Hootakoora. It is very populous, & situated in a rich valley. A branch of the Shukeangha, navigable for large canoes, runs through it. Moodewhy received us with great kindness and hospitality; and gave us a hog, and abundance of sweet and common potatoes, for ourselves and our attendants. The place was all bustle and confusion; and nothing was to be seen, in all directions, but weapons of war. Several Chiefs, from other districts, were assembled on account of the difference between Matanghee & Moodeewhy, who were all eager to gain information of our object in coming to Shukeangha, and were much gratified when we told them; as they hoped, at some period, to see a ship in their river. In about half an hour after our arrival, while talking with Moodewhy and his friends, a sudden noise and tumult started up in the Village on the other side of the river. All flew to arms, threw off their mats, and rushed, like furies, into the river, in a moment, and Moodeewhy among them, leaving us, without stopping to tell us the cause. There was nothing to be heard or seen but noise and spears. We inquired the reason, and were told that a woman had been acting improperly. The Natives continued tearing & pulling each other about the hair of the head for about an hour, and some got a few blows. After this business was settled, a Chief came to salute me with his bloody nose, having got part of the skin knocked off in the bustle. I laughed at him for presenting his bloody nose for me to rub with mine, and pointed to the wound which he had received. He smiled and said it was New Zealand fashion. When Moodeewhy returned we asked him if the woman had been guilty of adultery. He replied, no; but had been seen playing wantonly with another man. We spent the afternoon very pleasantly, in conversing on various important subjects; such as, the education of their children, the advantages of commerce and Agriculture, and the richness of the soil around their villages. The number of Children in this Village was great, & of a proper age to be taught the English language. Moodeewhy was very urgent for a Missionary to reside with him; and begged that he [sic] would send him one soon, as he would be of no use to him if he came after his death. I never saw a finer race of men than in this Village, nor finer children. Hootakoora would be an important missionary station, as an early [sic] communication could be had with all the inhabitants on the banks of the river, for forty miles. After the noise of the day was over, we read a Chapter, praised God, and committed ourselves to His gracious keeping. Oct.2, 1819— This morning we requested Moodeewhy to accommodate us with a canoe, that we might visit the different Chiefs on the banks of the river; this he readily granted, and said that he would accompany us. He was immediately ready to embark in his War Canoe, with his Wife, her Daughter, two small Children; and some of his Slaves. His canoe measured 63 ft; and was very safe and commodious. At the top of the tide, about 7 o’clock in the morning, we left Hootakoora. On the eve of our departure, a Priest performed certain religious ceremonies, praying that we might accomplish the object of our visit. The canoe, with the tide and more than twenty Natives to paddle, went swiftly down the stream. About ten miles from the Village, in the middle of the river, is a small Island, of little more than half an acre. It is formed by the meeting of the main river Shokeangha, with a river that falls into it on the north east side. Upon this island stands a small Village, full of inhabitants. The Chief is a very old man. We stopped to speak [to] him. He appeared to have his children and his children’s children round him. He was much pleased to see us. I presented him with a plane iron. He would not let us leave the shore, till he had given us about 300 lbs of potatoes, in return for the present which he had received It is more than probable that he esteemed the plane iron the greatest present that he had ever received. About three miles farther, we came opposite to a Village, called Wetewhaheite, situated on a hill. As soon as the people saw us they waved a mat as a flag; & called aloud for us to visit them. The Fighting Men came running down, with muskets, spears, &c. They fired their muskets, and danced the War Dance; in order to pay us military honors, according to their custom. We stopped to speak to them; and told them that we could not visit them in our way down the River; but promised to spend a night with them as we returned. I gave the Chiefs plane irons, & we passed on. About four o’clock, we got within a mile of our journeys end. Our servants were hungry and tired, and wished to go on shore to cook some provisions. We therefore landed near the residence of the Chief, who had accompanied us from Ranghee hoo. He immediately caught a hog; and, having killed it, our Servants dressed it for themselves in a short time. While we were there, taking some refreshment, the inhabitants of the Village nearest the Heads, Wedua, [Weedeea] observed us; and immediately a great Priest, Tamanhena, who is Priest of the Heads of the Shukeangha, and is supposed to have absolute command of the winds and waves, came to visit us, and to invite us to the Village, to the Chief Mowenna, who is the Head Chief of the River. When we had dined, we proceeded to the Village, where we were cordially received by the joyful inhabitants. Mowhenna had heard of our coming to see him, and had prepared a good shed for us. We spent the evening in conversation, with the priest and Chiefs, on religious topics. The Priest appeared a very sensible man, so far as his light extended. He spoke of having communication with the Atua of New Zealand, and that he answered him when he prayed to him. I told him that I had never heard the Atua of New Zealand; nor could I believe that he had unless I could hear him myself; and I wished him to pray while I was there, that I might hear him. He replied, that when he came to see at Ranghee hoo, I should hear him. He believed that all the New Zealand Chief went to a place of happiness when they died. The Power of their Chiefs the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, and the Glory of War, are the Grand subjects of their conversation. There memories are very strong, and they show much anxiety to increase their Knowledge. They are great and enterprizing travellers in their own country. Many of them are absent on their journies ten or twelve months at a time. We learned from them a more particular account of a river called Whycoto, about the centre of the Island where the great body of the inhabitants appear to reside. They described them as innumerable. The Chiefs and Priests wished to know what our business was. We informed them that our first object was to examine the mouth of the harbour, to see if any vessel could get in. They asked us if we had mentioned our coming to see them, to Shunghee, for they feared that the Chiefs on the east side would not be pleased, if any ship should visit them. I told them I had acquainted Shunghee with our intention & that he had sent his Son to shew us the way. They were much pleased at this information, and remarked, that, as we had come of our own accord, without invitation, the Chiefs had no ground to be offended with them. The Priest then stated the entrance of the river; and described the rocks on each side, and a sand bank on the right hand, out at sea, as we got out of the mouth of the river. He stated how many fathoms of water there were on the bank & in the channel & said he would accompany us in the morning, to examine the entrance & sound the depth of the water. We told him that we could not go in the morning because tomorrow was sacred, a day appointed for us to pray to our God; but the morning after, we should wish him to go with us, if the weather would permit. He said that he was Priest of the Winds and Waves, & would command them to be still. After talking on various subjects till a late hour, we sung a hymn, as usual, thanked our God for the Blessings that we enjoyed in a heathen land, and then lay down to rest. Our place was very full of Natives, who remained with us all night; & the Priest never left us for an hour, night or day, till we arrived at Rangheehoo. Oct 3, 1819. Sunday.— After breakfast, I read the Church Service and made a few observations on the Seventh Chapter to the Romans. The chiefs and their people behaved with great propriety; and the Head Chief ordered all the children away lest they should disturb us. Great numbers of men & women crowded round our Shed. The Priest said that he wished to learn to pray as we did; but he did not understand why we prayed to our God when we appeared not to want his assistance. He said he never prayed but at those times when he wanted the aid of the Atua. We endeavoured to explain to him, that our God made every thing, that he was always present with us and continually took care of us & heard and saw all that we did and said. The Chief wished that an European would come to teach them, & said that he would give him a farm, & that he should live near him. Mowenna and his people live in a rich & fertile valley. Here are a great number of fine children, & a very important Station might be formed in this valley for Missionaries & I cannot doubt but that they would be kindly received. We had much conversation on the subject with the Priest & Mowenna, who appeared a very mild man. After dinner in order to relieve ourselves from the presence of the people, we took a walk on the beach. The Natives followed us in crowds. We desired them to return as we wished to be more alone. They immediately complied with our request. We returned in a few hours, & spent the evening in useful conversation. Oct. 4, 1819 We rose early this morning, with an intention to examine the entrance into the river. It blew fresh. The Priest said that we should have his War Canoe, & he would accompany us to prevent the wind & waves from rising. As soon as breakfast was over, the priest, Mr William Puckey, and a very fine crew of Native Young Men, launched the canoe, and we set off for the Heads, which were about four miles distant. Tamanhena told me not to be afraid: he would not allow the Wind and Waves to rise. There are two large rocks at the Heads in which the Gods of the Sea reside, according to the opinion of the Priest and the inhabitants on the banks of the River. The Priest said that he would command the Gods to be still, and not to disturb the sea, till we had made our examination and sounded the shoal and channel. We were no sooner in the canoe than the Priest began to exert all his powers, to still the Gods, the winds, and the Waves. He spoke in an angry and commanding tone. However, I did not perceive either the wind or waves to yield to his authority; and when we reached the heads, I requested to go on shore, as the water was rough, while the Priest and Mr Puckey went out to sea to sound the sand bank. I landed near a sacred rock, and had one Chief with me; who expressed great alarm lest I should tread on the consecrated ground, and said that the God would kill him, if he suffered me to do so; and he frequently laid hold of me, when he thought that I approached too near. I was obliged to take advantage of every retiring wave, and run on the beach till I had passed the residence of the imaginary deity. After Mr Puckey had taken the necessary bearings and soundings I returned again to the Village and prepared for leaving our hospitable Chief, who had supplied us and our followers with the greatest abundance of potatoes and such provisions as he had. About 7 o’clock the Chief, his Brother, and many of the people, with the Priest, were determined to accompany us in our visit to the other Chiefs, till we finally left the river. The Canoes was [sic] immediately got ready, and we set off for the next village, called Weedenakke, about 18 or 20 miles distant, where we arrived about 12 o’clock that evening. One of the Chiefs was waiting to receive us. This Village is situated, literally, in a very dark corner of the earth, behind some lofty hills, which are mentioned by Capt. Cook. It stands at the head of a large salt water creek, which runs up from the main river, for about 10 miles, and is there met by a very beautiful fresh water stream, which comes down from the neighbouring hills, and passes through an extensive valley of rich land. When we arrived, there were very few inhabitants in the Village. The Chief informed us that the body of the people were living in the valley, with the Head Chief, preparing their grounds for planting sweet potatoes, and that we should visit them in the morning. He then conducted us to a very close hut, where we were to remain till the return of day. The entrance was just sufficient for a man to creep into. Being very cold, I was glad to occupy such a warm berth. I judged the hut to be about 8 feet wide and 12 long. It had a fire in the centre; and no vent, either for the smoke or heat. The Chiefs who were with us threw off all their mats, and lay down close together, in a state of perfect nudity. I had not been many minutes in this oven, before I found the heat and smoke, above, below, and on every side, to be insufferable. Though the night was cold, Mr Kendall and I were compelled to quit our habitation. I crept out and walked in the Village to see if I could meet with a shed to keep me from the damp air till the morning. I found one empty into which I entered. I had not been long under my present cover before I observed a Chief, who came with us from the last village, come out of the hut which I had left, perfectly naked. The moon shone very bright. I saw him run from hut to hut till at length he found me under my shed, & urged me to return. I told him that I could not bear the heat, and requested him to allow me to remain where I was, to which, he, at length, consented with reluctance. I was surprised at the little effect that either heat or cold seemed to have upon him. He had come out of the hut smoking like a hot loaf drawn from the oven— walked about to find me— and then sat down to converse for some time, without any clothing, though the night was cold. Mr Kendall remained sitting under his mat in the open air till morning. Oct. 5, 1819— As soon as day dawned we heard the distant sound of Native Music in the woods; and, in a short time, observed men, women, and children, peeping through the trees— most of the men armed with spears. Many of them slowly advanced towards us, as we were preparing to proceed to the Village, where the Head Chief resided. At the moment we were ready to walk, a messenger arrived to say that we were to remain at our present station till further orders, as the Chief and his people were not quite ready to receive us. This in= formation was not very welcome, as we had no rest all night, and wished to get to our journey’s end. At length, another messenger came to inform us that they were ready. We then proceeded. Our party now consisted of about 100 persons. When we came within a quarter-of-a-mile from the Chiefs residence, the Natives began to salute us with a discharge of muskets; and continued to fire till we came to the Head Chief, who was seated with his Subordinate Chiefs, at the entrance of a very commodious shed, which had been expressly prepared for us. A Chief, who had attended us where we spent the night, walked before us, and introduced us to the Head Chief. This village is situated in a very rich and extensive valley; which rung with the welcome salutations of the inhabitants. The chiefs expressed their joy at put visit. After breakfast, I walked with them through their cultivated grounds. The land is very good, and produces great crops of common and sweet potatoes; and a fine stream of fresh water runs through the village. Here we found a great population than in any other part that we had visited. 100 Children of a proper age might be taken at once into a school. They have also plenty of provisions; and their land is fit for all the purposes of gardening and agriculture. There are here many hundred acres of land, which would repay the labours of the husbandman. I walked to the head of the valley; & followed the stream of water, which descends from the hills, till I met with a fine situation for a water mill, where the natural fall appeared to be not less [than] 20 feet; which at a future period, may be of incalculable service in grinding grain, when the growing of corn is generally introduced among the inhabitants. The inhabitants of this valley appear to live in peace and plenty, and quietly to enjoy the fruits of their industry. Whether their security depends on the strength of their Tribe, or their secluded situation I cannot tell. The Chief presented us with two large fat hogs, each about 200lbs weight, & also many Cwt of potatoes. There was nothing but feasting and rejoicing all this and the following day, till we took our departure. There were more than 200 baskets of potatoes cooked at one time. I had never seen such heaps of sweet and common potatoes before. A certain number of baskets are dressed for every Chief, his Friends and his Servants, and every party sits in a circle round their provisions, by themselves, when they eat. After feasting dancing and conversing all day in the evening before they retire to rest, the cooks heated their ovens on the ground, in which they put potatoes, greens, all in heaps, in large quantities, sufficient for 200 or 300 persons, and covered them up, leaving them till morning to roast. Oct. 6, 1819.— At the early dawn, the New Zealanders were up. The cooks opened their ovens, and served all with their respective portions. The Chief of this tribe appeared to be a very mild man. He expressed an ardent desire for some Europeans to reside with him to instruct his people. He offered each of us a farm all ready for planting. We thanked him for his kindness, but told him that it was of no use for us to accept his offer, as we could not attend to their cultivation. This valley would be an excellent Station for Missionaries from its population, the richness of its soil, and its apparent tranquillity. It enjoys may advantages as a Missionary Post which time will not allow me at present to point out. While we remained here, we had long conversation on the advantages of Education, Agriculture, Navigation, &c. The Chiefs are, in general, very sensible men, & wish for enformation [sic] on all subjects. They are accustomed to public discussions from their infancy. The Chiefs take their Children, from their Mother’s breasts, to all their public assemblies; where they hear all that is said on Politics, War, Religion &c, by the oldest men. Children will frequently ask questions in public conversation, and are answered by the Chiefs. I have often been surprised to see the sons of Chiefs, at the age of 4 or 5, sitting among the Chiefs, & paying the closest attention to what was said. The children never appear under any embarrassment when they address a stranger. In every village, the children, as soon as they learned any of our names, came up to us and spake to us with the greatest familiarity. At the age of 8 or 10, they appear to be initiated into all the manners and customs of their ancestors by being the constant companions of their Fathers and attending them in all their Public counsels, and i the field of Military Glory. In this Village, the number of Children is very great, & ready for instruction. While we remained here, we found much pleasure in the conversation of the Priest of the Heads of the Shukeanga. On one occasion, I asked him if the winds & waves would not take advantage of his absence, & do much injury to the Heads of the River. He replied that he should prevent them by his prayers, till he returned. I observed that he was so great a man, that some of the Chiefs would wish him dead, in order that they might succeed to his dignity: he then pointed to his son, who was sitting by him, and said that he was preparing him for the Sacred Office, in which he was to succeed him in the command, over the winds and waves. Oct.7, 1819.— Ater breakfast this morning, we intended to take our departure, but the Chief wished to detain us till the middle of the day, in order that he might give another great feast. About 8 o’clock, numbers of Slaves arrived, laden with potatoes, and some large snappers just caught. They were preceded by a company dancing and shouting. As soon as they had laid down their baskets, all the cooks went to work immediately; and as soon as the potatoes were dressed, each party sat down to their respective portions. When the feast was ended, a musket was fired, and all the Fighting Men few to arms in a moment. Some had muskets, others spears, clubs, &c. They then entertained us with a sham fight and War Dance which closed the scene. We now packed up our baggage, and walked about a mile to our canoes, where we were to embark, attended by more than 200 Natives. In our large Canoe, we estimated the pork and potatoes, with which the Chiefs of the former Village and this had laded us, at more than 3 tons. Besides our provisions and baggage, we had 36 persons. We took our leave of this Friendly Chief and his people about one o’clock, thanking him for his attention, and expressing our highest appreciation of the conduct of his people while we remained with them; which much gratified him. We now proceeded to the Village on the banks of the main River called Wetewhaheete, distant about 20 miles; and where we had promised to spend a night on our return. We arrived about 6 o’clock in the evening. Tarawheka, the chief, had built a shed for us 24 feet by 10. It was very clean and neat. He received us with great kindness. I went with him to the summit of the hill, where his castle, or Hippah, is situated; his village being built on the lowest side. From the top of the hill, there is a very extensive prospect of the Shkeangha & the surrounding country. As we passed along, I observed a Chief’s Wife making loud lamentations. On enquiring the cause of her deep distress, she informed me that since our passing down the River, she had lost her two sons and 1 child belonging to the village with them. The Children had been sent in a canoe to gather cockles on a sand bank in the River, which is dry at low water. The wind arose on the flow of the tide, and carried away the canoe, leaving the children on the bank; and when the tide arose, it swept them all away. She added that her Husband was also lately dead. She was a young woman. Her Mother was sitting beside her, mourning and weeping with her. They had cut themselves, after their manner, for the dead. I felt for her affliction, and would gladly have releaved [sic] her distress. I had nothing to give her, but a few fish-hooks and my pocket Knife, with which I presented her, and which she thankfully received. This Chief, like the rest, presented us with great quantities of potatoes, giving a certain number of baskets to us, and then to the Chiefs, and their Servants, and also to our party of common people, with a good hog. He is a very stout man, and very modest. The people were also well behaved. We told him that we wished to visit the River Poonakketerre; but the crew of our canoe were tired, and not able, without a day’s rest to go with us. He offered to supply us with a canoe in the morning, & to accompany us himself. We thankfully accepted his offer. We spent the evening, as usual, in conversing on various subjects and in gaining all the information we could relative to the rivers in New Zealand, the number of inhabitants on their banks, on what they lived, and their mode of communicating with the distant parts of the island. We could seldom ask them a question, but, before they answered it, they would inquire our reason for asking. If we asked how far a mountain or river was off, they would say, “What do you want to know for?” “Are you going there?” & when we had satisfied them, they would give us every information we wanted. When we had conversed till late in the evening, we performed our Evening Service of Prayer and Praise, & then lay down to rest. Oct. 8. 1819.— Early this morning, we prepared to visit, according to our intention some Villages on the banks of the river Poonakketerre, lying on the south side of the Shukeangha in two canoes, accompanied by about 50 persos. As we went up the river we saw several Villages which we had not time to visit. The inhabitants fired their muskets, and hailed us as we passed. Our wish was to go as far up the river as we could, with a strong tide in our favour so as to return in the evening. The river is very beautiful, & will be very convenient for the navigation of small vessels, should the country ever become a commercial nation. About 1 ‘clock we came to 2 villages situated near to each other, on the high bank on the south side of the river. One of these villages is under the authorit of an old woman, a Chief’s Widow. Many of these people had never seen a white person. They received us with a War Dance, and presented us with several baskets of potatoes, which we immediately dressed, while the cooks were doing their duty, we walked into the Villages, & conversed with the people, and made them a few presents of fish hooks. One of these villages is called Otaheite, and the other Rangheewakka-takka. They stand at the head of a most beautiful valley; into which a small creek, navigable for a canoe, runs from the river. In this valley we observed many small villages, and a large portion of land, cultivated with potatoes. In this part there was a large quantity of good land, that has never been in cultivation, & which would make a beautiful Settlement. There appeared to be a good number of people in this retired nook. After remaining a few hours, we left the Village with the return of the tide. [A reference here in Elder to a young man being tattooed] An old Chief, with a very long beard & his face tattooed all over, had accompanied us from the place where we slept last night. He wanted an axe very much; &, at last, he said that if we would give him an axe, he would give us his head. Nothing is held in so much veneration by the Natives, as the Head of their Chief. I asked him who should have the axe, when I had got his head. He replied, I might give it to his Son. At length he said, “Perhaps you will trust me a little time; & when I die, you shall have my head. I promised that he should have an axe, & he gave me two mats in order to secure it. I told him that I had not one left: they were all at Rangheehoo. He replied he would send for it; which he did when we finally left the river. We hastened back as fast as possible; & arrived at our lodgings about 6 o’clock, having gone by calculation, little less than 40 miles by water. The War Canoes go at a great rate, when well manner. We told the Chief, Tarawheka, that we must leave him in the morning. He provided a present of potatoes and two hogs to take with us. The priest of the Heads was our constant companion. As he was so well informed on all subjects relative to his country and religion, I wished to learn from him who was the first man at New Zealand. He answered that the first man who visited New Zealand from whom all originated was named Mowhee— that he left his own country with his followers, on account of public troubles; and was afterward conducted, by the God of Thunder, to Showrakkee, or what we call the River Thames— and that Tau- rekkee, the God of Thunder, sat at the head of his canoe, and brought him safe to land— His name is held in great veneration, and he is worshipped as a Deity. For several miles on the south west side of the river the beach is covered with round stones of various descriptions, from 1 to 6 feet in diameter. I asked the priest whence they came, as I had seen nothing like them in any part. He said that Mowee dug them out of the bed of the river when he made the channel. They attribute to Mowhee many of the natural productions of the island. We conversed with them on the motion of the earth: the relative situation of other countries to theirs— the number of months a ship would be sailing to different parts— what countries produce iron, coal, wheat, wine, spirits, tea, sugar, rice &c &c, & what articles their own country is capable of producing, when once they should have the means to grow them. All these subjects gratified them very much; and, during the conversation, they made many judicious observations, expressing their desire that they might only be able to try what their country would do. We closed the day, with reading a portion of Scripture, singing a hymn, and prayer. Oct. 9, 1819. At day break, this morning, we heard the lamentations of the poor Widow on the summit of the hill, weeping for her Children. Her affliction of mind was very heavy. The consolations of religion could not pour the oil of joy into her wounded spirit. She knew not God, and had no refuge to fly for relief. In the fullest sense of the Apostle’s meaning, she was without hope, and without God, in the world; and this is the situation of the whole of her countrymen, when under affliction. They will sit for months, night and day, mourning in a similar manner, for the loss of their dearest relatives. The blessings which Divine revelation communicates to the whole body of nations who are favoured with it, can never be adequately estimated. The Knowledge of the only True God spreads its genial influences, from the King on his Throne, through all the different ranks of his Subjects, down to the condemned Felon in his cell. After Commiserating the affliction of the poor widow I returned to Breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our Departure, to a Village, called Tapappa about Eighteen or twenty Miles furder [sic] up the River. Our Company now was larger, we left Wetewhahetee in five [? fine] Canoes all laden more or less with provisions and several live Stock, or Hogs. On our passage up the River, we were Joined by the Brother and Son of Poro. Poro is a great chief not far from the North Cape, none of the Men in the Canoe belonging to Poro were Tattooed. I made Inquiries after Poro, though I had never seen him, about three years ago he sent one of his people over to Port Jackson in the Active, when sent him back a few Presents, I gave his Brother a Plane Iron and a Pocket Knife, having nothing more left and promised to give him an Axe, he said that he would go to Rangheeho with us for it, but as this would be a great and laborious Journey, I told him I would send one to Moodeewhy’s for him, with which he was satisfied.— Poro and Moodeewhy were friends. Poro had herd [sic] of the difference between Moodewhy and Matanghee and had sent his Son and Brother to know the Particulars to offer his assistance if wanted— I wish [sic] to know how he had come from his own Place, whether by sea or land as the distance must be very Considerable, he replied by Land, I asked if there were no rivers to obstruct him, he answered none, but such as they could easily cross.— When he came to the Branch of the River that led to Tootakoora Moodeewhy’s Village, he left us and we proceeded towards Tapappa, where we intended to rest for the night. We arrived at Tapappa in the afternoon. The chief who is named Patuona, had made every preparation for our reception, he had Constructed a new and Commodious hut for us and was greatly rejoiced to see us,— [In another hand] Patuona is one of the most pleasant chiefs that I met with, he has a fine open Countenance, in which the greatest kindness and good Nature are expressed, he told me that he had a great desire to visit Port Jackson, in the Active, and would be glad to go soon, even in the Capacity of a Cook, which is one of the Meanest Situations that there Slaves are placed in, and added, if I Considered him a Gentleman, he would then go as my friend. I promised him that his wish should be granted, when an opportunity offered, he made inquiry about the growth of Grain and had a small Patch of wheat growing from Seed, which he had received from the Missionary Settlement— Patuona is very anxious to improve his Counterymen [sic] and to better their Situation. Should he ever Visit Port Jackson, he will derive the greatest advantage from seeing the Comforts of Civilized life and the Improvements going on there in Building, Agriculture, &c— Moodewhy whom we found with Patuona was Verry [sic] urgent with me to send him a Red flannel Shirt, a Nightcap and a pair of Spectacles, desirig if he could only get these articles he would be a great man— We had not been long with Patuona before a Mesenger arived [sic] and Informed Moodeewhy that Matanghee had been removing the Bones of his ancestors, from the Sepulchre in which they had been deposited, When Moodeewhy received this information, it pierced his very heart, he said that if it was not for the respect which he had for us, he would go that night and kill Matanghee, he further observed that it had been his Intention to visit Port Jackson in the Active, but now his distress would be so great and of so long Continuance that he Could not go, he had no prospect of relieving his mind but by travelling from Place to Place, in his own Country and among his friends, he wished to have our opinion whether he should go immediately and kill Matanghee or not. We told him that we could not interfair [sic] with the Customs of there Countery, but in England, Great men did nothing hastily, but always took time to Deliberate, and we thought that he had better not be in too much haste to Punish the offence. Moodewhy never recovered his spirit while we stayed his Mind was gloomy and oppressed. Matanghee and he were near relatives, or there would not have been the forbearance, in either party, which there had been, they would soon have settled their Dispute by an appeal to arms. But Family Connections prevented their Indulging their Natural feelings and love of War— Shunghee since my arrival punished five men with Death, for Sacrilege, as already Mentioned, and no doubt but Moodeewhy from the same influence of Superstition on his Mind would, to relieve his own Distress and as a satisfaction to the faction [sic] to the Spirits of his Departed Ancestors, act in the Same way, was it in his Power to do so— Patuona was a relation and friend to both parties he was Concerned for the quarrel, but Said that they were both wrong. Matanghee was wrong in Shooting Moodeewhy’s Pigs and Moodeewhy was equaly [sic] wrong in Shooting Matanghees. He said if Matanghee had shot his Pigs he would not have retaliated on him by shooting his, but would have had no Connection with him in future, he should have considered him to have acted so unlie a Chief, but his Brother, he observed who was present, would have acted as Moodeewhy did. How they will accommodate their differece, we Cannot Say. We were oblidged to them for Suppressing there Mutal [sic] resentment while we were with them, it was indeed an attention that we could not have expected from Men in their State— We spent our time at this Village pleasantly, our accommodations were Comparatively good and our Companions were very entertaining particularly the Priest of the Winds and Waves— October the 10th 1819 This Morning we prepared for our final departure from the Shukeangha, we had left several Villages and Chiefs, whom for want of time we could not visit though they provided for us— We had now to part with Moodeewhy and Mwenna, the head Chief of the river, who had never left us since we met. Mowenna wept at our departure and Directed the Priest to accompany us to Rangheehoo to learn if the Active had arrived and if there was any prospect of her Visiting their River in order that they might prepare the timber for her. It would have been impossible for any Civilized Nation to pay us more attention than these Heathens did so far as their Mains [sic] and Knowledge extended. When we left Patuonas Village we were more than fifty in Company— Most of them going for an Axe or a hoe or some small edged tool, they would have to travel, by land and Water from 100 to 140 Miles, in some of the worst Paths, Through Woods that can be conceived and to Carry their Provisions for their Journey. A Chief’s wife came with us all the way, and I belive [sic] her load could not be less than 100 lbs, and many carried much more, we had to travel on the Shukeangha, Patuona took me and Mr Kendall and Puckey in his Canoe for some Miles up the River; till we came to a fall, when we landed in a wood about the Middle of the day, we estimated our Distance from the Heads to be between forty and fifty Miles or upwards, the Body of our Party had ran on— We had now to travel threw [sic] a verry thick wood on the banks, and at particular points had to wade the River, Some very fine young Man [sic] went before us, clearing the way as well as the[y] Could by treading and breaking down the brush wood and Branches of trees, It was very fatiguing to walk in the wood, and from the very heavy rain that fell in the Morning, was very wet and Dreary— Near dusk in the Evening we came to the last Station on the Banks of the River, where we put up, for the night, under a little shed, open for the night wind and rain and the Party with us made a third for themselves, the night was Cold and we were very wet and weary, our Servants kindled some fires and Dressed some Pork and Potatoes on which we dined, the chiefs had sent Nine hogs with us and many hundred weight of Potatoes, one hog we killed and Dressed this Evening— All had now returned home who did not intend to accompany us to the end of our Jorney [sic] though we Still Mustered in our little Camp between fifty and Sixty Persons— This was a very solitary Station on the Banks of a river in a very deep Valley Surrounded with Lofty timber of Various kinds, and a days Jorney [sic] from any Native Village or farm— our only Companions being men in a State of Nature, some of whom had never seen a Vessel, or Visited the Missionary Settlement. October 11th, 1819 we rose early this Morning after a very Cold and uncomfortable night and prepared for our Jorney, in hops of reaching KiddeeKiddee in the Evening, which we estimated to be twenty Six Miles from our Station— We had Still a very Difficult part of the wood to pass, and after walking for almost two hours, we reached the open Ground, near which Stands a large Stump, the remains of a Pine cut down by the Great Tippahee, for his Canoe, The Chips still remain round the Place where he made the Canoe, I sat down on the Stump and reflected on the Conversation which I had with Tippahee Fourteen years before and the events that had since occurred relative to his Country, Hw would he have rejoiced had he now been alive, to see the Present opening Prospect for the Benefit of his native Land, I may here observe that he Just planted the Acorn but died before the Stirdy oak appeared above the Surface of the Ground, When Tippahee had Completed his Canoe he had more than twenty Miles to carry it over land by Mere Muscular Strenght [sic]. When we left the wood we had a clear pen country before us through which our road lay for upwards of twenty miles— Some of the Soil good Some Gravelly and some swampy, Some of the Swamps which we Passed might be easily drained as there appeared a sufficient fall, Our road was very good Excepting the Swamps and in general Level, we found it easy and Pleasant to travel Compared with what we had Passed the proceeding [sic] day— After walking very hard till about six oclock in the evening with only resting once for a Short Period we arrived at Kiddeekiddee, tired and weary we found Shunghee there, but Mr Butler and the Carpenters were at Ranghee-hoo, I immediately lay down to rest in the only Building yet Completed— Shunghee informed me that two days before a Chief named Temana killed his Wife for Adultery. She was caught in the fact, and acknowledged her Guilt when her Husband knocked her on the head with a pattoo, He said her punishment was Just, Her Brother came and took away the Body which was Conveyed to the Sepulcher of her friends. She was a woman of rank, Her friends would not Punish her Husband, because he had acted according to the established Customs of the Country, Further than taking away a few Baskets of Potatoes, as a Satisfaction for the Death of the women, A man will Sometimes put away his Wife for adultry, but he may put her to death when the fact is fully proved if he likes, and his Conduct in so doing will meet with the Public approbation— After Conversing with Shunghee we read Portion of Gods Word— Sung a Hymn— and returned Grateful thanks to our Heavenly Father, who had preserved us in our Going out, and Coming in and had prospered us in our Journey, and Brought us to our resting place in health and peace. Shunghee and several of the Natives remained with us, During the time, I pointed out to Shunghee that it was our duty to pray to God and to thank him for keeping us by Night and by Day, that his Eye was Over us and His ear herard [sic] us when we Prayed, and that he did us good at all times. Shunghee behaved with much propriety and said that it was right we should pray, we then lay down and enjoyed a good nights rest— On the 12th Octr 1819, this Morning we intended to return to Ranghee-hoo after breakfast. Shunghee had a quantity of Sweet Potatoes dressed for us and our friends. I was much Gratified with the progress that had been made in our new Settlement during our absence, a Considerable quantity of Ground had been Broken up and Part of it Planted with Maize, a Number of Seeds had been Sown in the Garden. which had been Brought to Port Jackson from England nd were up, the Vines were many of them in leaf, The fruit trees, had also been planted and the whole Settlement began to put on the appearance of Civilization, than which nothing cold be more Gratifying to the mind. A Building had also been erected for the accommodation of the Labouring Natives. From what I saw, I was convinced that all hands had been very busy, and that much had been done in a short time with the Small hours which Mr Butler and his Colleagues can Command,— About nine oclock we left Kiddeekiddee nd in our way down the river, Visited a Village on the Banks Called Mootooetee belonging to a Chief Named Shourakke, whom I had promised to visit. We found him at home, with several chiefs from other Parts. He was much pleased, with our calling to see him, while we stopped the wind rose and it began to rain heavily, After waiting till Evening without any prospect of the weather clearing up, and the water being rough, I resolved to remain till the next day, Showrakke told me that it was not safe for me to venture in the Canoe, as it would be in Great Danger of upsetting, and recommended us to stay till Morning. Mr Kendall was very anxious to get home I therefore left him to act as he pleased, and he embarked for Ranghee-hoo having about seven miles to pass through a very open and rough Sea, leaving me with the Chiefs where I remained all night— I here met with Mayangea a chief who had been to England about twelve years ago, with Mr Savage. He made particular inquiries after the Queen, whom he had seen, and said she was old, and wished to know if she was alive. I told him that She died about Eight Moons before, he wished to know if the Prince of Wales, the duke of York, and the other Branches of the Royal Famely were well, he gave the surrounding Chiefs a Particular account of what he had seen in England— mentioned London Bridge and the Water Works there and told them how the water was conveyed by pipes into the Diferent houses in the City, and many other particulars relative to our mode of living, houses Carriages, Shipping, Churches, Roads, agriculture & how the Cooks dressed the Food for Gentlemens Tables and that they never ate it but only tasted it in the kitchen before it was served up. They heard him with great attention— There was an old chief called Tukopedu who was ^a cripple in both his Legs and a man as Proud of his Consequence and Dignity as any whom I had seen, He informed me that his land, and Subjects extended from the Shukeangha to the Whycoto near 150 miles, and that he had heard King George was so great a Man that he never went on Board a Ship, and that he was equally as Great in New Zealand and for that reason he never went on board any Vessel. They talked nearly the whole of the Night on Various Subjects, relative to Civil life, and were very anxious for me to visit the very long River Whycoto, on the Banks of which, according to all the Statement [sic] of the Natives there is a Very Great population, I promised to go, if my time would admit, and the Chiefs, Promised to accompany me. October 13th 1819 on the return of day Showrakke ordered his Large Canoe, when himself Moyanger and Some of his people accompanied Me to Ranghee-hoo where I found Mr Kendall arrived in safety. The chiefs of the Shukeangha who accompanied us on our return, were Waiting my arival [sic] in ordr to receive the Presents which we had promised them, they all assembled at the Store where we gave them twenty one Axes, Seventeen hoes fifteen flat tokees, two Dozen Plane Irons two adzes and a quantty of Fish hooks, with a few pocket Knives and Jews harps— Tamangena the Priest of the winds and waves, was in the Number, he had Promised that when he came to Ranghee-hoo, I should hear his God Speak to him, as I told him that I could not belive [sic] that he ever did Converse with him unless I he^ard him myself, I now Called upon him for the fulfilment of his Promise, as I wished to hear his God, he replied his God was not at Ranghee-hoo at that time and therefore I Could not hear him, I smiled at him and told him that I belived he never heard him himself— When they had all received their presents they returned much gratified with our Visit and Conduct to them— Octr 14th on my return to Ranghee-hoo Mr Butler informed me that a Chief from Tiami had been very turbulent and troblesome, when he was up at KiddeeKiddee, by going to the house of Mr William Hall, in a very threatening manner, and demanded an Axe. On Mr Butler’s return he renewed his application when Mr Butler gave him two hoes and an Axe. He came again today bringing along with him two Dogs for Sale, which were purchased from him he was Still dissatisfied and wanted an other Axe— There were several Chiefs belonging to his tribe with him who remained on the Beach, and though they did not appear to Countenance his Violent Conduct, they took no Steps to check him, we Could not but infer from their Silence that what he did, was with their Consent and that if he Could not obtain by fair Means these articles which he wanted, they did not disapprove of his trying what threatening would do. We remonstrated with them on the Impropriety of his Conduct, and told them that the Europeans would not remain in New Zealand, if they were not protected from Insult, for we came for their good and not for [our] own, they Expressed their regard for us and pretended to be Displeased with the Conduct of the Chief which was Extreamly Violant— A length I told them that Mr Kendall and myself would Visit their District and hear what the Different Chiefs had to say, and if they had any Complains to make, we would hear them, and redress them, as far as we had the means to do so, with this assurance there [sic] were well satisfied, and Monday was fixed on for our Departure from Ranghee-hoo to Tiami— October 16. 1819. Five of the Principal Chiefs came to conduct us, with their Slaves to carry our Provisions— Octr 18th ware prevented leaving the Settlement by heavy rain. Octr 19th we prepaired for our Departure, when we had got our boxes all ready for the Canoes, an old Chief tok them up, in order to examine their Weight, From their Lightness he suspected that there were no Axes in them, His Countenance lowered Immediately, and he kicked the Boxes away from him with Indignation, I remonstrated with the Chief and told them, that if they behaved in that Disrespectful Manner I would not go among them, When they found that we were not likely to visit them they became Very earnest in their entreaties, and as they had been anxiously waiting for us three Days, I was as anxious to meet their wishes, at the same time I was determined not to go, till all Matters were finally arranged, relative to our Visit as what we should pay for the Canoes and for the Slaves to carry our Baggage and what presents the Chiefs belonging to the different Villages would expect us to take them, these were all finally Settled before we embarked to prevent Disputes when we returned, after every arrangement had been Made to our Mutal [sic] Satisfaction, we left Rangheehoo about Eleven oclock in the Morning in two Canoes. On our passage up the KiddeeKiddee a Canoe Very Beautifully carved from the River Thames Passed us, These Canoes are well made will lie in a rough Sea and go Verry fast, in our Canoe ware Several young Slaves from the Southward and one from the East Cape I enquired what price the chief had Paid for them for one a fine youth, he had given Twenty Baskets of Sweet Potatoes and one Axe for nother [sic] The others I believe were Prisoners of War— We arrived at Okoora the Village of the head chief named Wytarow— about Six oclock where we were to Sleep for the Night, The Chief had got one of the neatest Huts that I had seen in New Zealand— After we had taken some refreshment and the Darkness of the Evening had Closed upon us the chief ordered a fire to be made around which we all sat down. We then Desired the Chiefs to state the Grounds of their Grievances. They began by saying that they h no private Complaints to make that their Grivances [sic] were of a Public nature; they stated that when the Europeans first came to New Zealand they all settled with Duaterra and Shunghee by which means the Power and Wealth of Shunghee were greately Increased that when the last Europeans came, they Expected to get one to reside with them, but these also wee appropriated to Shunghee which threw all the Trade into his Hands. They alledged that they could not go to trade with the Missionaries within Shunghees Jurisdiction on one hand, this would lower their Dignity and on the other Shunghees people would not allow them as it was Contrary to the Custom of the Countery, for one chief to interfere in Matters of trade with another within his own District, what they wanted was an equal advantage of Trade, which they Could not enjoy, without the residence of a Missionary among them to whom they could dispose of their property without any of those degrading restraints which they were now under. What they have to sell is a few potatoes and Hogs, these are their principal Commodities They Further alledged that people had cast reflections upon them and charged some of their people with Theft, which had made them very angry, they did not attempt to deny, that some of their Tribe had with or without their Knowledge taken some Triffling things from the Europeans, but Shunghees people had been more guilty in this respect. They asked us who had put up the Boys to steal our chisels &c when we landed our Stores, Intimating that this had been done privately, either by Shunghee himself or his secret agents, they thought it hard that they should be equally Blamed with Shunghee’s people for theft without deriving any of those profits from trade, which Shunghee’s people enjoyed, they Conceived that they had not been treated with that respect and attention to which their Rank and Power in New Zealand entitled them, that the Europeans were equally indebted to them as they were to Shunghee, for their protection— that their Tribe was as powerful and respectable as his and their Lands More Extensive— and that they had the Same right to the Harbour where the Ships anchored and the Shores, where the Boats landed, they said they were not offended at our making a New Settlement at Kiddeekiddee where Shunghee resided all that they monopolise the whole of the Trade by having all the Europeans living under his Authority, as this makes him and his people assume more Consequence, then they were entitled to and tended to Lower their Tribe in the Public opinion. The Principal articles of trade are Spades, hoes, axes & which are Missionary Stores and the articles for which they are so urgent— These and many others Strong arguments they used to Convince us that they had Sufficient Public Grounds to be Dissatisfied— I could not but admit the force of their reasoning and regretted much that they should have any Just Cause of Complaint, and in Answer to their Statements, I wished to lay before them the real reason of this apparent partiality, at the Same time I assured them that we were equally anxious to administer to their Wants, and to the Wants of all their Countrymen as we were to Shunghees as far as we had the Means to do so— In the first place I stated the Cause why we paid our attention to Shunghee— that Tippahee was a near relation to Shunghee and the first New Zealand Chief whom I had seen at Port Jackson and with whom I had formed a particular Intimacy— that when I returned from England I brought Me[ss]rs Hall and King with me with the Intention to send them Immediately to New Zealand to Tippahee to teach his people, but when I arrived at Port Jackson, I was Informed that the Boyd had been Cut off by the People of Whangarooa and all her Crew killed and eaten and a Number of his People were killed by the Europeans in Consequence of the Distruction of the Boyd. Shortly after these events, the New Zealanders killed and ate three men belonging to a Ship Called the New Zealander a Whaler, These Dreadful crimes, which their Country Men had been guilty of, struck the Europeans with horror. I was afraid to send Messrs Hall and King least they Should Kill and eat them alive also. After they had waited more than four years in Port Jackson Mr Kendall came from England with the intention of coming to teach the New Zealanders and after he had remained for some time at Port Jackson I sent him and Mr Hall to visit Duaterra, to know if they wished any of the Europeans to Come and live with them if they did I wished him and two or three other Chiefs to Come over to Port Jackson, with Messrs Kendall and Hall, for their Families, Duaterra returned and Shunghee and Korokoro accompanied him with Messrs Kendall and Hall, Tippahee being Dead and Shunghee promised with Duaterra that he would take care of the Missionaries, they came and were placed under their protection by me. I told them that I should have Come if Governor Macquaie would have allowed me, but he would not give his permission fearing they Would kill and eat me as the[y] had done the Crew of the Boyd— We further state to them that their crimes were Viewed with horror by all Europeans which made them afraid to Come among them, that if they wished for any Europeans to live in their Country, they must shew great Kindness to those who are now with the in order to remove the bad Impressions from the Minds of the Europeans which their past Conduct had made, In answer to this they said it was right that the first Settlers should Come to Shunghee and they did not wish to have any of the Miss-ionaries who lived under his Protection, but they were very desirous to have one at least [?] of those that had lately Come I replied that the number was so few, that I Could not divide them if I did we should not be able to Show them the advantages of a farm and other Improvements which we now intended to make but asured them if they behaved well to the Missionaries in the Iseland at Present, I would as soon as I Could get them one or more to live in their District, but I Could not make them a full Promise, adding if one Should Come, he might be unwilling to live with them They answered they would not wish to Compel a Missionary to live with them against his will, but if he was sent for their benefit and did not live with them they should request that he might be sent back again to Port Jackson and not be permitted to live With Shunghee Temmarangha who is one of the principal Chiefs and had lived with me a Short time at Parramatta, Said he wanted a man who Cold Pr[e]ach, teach Children to read and write administer Medicines when they were sick and show them how to Cultivate their Land— With regard to the charges of Cruelty against them they stated that the Eurpeans had killed many of their Countrymen on the most trivial occasions and Some Instances they mentioned why they had been Shot without Committing any offence, the Europeans had also often Defrauded them of their property and illtreated their women the Boyd was cut off in Consequence of the Captain having Flogd the chief, with respect to the Ship New Zealander, they said that a Chief a near relation to Tippahee, named Tarria Stole a Musket from the People who were wooding upon his Land, as a Satisfaction for the Europeans Storming Tippahees Island and killing his People, when the men returned to the Vessel and Informed the Captain he sent two armed Boats which fell in with a party Belonging to the Chief who was giving us this account, they Informed the Sailors that they were not the people who had Stolen the Musket, but the Sailors, either thro Ignorance of the Language or from wontonness, fired on the Innocent Party twice whereupon the Natives attacked them and two of the white People were killed afterwards the Sailors shot Tarreses Uncle in which fray an European was killed, the chiefs on the South side of the Harbour as three white men had been killed and only one New Zealander demanded Satisfaction according to the law of retaliation for the Death of the two Europeans, when two New Zealanders were killed by themselves Belonging to the Tribe who had killed the two Europeans and afterwards their Bodies were taken in a Canoe alongside the Ship to show the Master that they had done Justice to the Crew by Punishing with Death their own Countrymen for the murder of his Men. The Mentioned instances where their own people had been Shot and no Satisfaction made for their Lives by the Europeans and that a Great Number had been killed by Captain Hovel who Commanded a Vessel from Port Jackson in a Harbour between the River Thames and Mercury Bay and Intimated that these People would take Satisfaction for the lives of their relatives at some future Period when opportunity offered— I then told them that a law had been passed in England for the Punishment f any European who should wantonly kill a New Zealander and that if any of the New Zealanders killed any European if they came to Port Jackson afterwards they should be hung, they were much Gratified with the Information I told them that King George wished to Protect them From Violence as well as his own people, and that he would Punish the guilty whenever they Could be Caught, whether they were Englishmen or New Zealanders. They said if any European should kill a New Zealander they Should wish to see him Executed. After Conversing till a late hour on all these Subjects, in which we received mutual Satisfaction we lay down in our clothes to rest— October 20—1819 We rose early this Morning and prepared for our Journey to Tiami where we arived [sic] in the evening about half past four oclock Very Weary with our Walk, the distance we estimated at more than twenty Miles, In our way lay several Swamps through Some of which we Waded and through others were Carred. One of them is about a Mile through. We passed through only to Small woods the Country is Very open and the Lands in General pretty level, Some of it is Exceedingly god, and other parts either Gravelly, Stony or swampy, though the Swamps in most places Might be drained it is well Watered in all directions, with fine falls of Wate for Mills of any kind the whole Countery [sic] through which we passed belonged to the Chiefs who accompanied us— About five Miles before we came to any of the Villages in the District of Tiami we passed through a very fine plain where the Soil appeared Very rich, though Stony, The whole from the grass that was upon it appeared at one time to have been in Cultivation at some former Period and there was evident traces of a large population, we passed near the ruins of two Villages on the edge of the plain, which are now wholly uninhabited, they had been strongly fortified at no very distant Period, the Chief informed us that they belonged to him and his friends, and at one time Contained 1000 Inhabitants, but they had been besiged, and were Compelled at lenght [sic] to yield to the enemy and to quit their Stronghold. The hills are Very high on which the Village stood and so strong by Nature that they could not be easily taken unless the Inhabitants were Starved out— When we arrived at the first Village of Tiami we were introduced to the old Chief who appeared to be more than eighty years of age, but was all life and Spirits, he danced for Joy when we gave him a chisel he Expressed the Greatest Satisfaction at our Visit, from his hands he appeared to have Just returned from Labour in the Potatoe Grounds, he informed us that he remained on the farm to attend to his Cultivation but that he would Come to Rangheehoo to see us he told us he had seen three generations and was in the Midle of life when the first ship Came to New Zealand, The Captains Name he said was Stivers, Two other Ships came afterwards before Captain Cook the Captain of which was killed by the Natives near Cape Brett because they had killed many of the Natives and had Destroyed one whole Village in the Bay of Islands, this old Chief appeared in perfect health. His Village Stands in a fertile Spot sheltered by lofty Pines and Watered by many Beautiful Small Streams, sufficient to turn a Mill. Here we Spent the Evening Conversing on the agriculture and other useful arts the Laws and Customs of other Countries, the object of the Missionaries in Coming to live among them the Manner in which they Should Treat them if they expected others to come to live in their Country and the advantages which they would derive from the richness of their Soil when once Wheat and Barley were introduced among them.— We told them that it was not the custom in England for Gentlemens Wives to Cultivate the land whereas their Wives were working from Morning to night in the field— that Gntlemen in England had only one Wife some of them had ten, that so many Wives occasioned much trouble and many quarrels. They observed that what we said was Very true that such a number of Wives Caused great Disputes that it often happened in those quarrels that the Women would go and hang themselves, but they alledged that Notwithstanding these evils they Could not Dispense with their number of Wives, either as labourers or overseers they could not Cultivate their Lands at all for they had no Money to pay for the Cultivation of their Lands and without the assistance of their Wives, either as Labourers or Overseers they could not cultivate their Lands at all, if they had the same means that the Gentlemen in England had Cultivating their lands with Cattle their wives should be employed in a Different way, they Could not alter their Present Plan till they got the means.— We told them that we hoped that in time they Could have those advantages but much would depend on their own Conduct towards the Europeans, if they behaved well to them, others Could be encouraged to come and Live amongs [sic] them if ill those who now in New Zealand would return to their own Country. They only wished for an oppertunity to show their attention by having two or three among them. The New Zealanders are eager to gain instruction and have quick Conceptions and retentive Memories, we Conversed till a late hour, when we Sung a Hymn, Returned thanks to God for his Goodness and Committed ourselves to his Gracious protection for the Night— October 21, 1819 We rose early this morning and afterwards Walked over the Potatoe Grounds with the Chief where the People were all at Work, Some were Planting Maize but did not understand how that Grain should be planted, they put the Grains near together, which would hinder the Growth of the Plant, I showed them how we planted Maize by Planting some, The Chief saw Immediately the advantage of giving the Plant Sufficient room and Directed his People to follow the Instructions which I had given them, The Chief treated us with every mark of attention in his Power, on our arival he addressed his People with much warmth and Commanded them not to Steal the Smalest article from us, on any account if they did Shunghees people would hear of it and they would be Disgrased, he Said if they had would behaved well to us I Perhaps would and an European to live among them, he could not Say that I would, but perhaps I might, if they did not behave well they would have no hope of ever having any Europeans in their District, after Breakfast our Next Visit was to the Village of the Chief who had been so Sulky and Shoved the Boxes about at the Settlement, previous to our Setting off on our Journey, this old Chief made an apology for his Conduct and Said that he was not angry, but he had heard of our Generosity and came to see if we would bestow an axe on him, thinking there was none in the Boxes, his Mind was hurt as he was afraid of being Disappointed, he now Showed his anxiety to do all that he could to make our Visit to him Pleasant, we were attended by a large Number of Natives, he gave us a hog which we ordered to be Killed for our attendants and abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes were dressed for all present he prepared a clean shed for us to Sleep in and Exerted all his ability to make us Comfortable— After Dinner I went to see a Hot Spring in a wood about four Miles Distance, the Water was warm and Very offensive, it sent forth a Continual Stream and on the Surface was a thick Scum like Yellow Ocher, but of rather a redder cast with which the Natives Paint themselves, the water had a strong Sulphuris smell, I brought away with me some of the Stone about it which is hard and flinty, the Natives informed me that there was another Spring about six Miles from the Village where the Water is white and Very offensive No Wild Ducks or Fowls were ever seen on this Water.— We returned to the Village performed our Evening Devotions and Conversed with the Chiefs, on Various Subjects till a late hour. The night was Cold and Dark and our shed open on three Sides and no Roof, which made our accommodation Very uncomfortable, The New Zealanders Men Women and Children lay down round about the Shed like Cattle in a farm-Yard and apparntly [sic] as unconcerned about the rain and Cold.— October 21, 1819 after Breakfast I went to Visit the white Spring it is a Small lake about half a Mile round and appears at a Distance white like Milk but when at the edge of the lake not quite so white about a Mile before I came to the Lake I fell in with one of Clear Water, on which were a Number of Wild Ducks, a Quantity of Brimstone was lying on the ground in Different Directions Specimens of which I brought away with me, the Whole Surface of the Country for Miles appears as if there had been some Volcanic Eruption, Swamps Lakes and Barren Soil, It appears as if there had been a Wood of Pines which is now all Burnt not so much as one tree remaining there is here and there the root of a pine which has been burnt into the Surface of the Ground and Pices [sic] of Rosin which have come from the Pine tree are lying on the ground in all Directions the Soil is Extremely poor Stoney and Wet and of a White Nature like Pipeclay. The Natives told me as we walked along where there were other Springs of a Similar Nature not far distant a quantity of Rosin lies on the Banks of the white Lake, and in Various Parts of the Lake is a froth on the Surface, like yeast on New Beer, when Working in the Vat, I brought a Bottle of the Water away with me, intending to take it to Port Jackson as perhaps it might be analyzed there, The Stony creek through which the Water from the Lake Continually runs appears as if Covered with lime from the Sediment, left by the Water in its Course through the rocks and all the Stone in the Creek is hard as flint Specimens of which I also Brought away. Before I left the Village for the Next I took a firestick into a Shed where our Boxes and provisions were laid, a little Brimstone upon it to see what effect the fire would have, as soon as the Chiefs Saw the Smoake they were all Dreadfully alarmed and Called aloud to me to take the fire out of the Shed, I asked why they were so afraid They replyed that their God would kill them all for there were Provisions in our Boxes in the Shed and if fire was taken into the Shed where there were Provisions they would all die, To allay their fears I threw the fire Sticks down and then Endeavoured to Convince them that all their fears were groundless that their Tabooing of their Provisions the Vesels out of which the[y] eat their houses & [c] was all a delusion that there was no Such thing in Europe and that I was not afraid to eat any thing nor to Sleep in any house nor to have fire and Provisions in the Same house,— They said if they did not pay very particular attention to all that their Priests told them, they would die, if the went to Battle, and Neglected any ceremony relative to their food, & [c] and a spear only touched them they would die immediately, but if they observed the Ceremonies, and a spear should go through their Bodies, they would not die, I told them that the observance of those things would have no effect in preserving their lives in Battle, they Contended warmly that it would, and one of the Chiefs came forward and showed where a Spear had passed through his lungs and both his Blood and his Breath came through the orifice of the Wound and yet he recovered because he paid attention to the Injunction of the Priests, In answer to this, I said that I had seen a large barbed spear taken out of the Body of a Man at Parramatta which had been thrown at him by a Native, and Wounded the intestines so much that the food which he ate, Came through the Wound which the spear had made, for a Considerable time, yet he recovered and was alive and Well when I left Parramatta, though he had never been tabooed nor his food, nor his House. They expressed their astonishment that he should recover from such a Wound without attention to Similar Ceremonies with themselves on the observation of which, they belived [sic] the Issue of life or Death to Dpend. I also told them that instances had occurred of Soldiers in Battle, being Shot through the Lungs with a Ball, as the Chief had been Speared, and Nevertheless recovered, and yet they were not tabooed. I asked them if the Chief had been speared through the heart or the Temples of the head whether he would have recovered or not, admitting he had been tabooing. The[y] replied that he would not, I then wanted to know of what us their tabooing was as Europeans recovered from Similar Wounds with themselves without tabooing. They said that some time ago one of their tribe went on board a Ship where he ate some provisions Contrary to their Customs when their God in his anger slew a great many of them. I inquired in what manner those that died were affected, they represented their tongues to be foul and their whole bodies in a Burning heat the Natives supposing the heat which they experienced to proceed from a Secret fire within them threw off all their Mats drank and bathed in Cold Water and exposed themselves as much as they Could to Cold, under the Idea that Cold would quench the heat that Could Would quench which they felt, we informed them this was the way to increase the heat and to kill them, and that instead of Exposing themselves to the cold and going naked and lying naked in the open air in the Night they Should have kept themselves Warm in order to make them perspire as the Perspiration would Cary [sic] off the burning heat from their Bodys and not Cold air and Water, they laughed at this Idea and Supposed that this would increase their Complaint, I then asked them if they remembered at any time when they perspired freely. feeling that burning heat in their Bodies, which they mentioned after some reflection and Consultation togeather they thought from what they felt when they perspired freely, that we might be right in our opinion— They then asked me how Duaterra came to die, I told them that by great Exertion and lying out in the air he got a Volent [sic] Cold which Brought on the burning heat that they Spake of and a Volient [sic] Complaint in his Bowels, the Priests then Tabooed him would let him have Nothing to et or drink for five Days and Would not let him me See him for fear their God should kill him and them. Duaterra had been accustomed to eat our Bread Rice and Sugar and to Drink Tea and Wine and when he was ill the Priests would not allow him to have any of those articles which he had been accustomed to and which might have relieved him. On account of the taboo and for want of Proper Nourishment it was not possible for him to live and Many of their Countery Men like Duaterra, died in Consequence of the Taboo and lying in the Wet and Cold when they felt that Burning heat,— This argument had some weight with them and appeared to Convince them that they were in Error,— We further told them Pomare King of Otaheite thought Some time ago as they did he tabooed his houses and provisions and was Constantly under fear least his God should kill him and his people but Since the Missionaries have lived at Othite [sic] and he and his people he had been taught the Meaning of Gods Book he had abolished all tabooing and had eaten any proper food, and had slept any where, like the Europeans, and was under no fear of being killed by his former Gods, They were much surprised at the Information and Enquired how long it was Since Pomare had Ceased to Taboo, we told them that it was more than three years ago since Pomare had embraced our Religion, The Chiefs then replied that if we would send Missionaries to Instruct them and to Convince them that their Religion was Wrong and to prevent their Gods from killing them they would think & act as we did—, Several of them expressed an ardent desire to Visit Port Jackson as they wished to see how we lived, I Promised that some of them should be permitted to go when opportunity offered. After Dinner we left this Village in order to Visit another about four Miles distant at the foot of a very high Hill Called Pookanawee During our Walk we passed through Some of the Richest land that I had seen in the Island, Free from Timber and fit for all the purposes of agriculture. We arrived about Sunset when an old and Venerable Chief upright as a Column and his teeth as white as Ivory came forward with a long Spear in his hand and Stood at a Distance, where he offered up an Oration and prayer, according to the New Zealand Custom on Receiving Strangers, bidding us Welcome and intreating that his Gods would be propitious during our interview Meaning the Manes of his Departed Ancestors. He invoked the heavens above and the earth below to render our Visit advantageous to his people and Grateful to us and that no harm might happen to us whom he esteemed as Gods of another Country. We heard the profane adulations with Silent grief, and Could not but wish Most ardently for the light of Divine truth to Shine on such a Dark and Superstitious Mind, As we could say nothing at that Moment to this profanation which Shocked our Feelings Mr Kendall took an oppertunity afterwards in the Course of Conversation to Explain to them as we made it a Practice to do at all times that there was only one God Jehovah who made and upholds all things and whom we acknowledged as our God, that we were but Men looking for happiness in him in Consequence of what It is [sic] Son Jesus Christ, had suffered for us— that after death we were not Considered as Gods, as they Considered their departed friends but merely as the Creatures of God Brought by him his Goodness into a State of Happiness and that we did not cut Ourselves for the Dead as they did nor mourn without hope but Went quietly into the Grave in the assurance of Meeting our Friends again— In the Course of the Evening Mr Kendall had a long Conversation with the Chief Toohoo and Temmarangha and Whytarrow in Consequence of these two [sic] speaking Speaking to Toohoo on the Deferent Subjects which had been Discussed, the preceding evening they had accompanied us from Rangheehoo and Constantly been with us when they informed him of what we had Said of the Burning heat in their Bodys and how they Should act under it he Said, we were Gods among other things they had Ignorantly Supposed that I had it in my Power to Command Europeans to live among them but Mr Kendall fully Explained to them that this was not the Case, that I Mr Kendall and my Coleagues were only Members of a General Body the Chief of which resided in England and there united members Consisted of Some thousands who were influenced by Motives of Gratitude to god for the Blessings which had been Conferred on us, on them and on our Ancestors who formerly were in the Same situation that they were in at Present, to impart into them that Knowledge which had been so productive of happiness both in this World and in the Next.— Mr Kendall furthur told them that the Society in England had never thought of them till after I had seen Tippahee when I informed the Society what Situation they were in and Stated that they were men of Good understandings and Capable of Improvement and earnestly Solicited the Society to Send Out Some of their Members to instruct them and that in Concequence of my application to the Society in their behalf an inquiry was made and persons were asked to go into this foreign Country to instruct them, Mr Kendall Stated further that there was a doubt among the Members of the Society whether or not any European could safely live among a people who were in the habit of eating human Flesh which Caused a General fear and hesitation at lenght [sic] however Messrs Hall and King offered their Voluntary Services, as none are Compbelled [sic] to Come without their Free Consent, they accordingly accompanied me to Port Jackson. When they arrived there they were under Considerable Distress on mind on account of the Distruction of the Boyd and Wa^ited four years untill Mr Kendalls arival when I purchased the Active and sent Mr Kindall and Mr Hall over to see whether or not they dared to Venture to live among them. After Messrs Kendall and Hall had visited them they resolved to Come with their Families, whether the[y] were Killed and eaten or not, accordingly they came along with me After remaining a short time and observing the Conduct of their Countrymen, they wrote to England for more Europeans. But Masters of Ships and other persons who were prediced [sic] against them from the reports of there Savageness and eating human flesh wrote against them which had intimidated the Society and had tended to Discredit all that Mr Kendall and I Could Say in their favour. It was not untill the Missionaries had resided in New Zealand for More than three years that they Society Ventured to send any More from England, and if they Wished those Missionaries to remain in the Island they must be kind to all of them and not alarm them and make them uneasy by teasing Applications for Axes, hoes, &c least they Should retire quietly, from them as the Missionaries had formerly done from Otheite with an intention never to return had not Pomare from time to time Solicited them to do— In answer to the above the Chiefs Said that they had never understood the object of the Missionaries so clearly before and with respect to the Main Ground of the Europeans fears— of being killed and Eaten— they Contended this was altogether on our Part Groundless, and that it was absurd to Suppose that they would act so Contrary to their own Interest as to kill and eat people who came to live quietly among them and Introduce so many articles of real Value. Besides they Said we lived here under the approbation and Protection of all the Chiefs and if one Chief was against us he Could only trouble us by his Vexatious applications he would Dread the Power of the other Chiefs and Durst not do us any furthur injury, but if all the Chiefs or the Major Part of them were against us we Could not Stay. They further remarked that as we had done them no Injury they had no Satisfaction to Demand from us, and no Just feelings of retaliation to gratify and observed with a Smile that if they Naturally Craved after human Flesh we Might Make ourselves easy on that head, as the Flesh of a New Zealander was much Sweeter than that of an European in Consequence of the White people eating so much Salt— At Lenght the Conversation led to the origin of eating human flesh, the[y] first alleged that it originated from the largest fishes of the Sea eating other Fishes and of some, even their own kind, that large fishes eat small ones, Small fishes eat insects— dogs will eat Men and Men will eat Dogs and Dogs Devour one an other, the Birds of the Air also devour one another, and one God will Devour another God. I Should not have understood how the Gods Could eat One an Nother, if Shunghee had not before informed me that when he was to the Southward and killed a Number of people he was afraid that their Gods would kill him in retaliation for terming himself a God but he had Caught their God being a reptile and eat part of it and reserved the other part for his friends as it was Sacred fod and by this Means he rested Satisfied that the[y] were all Secure from his resentment— With respect to their teasing Importunities for Axes &c they Said that their anger was merely feigned, and that they were urged to their Importunities by their pressing Necessities for these things for they had tried every Method in their power to get an Axe, or a hoe, when they had Means to pay for them the[y] were always ready to do so and asserted that we Could scarcely Bring forward a Single Instance where a Man had troubled us for an article, when he was able to purchase what he wanted— They Then Stated the General Satisfaction that it would give the Chiefs if two Missionaries were sent to each District, as this would prevent all Jealousies and tend to make the Missionaries More Comfortable, as for their Children they had no objection for them to be taught either reading or Writing.— From all the information that we could Collect on our tour we were fully Satisfyed that Missionaries would be kindly received among them and that it is only the Want of them that has created Discontent, among the Chiefs. October 23, 1819 We rose early this morning in order to prepare for our return, as we wished if possible to reach the Settlement before the Sabbath. About Six oclock while I was taking my Breakfast, on a Sudden I heard Lamentations. On turning to the Place from whence the Came [sic] I observed Several Women crying aloud with the Blood streaming down their Countenances. On Enquiry, I learnt that the chiefs Wife who had accompanied us had Buried a child not long before and these women were come to Mourn and Weep with her on that account they held all their faces together, Mingled their Blood with their Tears, and Cried aloud, Cutting themselves at the Same time with pieces of Flintstone. I was much Shocked at the Sight, the Chief came to me and asked if I was afraid, I answered I was not afraid but I was much grieved to see them Cut themselves in such a manner, that this Custom did not prevail, in any Nation of Europe and was a Very bad one. He replied that the New Zealanders loved their children very much and Could not show it sufficiently without Shedding their Blood, I replied to weep was Very Good but not to Cut themselves. This Barbarous Custom universally prevails among the Natives of this Island.— As soon as we had finished our Breakfast we were presented with a large Hog and a few Bushels of Potatoes and then took our leave of this fine old Chief. Nothing Material occurred during our return and after a tedious Journey by land and Water, we arrived at the Settlement about twelve oclock at Night— Very Weary. The Chiefs and their Servants attended us home and on Monday Morning we paid the Porters who had carried our Baggage and all returned much Satisfied to their respective homes. We were equally satisfyed with the whole of their Conduct towards us, and happy that he object of our Journey, which was that of with Pines Conciliating the goodwill of the rival Chiefs of those Districts and Convincing them that our good wishes were General and not Partial towards them and their Countrymen, which had been accomplished.— Tiami is a Very rich part of the Country and only wants a population to improve its Natural Soil which at the Present is burdened with luxurious weeds with Pines and other timber of Various Kinds. The Chiefs informed us that they had a large Number of people one days Journey further who were Cultivating a rich Soil with Sweet and Common Potatoes, I should Estimate the Extent of their Territory from what I walked over and what they Pointed to us belonging to them at not less than 50 fifty Miles— Novr 7th, 1819 Sunday I Preached administered the Sacrament and Baptised Nine Children belonging to the Settlers born in the Settlement. I trust that the Divine Word and ordinances will Continue in this island of Darkness to the end of time. I have no doubt but the Lord will prepare for himself a people in New Zealand, he never fed any Nation with Manna from heaven but the Israelites and as he has now sent the Manna of his word among these Heathens, we may Safely infer that he will provide Israelites in this Wilderness to feed upon it his promises are sure and known unto him are all his Works from the Beginning— No Permanent Mission could have been Established in New Zealand or in any other Island of the South Seas, had not his ruling providence led the British Nation to Establish a Colony in New South Wales, Through the Medium of the British Nation, he has now sent his Gospel to the Very ends of the earth and the Trumpet of the Jubilee has been sounded from Pole to Pole.— What means has Infinite Wisdom adopted to accomplish the devine purposes, did it please God to Send an army of Pious Christians to prepare his Way in this Wilderness, did he establish a Colony in New South Wales for the advancement of his Glory and the Salvation of the heathen Nations in these Distant parts of the Globe from Men of Character and Principe on the Contrary he takes Men from Dregs of Society who had forfeited their lives to the Laws of their Country he gives them their lives for aperey, and sends them forth to make away for his Servants for them that Should bring glad tidings— that Should Publish peace to the Heathen World, that Should say unto them in the Name of the Lord “Look unto me and be ye saved all the ends of the Earth for I am God and there is None else.” Well may we exclaim with the Apostle “how unsearchable are his Judgments and his Ways past finding out.” I Cannot help thus Combining the Colony in New South Wales in the Grand Chain of Divine providence with all the Missionaries in these Islands as they could not have been Carried on without the Settlement.— Novr 8th, 1819 It was my intention to Sail to day for Port Jackson but having Returned late on Sunday Evening from the Interiour I had many affairs to arrange previous to my Departure for the future Government of the Settlement which occupied me all the day— The Active Weighed anchor and crossed over to the opposite side of the Bay in order that she might be ready to put to Sea the moment that we embarked— Nor 9th this Morning at an early hour I prepared to leave Rangheehoo, the Natives flocked togeather [sic] from various Parts to take their leave or to accompany us on board. Some Wept much and Wished to go with us to Port Jackson others fired their Muskets as a Mark of respect when the Boat left the Shore— it had been determined that Mr Samuel Butler and Mr Wm Halls Son should proceed to New South Wales in the Active the one to instruct Some Native Youths, Sons of Chiefs at Parramatta and the other in order, that he might be educated at Some of the Schools in the Colony. We took leave of our Friends at Rangheehoo with Mutual affection and respect, when I arrived at the Active which lay about Seven Miles off, I found her filled with Natives and Surounded [sic] with Canoes it was Pleasing to see the rival Chiefs from the North Cape to the River Thames, Meet on Board the Active in the Most Friendly Manner as a Common Rndezvous, not armed with their Pattooes and Spears as Formerly but as Men Constuting [sic] One Civil Body they all Claim an interest in the Vessel and therefore under no Restraint in their Visits, their Friendly Meetings will tend much to their Mutual Confidence and friendship the Chiefs Still pressed me to take their Sons with me to port Jackson. As the Wind was against us and I wished to Visit a District up the River Cowa cowa I ordered the Boat, and the Revd Mr Butler accompanied me, when we arrived at the Native Settlement about ten Miles up the River, we found the Chief whom I wished to See was from home, the Natives in the Village Gave us a most Cordial Welcome here we met with some of Mowhees relatives, who when they knew Mr Butler had seen him were much affected, and Mr Butler and the Natives wept together while he gave them an account of Mowhee, They Expressed the Greatest affection for Mr Butler and he was equally affected towards them, he Promised to Visit them again, We Stopped and dined at the Village as there was Plenty of Fine fish and left the Hospitable Natives deeply affected with Joy and Sorrow. When we departed , the rejoiced to see us and Mourned and Wept at the remembrance of Mowhee. We returned to the Active in the evening after the Sun had gone down. The Wind became fair and we Weighed Anchor, the Chiefs still remained on Bord [sic] with their Sons, some of whom I had promised to take but was Compbelled [sic] to refuse others. The Chiefs took leave of their Sons with much firmness and Dignity in the Cabin while on the Deck the Mothers and Sisters of the Boys were Cutting themselves after their Manner and Mingling their Blood with tears, Shungheehoo [sic] the head Chief Parted with his Favourite Son in the Cabin without a tear I afterwards heard him on deck giving Vent to his feelings with the loudest Burst of Weeping— I now ordered the Active to be Searched and all the Natives to be turned into the Canoes, I Promised some of the Chiefs who were very urgant for me to take their Sons to Port Jackson that their Sons should go at a future time by dint of Promises and threats I at lenght [sic] got the Active cleared and Mr Butler and his Coleagues Left us in the Mouth of the Bay about an hour after dark and returned, we were clear of the heads— From my arival at New Zealand to my Departure I had spent about three Months in the Island and regretted much that my time was so limited I wished very anxiously to have Visited the Whycoto, a river to the Southward and Westward of the River Thames. A Number of Chiefs urged me Very much to see this River, they Informed me it was of very Great Lenght [sic] that they were four Months in Going up it, that the people were Very Numerous upon its Banks and that there was no part of New Zealand where there were so Many Inhabitants, This River empties itself into the Sea on the West side of the Island and it is there that all the fine Matts are Made. The Natives also mentioned five rivers of great extent which run into another at a Great distance from the Sea. Whether these rivers are navigable for Ships or not remains to be accertained [sic], but that the Population is Very Great in this Part of the Island there can be no doubt.— In the Journal which I now Submit to you my object has been “to relate Simple facts as they occured [sic] and to Communicate as much information relative to these interesting people as my limited time and the Various other objects that Called for my attention would allow— When I went in the Different District[s] and Wished to Note any thing down that appeared to me Worthy of Notice, I had to steal away away into the Thickets and Conceal myself as well as I could from the Eyes of the Natives while I minuted down any Circumstance or Conversation that tended to throw any light on their Customs, Manners or Religion, but it was seldom that I Could get away unobserved and on that account was oblidged often to write in the Midst of a crowd what I wished to record— You will therefore I am sure Sir make due allowance for any Tautology or want of arrangement that you may meet with in these Sheets, as these observations wee not Studied, but originated from daily occurances. Should they be the means of Softening the prejudices of the Civilized World against the New Zealanders and of inducing the Friends of the Heathen to Support the Societys exertions and to pray for the Blessing of the Lord on his labours my Wishes will then be fully Satisfied I am Convinced that the Wants of these Poor Heathens have only to be made known to the Christian World and then they will be delivered. That Country which is now only an uncultivated Wilderness will then Stand thick with Corn and the Voice of Joy and Gladness will then be heard in these dreary Regions of Darkness Superstition Cruelty and Sin— Signed Saml Marsden Particulars of my third visit to New Zealand 1820. In the beginning of the year 1820 His Majesty’s Ship “Dromedary” commanded by Captain Skinner, arrived in Sydney Cove with Male prisoners: and Sir Byam Martin, comptroller of the Navy, having instructed the Master, that this ship, after landing her prisoners, and being prepared for Sea, should proceed to New Zealand for Spars.— At the same time, it was stated, that the “Coromandel” was on her passage out, and that, her commander had received similar instructions.— It was intimated also, that I should be requested to accompany the “Dromedary” in order to promote the object of her voyage to these Islands.— I gladly availed myself of this favourable opportunity to renew my intercourse with the settlements, and to use the influence I had obtained among the Natives, in preventing disputes and misunderstandings between them and the Europeans of the King’s ships; being fully aware, that it was of the utmost importance, for the future prosperity of the Mission, and the general happiness of the islanders, to maintain a good understanding between the Natives, the Soldiers and the Ships’ companies.— We proceeded to the Bay of Islands (without meeting any thing worthy of note) having, as far as circumstances would permit, made arrangements with the chiefs of Whangaroa to obtain a cargo of spars for the “Dromedary”, she sailed for the harbour of that place, to receive her load.— The “Coromandel”, Captain Downie commander, arrived at the Bay of Islands (soon after the Dromedary had left that place) with precisely the same instructions (as before hinted) namely “to take in spars”, for which purpose, it was necessary she should proceed to the River Thames— In order to perform the same service for the Coromandel, as I had endeavoured to do for the other ship (above stated) I embarked on board of her (7th June 1820) for the River Thames, accompanied by Tooi, a chief of the Bay of Islands, and Timmorangha, a Chief of Tiami. On the evening of the 12th [in pencil - June] we anchored under Cape Colville: and after spending one week, in forwarding the object of the voyage, I passed three weeks more in visiting the Bays and Creeks on the eastern side of the Thames.— Here I met with a principal chief named Tippoohee, who was much rejoiced to see me.— I told him the object of my voyage to the Thames— that I had come in a large ship belonging to “King George” for spars and wished to know, if he could inform me, where they were to be met with; and by what means they could be conveyed to the Ships:— that the ship’s boat was coming up the river, to see if any could be found. He said there was a great quantity of Spars, growing upon his land, which we might have, if they would answer, and that he would go up the river with us, & shew them.— He told me he was in great trouble, that the Chiefs on the west side of the Thames, who are distinguished by the name of “Howpha’s Tribe” had lately made war upon him,— killed a number of his people, amongst whom was his brother, and that he expected they would renew their attacks upon him in a short time; that most of his Hogs had been killed, his potatoes destroyed, and himself and people reduced to great want.— I expressed my concern for his calamities, and felt very much distressed for him and his people— and promised that I would see the chiefs on the west side, and use my influence with them, to bring about a reconciliation. He observed, they were too powerful for him, as their friends, at the Bay of islands, furnished them with fire arms and ammunition, so that he was unable to meet them, and that he believed it was their determination to dispossess him of his land, and to drive him away altogether, and he thought nothing short of this would satisfy them! While we were conversing upon these subjects, a Mr Anderson arrived with the Launch boat, when Tippoohee and I got into her, and we proceeded up to the next village, which belongs to another chief “Towretta”— Mr Anderson anchored the Launch opposite this village, and we all went on shore for the night. Towretta, I had also known before, and he gave us a very cordial reception.— These are the two principal chiefs on the fresh water river, both of them very tall, fine, handsome men. [In pencil - June 17th] The following morning we proceeded up the River in the Launch, with a fair wind and tide.— The two chiefs accompanied us, and about 50 of their people in canoes.— Mr Hume, the Surgeon of the Coromandel, the carpenter and the captain’s clerk, were also of the party. We had a very fine day, and arrived in the evening at a Settlement called “Kowpah”, situated at the junction of two fresh water rivers whose united streams form the Thames. On a point of high land where the two streams meet, and by which it is surrounded, stands the Hippah of the Head Chief or Arekee (as the Natives call him). The Hippah was very full of people, who welcomed us on shore with loud acclamations and conducted us to the Arekee, who was seated in the midst of his family.— He was an old man apparently not far from 70 years of age, well made, and of great muscular Strength.— His Mother was still alive with three generations by her. The Natives’ houses here were much larger and better built than any I had seen in New Zealand— The Arekee appropriated one for us which afforded Lodging to us, and the 50 Natives, who had attended the Launch up the river. The 18th being the Sabbath, we rested in the Hippah and I spent part of it, in conversing with the Natives upon the works of creation and the institution of the Christian Sabbath “Timmorangha” acting as my interpreter, on all occasions, when I could not make myself be understood.— This settlement would be an eligible situation for a Missionary Station at some future period, should God be graciously pleased to visit the people of this dreary and benighted land, with his Salvation. On the following morning Mr Anderson went to examine the Spars in the neighbourhood and I got a canoe, with some Natives, and proceeded up the left River; the land on its banks was very rich, and here & there adorned with lofty pines— some small farms were cultivated for Potatoes, upon which, the poor slaves were at work.— The tide runs a few miles up this river; & when we had proceeded about ten or twelve miles, in which space the water was close confined by thick wood on high banks, it opened into a plain, and became shallow— & as night was coming on I returned to the Hippah— On my arrival, which was just at dark, I found the Launch had returned also and I immediately hired another canoe and proceeded down the river and in about two hours found her at anchor and the officers and crew in their Tents on shore— here, I landed and joined them for the night.— [In pencil - June 20] The next day we proceeded down the river and in the evening, after dark, we again anchored opposite Towretta’s village, where we went on shore and remained till day light when we returned to the Coromandel after ten days absence.— [In pencil - June 21] On and near the banks of the river there are spars of all dimensions, with a convenient carriage way; but the quality of the timber is not considered good enough for Masts, especially a species of the Cyprus which composes the principal Forests here, and is called, by the Natives “Kikatea”. It is a light wood; some of it white, and other parts of a red tinge, and it is more fit for planks than for masts. Many of the trees are from eighty to one hundred feet, without a branch, and from two to six feet in diameter, and some much more.— I believe it is Captain Downie’s intention to carry home a few of them as specimens.— The timber already examined, not being approved of, it became necessary to look else where for better sorts.— Towretta and the Arokee informed us that some fine timber called by the Natives “Kowree” grew on the east side of the salt water river. Mr Anderson was therefore sent, in the Launch, to examine the woods in those parts: and on the following day [in pencil - June 22] Captain Downie weighed and followed the Launch in hopes of finding a more commodious and secure harbour for the ship— in this he succeeded to his wishes, having found a most excellent harbour, about 16 miles from our first anchorage, in the spot where Captain Cook’s ship lay, which is behind two small Islands on the east side of the “Thames”.— This harbour is perfectly safe for ships of any burden, being completely sheltered from the Sea.— When Mr Anderson & the ship’s carpenter (who had accompanied him) returned they reported that they had met with some spars which would answer for Masts.— We were all rejoiced in this information, and on the following day [in pencil - June 23] arrangements were made with the Natives and part of the ship’s company for cutting some of them down, and preparing them for shipment.— As Captain Downie had now determined to take what spars he could procure from the neighbouring woods; and as the Natives had come on the most friendly terms with the Europeans: I felt my time to be, in a great measure, at my own disposal; and I spent it chiefly among the Natives of the different Bays, in examining the creeks, woods, and natural productions, for about three weeks.— At this time, I told Towretta that I wished to visit Wyekotto, a river in the interior where the population is very great.— He dispatched a messenger to inform some of the chiefs of my intention; and a number of them came to conduct me to their settlement.— At this time, the weather was very stormy; and a deal of heavy rain fell; I was, however, determined, if possible, to visit Wyekotto. The rout to this settlement being on the west side of the Thames; it was not practicable to cross it in a canoe, owing to the boisterous state of the weather, the river being here about 15 miles over. Mr Anderson had been on a cruise for about ten days, on the east and west shores of the Thames, looking for spars. On his return, he reported there were some that would answer for Masts on the east shore, about 17 miles from where the Coromandel lay, in a wood belonging to Tippoohee, who would assist to get them down to the river. This induced Captain Downie to send a Midshipman, and some of the ship’s company to cut down, and prepare this timber; & the 12th of July was the day appointed to proceed on this duty. As Mr Anderson intended (after landing the party with their provisions and tools &c) to proceed again to the west side of the river, I determined to take a passage in the Launch across the water, and so get on to Wyekotta as the people from that settlement has been waiting some time to conduct me thence.— At 4 A.M. (on the morning of the 12th) [in pencil - July 12] I arose to prepare for my Journey.— The wind had blown hard, during the night, attended with heavy rain, and the morning was on the whole, very threatening. The Launch was, however, got ready, and at day light we sailed from the Coromandel, with a fair wind, and by 12 noon, we arrived at the place where the spars grew.— A number of the Natives were on the Beach ready to receive us, as they knew of our coming, among them were several from Wyekotto. Immediately on our arrival, all hands were busily employed in erecting two Huts, one for the officers in charge of the party, and other for the men.— Before evening one Hut was completed, and two tents (which had been brought with us, were pitched, in one of which I took up my lodgings for the night. The whole day had been unpleasant, attended with Thunder and rain, which continued during the night, and beat through the tent, which made it very cold and wet— I laid down in my clothes, but, had little rest.— The following day [in pencil - July 13] we were visited by a chief from Towrangha attended by his son and daughter.— The old man was much astonished at the sight of Europeans, as he had never seen white people before, I paid him some attention, and made him a small present which he thankfully received, and in the evening he returned.— A Chief also arrived from Wyekottoo, with a fine hog to sell; he offered to Mr Anderson for an axe.— Mr Anderson had no axe to spare, but he had a small Tomahawk which he offered him for it; and which he refused, observing, that he could not cut down the large trees on his farm with so small a tool, and requested Timmorangha to speak to me, that I might give him an axe— Tmmorangha told me his wishes; and I informed him that I had no use for the hog, and therefore did not wish to purchase it.— he, poor man, seemed much distressed— said he had come a long way with the Hog, and felt great pain at his heart for the want of an axe; which I relieved by giving him one— and the hog was given to the work people.— [in pencil - July] (14th) Last night was extremely cold and wet, the rain fell in torrents, and the morning threatened bad weather.— The Natives, who had come as my guides from Wyekotto, informed me that I could not return with them; because I should not be able to pass the rivers and creeks— they would be too deep for me to ford.— This was a great disappointment to both parties, as I had long had a wish to visit that part of the country.— I therefore took my leave of them, and they returned.— I next enquired if it was possible for me to go to “Kiperro”, a settlement on the west side of New Zealand, which I had often heard mentioned.— The Natives informed me I might, that there were no rivers in my way to prevent me.— I therefore changed my intention, and determined to visit Kiperro, and to take a passage in the Launch with Mr Anderson to the west side of the Thames; where he intended to proceed, as soon as he had settled all his arrangements with the workmen.— [in pencil - July] 15th Stormy weather, and heavy rain continued during the whole of the night— in the morning the sea was very rough with a strong wind from the western shore, which would prevent the Launch from crossing the river that day. Mr Anderson then determined to return to the Coromandel, if possible;— I had sent my baggage on board, with an intention to accompany him; but before I could get on board, the surf broke so high upon the Beach, that I could not reach the small boat without wading through the breakers, as she could not approach near the shore, and, as there was no prospect that the Launch could possibly reach the ship that night: I thought it more prudent to remain on shore, than to lie exposed to the wind and rain in an open boat, all night; and in my wet clothes.— I therefore requested Mr Anderson to put my Luggage in the small boat, and the Natives waded through the surf and brought it on shore again: and I took up my lodgings with Mr Emery (who had charge of the workmen) in one of the newly built Huts, thro’ which both wind and rain penetrated.— Thus, my prospect of visiting either Wyekotto or Kiperro, was, for the present at an end. I was aware that the Launch would not return again to Mr Emery in less than a week and there fore ventured to take a trip to Towrangha (by the head of the Thames in order to gain correct information with respect to the Route I should take, I examined several Natives among whom was the chief Tippoohee, who informed me that by going up to Rurpot a settlement already mentioned where the Arekee resides, I could get across the country to Towrangha as soon as the weather mitigated.— [in pencil - July] 10th — Last night was very stormy, I had little rest, from the open state of the Hut, being extremely cold— In the morning a Native informed me, that the Launch had not been able to get down the river, and was laying at anchor, round a point, not far from us. Tho’ my birth had been bad, it was much better than what I could have had, on board the Launch, which was some little consolation, to think, I might have been worse— The wind and rain still continued: and, as it was the Sabbath, I explained to the Natives the institution of this sacred day, with the assistance of Timmorangha, as my Interpreter when I had occasion for him. He told them that many of their public calamities (Such as Wars and famine, from both of which they greatly suffer) were owing to their Ignorance, and neglect of this day; and that he had learned from the white people that there was but one God, and that the God of the Europeans was also the God of the New Zealanders: which caused them to ask many questions about our God.— After I had finished my conversation with the Natives; I explained the Commandments of God to the sailors, for about an hour.— This class of our fellow subjects are exceedingly to be pitied, both Officers and Men, as far as concerns their religious edification. The want of the sacred ordinances of Religion and the means of duly administering them to these People is a great calamity.— Wherever the Sabbath is neglected and forgotten. There, God is neglected and forgotten also.— These men fight our Battles, defend our country, expose themselves to every hardship, and support our Church and State against all foreign enemies, yet no adequate provision is made, to administer to them the Bread of life; but they are left to perish for lack of knowledge. I have felt much pain in reflecting upon their state while I have been in this service.— [in pencil - July] 17th We have had another stormy night, but towards morning the weather began to moderate; and I determined to set off on my route to Towrangha. Timmorangha and his nephew agreed to accompany me; but, there was no canoe (at the place we were in) sufficiently large to venture up the Thames, during the then turbulant state of the water, produced by the preceding Storms.— The Natives informed me I could get a large canoe, at a village about two miles up the river.— After dinner I engaged two Natives to carry my Luggage to the aforesaid village, where we arrived about two oclock, and were kindly received by the Natives. I informed the Chief where I was going and requested him to furnish me with a good canoe and crew to take us up to Kowpah— a distance we estimated at more than fifty miles. He told me I should have one, and ordered a Canoe to be got ready and manned immediately. A subordinate Chief offered to go with me, and to take his servant, to assist in carrying my Luggage, for an axe, which I readily consented to give him— We then embarked, but were soon compelled to return to shore again, from the violence of the wind and waves, as the Natives were apprehensive the Canoe would be upset. They recommended me to walk to the next Village, where the river would be much narrower and consequently less sea, and I could there procure a Canoe.— We therefore relanded and set off for the next village where we arrived a little after dark.— The Natives received us kindly, made us a large fire, and gave some provisions to my companions: they accommodated me with a good Hut.— We spent the evening in useful conversation; and then lay down to rest for the night. After committing myself and associates to the care of Him, who numbereth the hairs of our heads I felt myself as secure, as if I had been resting in the bosom of my family. [in pencil - July] 18th In the morning the stormy weather returned with great violence— There was no venturing on the river in a Canoe, from this village; and our only alternative, was to walk up the banks of the river, till it became narrower and shut in by the land on both sides.— With this view we left this village, and past through four more villages upon the river’s bank, where we stopt to breakfast.— The Chief’s wife, at the latter village, was very attentive, she made her little Hut as comfortable as she could— laid down a new mat for me to sit upon: and by every little act of kindness, shewed her anxiety to please.— During our stay here, the rain fell very heavy, and the wind blew a gale. In about an hour the storm moderated, and we proceeded, and past three other villages when we arrived at the Hippah of the head Chief Tippoohee.— This Hippah is situated at the mouth of the fresh water river, on a beautiful eminence which commands the river Thames, both above and below.— The prospect is very extensive: and there is a large quantity of good land around the Hippah well adapted for the growth of grain.— A creek of salt water, about one hundred yards wide, runs from the main river, round to the rear of the Hippah till it meets a fresh water stream.— The creek was navigable for small craft, where I crost it.— A Battle had been fought upon its banks a few months before, a chief was shot. They shewed me the spot where he had stood, and the bush behind which his enemy had lain concealed, when he was shot.— When we arrived at the Hippah, it was too late to proceed up the Thames; I therefore (after taking some refreshment, got a Canoe in the evening, and went up the fresh water stream which flows down, between some high hills from the interior. A large body of water comes down this creek occasionally.— The land upon its banks is exceedingly rich, and could easily be cultivated by the plough.— In the valley thro’ which it runs, I met a number of Natives returning from their work, with whom I walked back to the Hippah. Tippoohee’s brother and several other chiefs were in the Hippah, and I spent the evening with them, in conversing on the various consequences of War, the advantages of peace, civil Government, Agriculture, and commerce. Tippoohee was not there— His brother appeared to be a mild sensible man, and he expressed his disapprobation of the conduct of many chiefs who were always fighting and thereby brought great distress upon the Inhabitants. There tribe had been attached, the year before, by the people at the Bay of Islands, and the tribes on the west side, from whom they had suffered much, and expected to be again attacked by the latter. I told him, I would, on my return, see the chiefs on the west side, and endeavour to make peace between them.— Timmorangha informed me that this chief disliked war, and never engaged in it.— He presented me with some fine Mats, for which, I gave him some edge tools. —I was accommodated with a large Hut for the night: and, on retiring to rest, I informed him I should want a good Canoe in the morning which he promised I should have.— This Hippah has been a very strong place, both by Art and Nature. It is guarded by deep recesses and a high fence of split timber.— In their former mode of warfare it must have bid defiance to any force which might be brought against it: but it cannot now afford security against an enemy armed with Muskets.— They shewed me where the musket balls had penetrated their buildings, observing that it was impossible for men, armed with spears only, to contend against the power of fire arms.— Should the British Government ever form a settlement at the river Thames; the ground on which this Hippah stands is, in my opinion, the most eligible for the purpose, that I have yet seen.— It possesses many important local advantages; & could easily be fortified, and made impregnable— It commands the entrance into the fresh water river;— is surrounded by a tract of fine land for cultivation, and convenient to timber, for building. Tho’ ships of burden cannot be brought close up to the place, it is yet more convenient to the anchorage ground, where they may ride in perfect safety, than any other situation: and small vessels, under 150 tons, may come up the river, and anchor opposite to the settlement.— [in pencil - July] 19th This morning we rose very early, and prepared for our journey, having some distance to walk before we could be accommodated with a good canoe— We past two villages, and at the third we embarked.— While the men were launching the canoe and getting all ready, the inhabitants of the village assembled round us: among whom was a very aged sage priest, who entered into close conversation with my friend Timmorangha for some time, the latter was all attention and at length became much agitated.— I asked him what was the matter, he said, the Priest had told him he had seen his Ghost in the night, and had also had an interview with Attua who had said that if Timmorangha accompanied me to Towrangha, he would die in four days; because he had, when last there, killed two Chiefs; and the God of Towrangha would now kill him if he went: the priest concluded by recommending him to return. Timmorangha then told me of his war expedition against Towrangha, and that he was returning from that expedition the morning on which Mr Kendall sailed for England, and that the prisoners of war, and the chiefs’ heads I had seen at Rangheehoo, that morning, were all brought from Towrangha. In consequence of this information, I conceived there mght be some danger to Timmorangha; if he accompanied me, the people there might take advantage of him and cut him off. I was therefore induced to ask him, if he was afraid that the people at Towrangha would kill and eat him, if he went with me. He replied, that he was not afraid of the people— they would not take advantage of him: but he was much afraid, from what the priest had said, that their God would kill him.— I observed that if he was only afraid of their God, and not of being killed and eaten by the inhabitants, I would take care that their god should not injure him, because the God that would be with us, was the true God, and He would take care of us both. Upon this assurance, Timmorangha said he would venture.— Tho’ his mind was considerably enlightened, and he had seen the absurdity of many superstitious customs practised by his countrymen— I frequently observed that his feelings were influenced less or more by his former notions of such things whenever any serious cause called it forth.— When I have reasoned with him, on the foolishness, and groundlessness of his fears, in believing that the Attua can do him, or his friends, this or that injury; he would reply “it was very well for me to talk in that way, whose God was good— over whom the Attua of New Zealand had no power: but, he and his countrymen were quite differently situated: their God was always angry and in his anger would cut their bowels out.” After Timmorangha had got a little the better of his fears, we embarked for Towrangha with a strong tide in our favour. The men pulled hard all the way, and we went up the river very pleasantly, and did not stop till the evening, when we went on shore for a short time, kindled a fire on the bank and dressed a basket of potatoes according to their custom— We had no other means of cooking any thing, my Kettle having been, by mistake, left in the Launch—I had a small tin pot only to serve all purposes. As soon as we had taken some refreshments, we proceeded up the river, till nearly day light when we found ourselves opposite a small village. The night had been dark and cold, with some rain— Some of the men went therefore on shore to call up the inhabitants of the village— who kindled a fire, on our landing, and accommodated us with a Hut. I supposed that I was then on the banks of the river— 20th— When the day broke, I was astonished to find myself on the banks of a creek upon which stood two small villages—The Chief of the place was a very fine youth about sixteen years old— His name was “Awaugh”,— his father, he informed me, was killed in Battle. The land around appeared to be a very fine description of soil: and the slaves were then preparing it for planting. I informed Awaugh where I was going, and he said he would go with me.— He presented us with plenty of fine potatoes and a good hog.— I saw his father’s Hippah— which was not then inhabited; it had been a large strong place.— I observed several sepulchres within it, some of them are raised above ground, painted, carved, and ornamented with feathers. We breakfasted at this village; killed our hog and roasted him whole for our journey. The Inhabitants were much gratified with our visit, and I made them all small presents of fish-hooks &c.— The chief woman of the village had a little house about a yard square, neatly built, painted, and ornamented with feathers in which she deposited the sacred Food for her God; it stood on a post close to her Hut. We here met a Chief from Towrangha named “Towarroro”. I inquired of him how long we should be in walking to Towrangha and he answered “two days” and that he would attend us.— After breakfast we set off an [sic] about an hour reached the banks of one of the main branches of the Thames, called “O Emananee” above Kowpah. About four miles up this river stands an Hippah upon a very high, stony Hill called “Tipporari”— It commands a very extensive prospect of the Thames, some immense Forests, and Plains, as well as of the Mountains in the rear. It had formerly been a strong place, and was then inhabited. We crossed the river OEmanonee at a ford at the foot of the hill on which Tipparari stands. The ford was breast high, and the stream rapid: four New Zealanders carried me over on their shoulders in safety— they are so accustomed to the water that rivers and swamps present nothing difficult to them, in their long journeys.— I had fourteen Natives (including Chiefs and their servants) with me, so that I was under no apprehensions of meeting impediments, which, with their assistance, I could not overcome. At this point, the country around is very hilly, and covered with timber— some of the trees are exceeding lofty and fine. the woods extend to the right and left of the pathway, further than the eye can reach. OEmanonee runs through a deep chasm in a mountain, at the foot of some very high conical rocks, on the right; and afterwards runs on to the left, towards the coast.— We had to ford this river three times, and our path lay thro the wood directly across the summit of the hill. The wood may be about three miles wide at the place we passed thro’ it— but, of its length, I could form no opinion; as I could see no end to it, even after I had got upon the high clear land, on the opposite side; from which (as the country in rear of the wood is all open) the Hills that encompass Towrangha are clearly to be seen. They appeared to be about sixteen miles distant, situated on the skirts of an intervening plain, which is pretty level,— covered with fern, and completely clear of timber.— In this plain there are a number of natural Springs of water, by the foot of the hills which overlook Towrangha, all sending their tributary streams to the OEmanonee— this river being formed and supplied by the union of these waters. The Natives informed me, that the Spars in the immense wood, opposite to the plain leading to Towrangha, might be floated down the OEmanonee to the Thames:— but, as I had no opportunity of ascertaining the fact; I can say nothing on the subject.— The timber is good, if it can be conveniently procured, should it ever be wanted. The day was far spent, when we reached the plain. We walked on till the sun was nearly set, when we stopt, and prepared for the night.— The servants who had the provisions to carry, were very tired. There were no Huts on the plain, nor any inhabitants: and we were therefore compelled to take up our lodging in the open air. I was very weary having had no rest the preceding night, and having come a long day’s journey, so that I felt that rest would be very acceptable even on a heap of fern, or on any thing else— The peculiar scene, that surrounded me, furnished the mind with new matter for contemplation on the works and ways of God; the mystery of his providence, and the still greater Mystery of his grace, were all unsearchable to me.— I had come from a distant country and was then at the ends of the earth, a solitary individual, resting on an extensive wild, upon which no civilized foot had, ever before, trodden. My companions were poor Savages, who [in pencil - 1820] nevertheless vied with each other in their attention to me— I could not but feel attached to them— what would I have given to have had the Book of life opened, which was yet a sealed book, to them,— to have shewn them that God who made them, and to have led them to Calvary’s mount, that they might see the Redeemer who had shed his precious blood for the redemption of the world, and was there set up as an Ensign for the Nations! But it was not in my power to take the veil from their hearts.— I could only pray for them, and entreat the Father of Mercies to visit them with his Salvation. I felt very grateful that a divine Revelation had been granted to me; that I knew the Son of God had come; and believed, that He had made a full and sufficient sacrifice or Atonement for the sins of a guilty world! With compassionate feelings for my companions, under a grateful sense of my own mercies, I lay down to rest, free from all fear of danger! [in pencil - July] 21st We rose, this morning, at the dawn of day and immediately prepared for our journey. I felt much refreshed from the comfortable rest I had enjoyed.— We walked for two hours, and then sat down, made a fire, and cooked our breakfast— the day was favourable, and, our walk over the plain, pleasant; as the road was tolerably good, except where a few small swamps, produced by the Springs, intervened.— The land in this plain is, for the most part, fit for cultivation, and might easily be wrought by the plough. After we had walked a few miles, we observed five young women coming on towards us, who became alarmed, and turned back, on seeing us,— one of our party ran after, and overtook them, when they stopt till we all came up, and they then informed us that “Aneenee”, one of the head chiefs, was gone on a war expedition to the southward, but, that his wife was at home, and “Aneenee” (a chief with whom Timmorangha had lately been at war.} After answering our inquiries, they started off before us, to inform the people of Towrangha of our coming. When we reached the high hills that overlook Towrangha (which lies about a mile distant between them) I sat down on the summit f one of the highest, to take a view of the Ocean, the islands in sight, and the main land around.— The prospect from this height is truly grand. — I observed one of the islands (distant 15 leagues from the main) sending up immense columns of smoke. I desired Timmorangha to give me some information respecting the islands in sight, the hills on the coast, and in the interior, as far as he knew: He satisfied me on these points, and then gave me an account of his last visit to Towrangha, as follows. “That the last time he came to Towrangha he was on a war expedition, which originated in the following circumstances: Some years before, a niece of his had been taken from “Bream-head” by a Brig from Port Jackson, and afterwards sold to a Chief of Towrangha named “Shewkoree” (who still resides there) and she became his slave. Shewkoree and another chief, named Awarree had some difference when this young woman was killed by A-warree or by some of his tribe, who roasted, and ate her body. Sometime afterwards Timmorangha got information of his Niece’s cruel fate, and felt himself bound to revenge her murder, (in justice to his departed relative and for the honour of his tribe) as soon as he could put himself in a condition to demand satisfaction of “Awarree”. [in pencil - 1820 July 21] About sixteen years elapsed before he thought himself strong enough to attack this Chief. He had also a sister, taken by the same vessel from the Bay of Islands, who was used in a similar manner at a place further to the southward, whose death he had revenged — before that of his niece.— (I mentioned the taking of the women in a former statement.) It was not till January (in the ear I now write of) he mustered a force of 600 men— vizt 200 of his own tribe, 200 from Bay of Islands, and the other 200 from Bream-head ( the last 400 were auxiliaries)— he proceeded, with this force, to Towrangha, and landed on an Island, at the mouth of the Bay. A-warree came out in his Canoe to know what had brought him to Towrangha— Timmorangha replied that, Awarree had killed, roasted and eaten his Niece, and he had come to demand satisfaction for that offence, and wished to know what he was disposed to offer on that account. A-warree said “If that be the object of your expedition, the only satisfaction I will give, will be, to kill, roast, and eat you also.” This gross insult, roused the angry feelings of Timmorangha who instantly appealed to arms, for the settlement of the dispute.— A-warree stated “he was ready and would fight him that day— Timmorangha declined engaging that day, but was most willing to meet him on the day following, to which, the other agreed.— The ground on which they were to meet was settled on;— (it was a level spot opposite to where Captain Cook anchored, as pointed out to me, by Timmorangha)— The Parties met, at the time and place appointed: and, when they had both drawn up their forces respectively:— Timmorangha directed his men not to fire their muskets till he gave the word of command— He had 35 muskets while Awarree depended solely on spears and patooes. Awarree made the first onset with a shower of spears, in which Timmorangha had one of his officers wounded; he then ordered his men to fire and twenty of Awarree’s men dropt dead at the first round; among whom were two chiefs “Newkopanga”, Awarree’s father, and “Koponer”. On the fall of these chiefs, Awarree’s men got into disorder, and ran off the field of Battle. Timmorangha commanded his men to halt and not pursue the flying enemy: saying he was satisfied with the sacrifice made by the death of the two chiefs, and had no wish to shed more blood. His allies were, however, displeased with his lenity: and the chiefs called a council of war, which passed a censure on Timmorangha’s conduct, for not following up the advantae he had gained.— They contended that, if the death of the two chiefs was satisfaction enough, to Timmorangha for the murder of his niece; yet, the gross and unprovoked insult, offered in the most insolent manner by Awaree to Timmorangha, at their first interview,— remained unavenged. And as it was an insult, which no chief ought to endure from another, they recommended to renew the attack. Timmorangha wished first to know how Awaree was disposed who, after the death of his father, might readily come to terms of peace. For this purpose, he left the camp, to gain information of Awaree, who had fled with his men.— Timmorangha fell in with Awarree’s wife, his children, and some of his friends, to the number of thirty in all, and brought them into his camp, under an assurance of personal safety.— He enquired where their Potatoe store houses were— from which (after they were pointed out by Awarree’s wife) he and his men took a supply. He then learned from Awarree’s wife and friends that, Awarree was, by no means inclined for Peace: and, while he and the chiefs of his party were in consultation, next day, it was discovered hat Awarree had rallied his forces, and was actually coming down against them— They flew to arms, made an attack and in a very short time, (by the aid of their muskets) numbers of the enemy were slain— the whole thrown into confusion, routed, and pursued till many were driven into the sea, and perished there.— Between three and four hundred were left dead on the field and about two hundred and sixty taken prisoners of war—— of the latter, two hundred fell to the share of the Chiefs, at the Bay of Islands. (part of them we saw landed at Rangheehoo on 2d March) and the other sixty, to the Chiefs of Bream Head. A-warree was now completely conquered, he fled to the woods with the few men he had left— Timmorangha went in search of him, and when he, at length, discovered his retreat— asked him, if he was now willing to submit, reminding him, at the same time, of the insolent language he had used at their first meeting. Awarree acknowledged he was conquered, and said, he had no Idea that muskets would have produced such effects— and had, till now, dispised them as instruments of war— but, experience convinced him of their efficacy and power, and he therefore submitted. He enquired if Timmorangha could give him any information respecting his wife and children. The other told him they were all safe in the camp and would be delivered over to himself, if he would accompany him for that purpose.— Awarree expressed a grateful sense of Timmorangha’s kindness in sparing their lives: and promptly attended him to the Camp of the Allies— and received them there, in safety, as Timmorangha had promised.— He then observed, that he was much distressed for the death of his father, and solicited some compensation for his great loss.— Timmorangha gave him a Musket, and the other Chiefs made him also some presents which satisfied him— and he returned home with his wife, children and several friends, who had all been preserved under Timmorangha’s word of honour.— The conquerors remained three days on the field of battle, feeding upon the slain: and then sailed with their prisoners of war (taking Awarree’s Canoes also) to the Bay of Islands.— This fleet, of canoes, got to the Bay three days after the “Dromedary” arrived in New Zealand. When I had noted down the foregoing statement, from Timmorangha,— he asked me if I intended to send it to England— I replied in the affirmative.— He said he was afraid, that when these things were publicly [known] in Europe, and he should afterwards go on board an English ship, they would put him to death. I assured him that the custom of eating human flesh was condemned by all nations, and, New Zealanders were dreaded by all Europeans on that account— but, they would not kill him, merely because the habits of his country were bad. (I beg to observe here that I noted these particulars while we sat on the Hill near which the Battle was fought: and on our return to the “Coromandel” I reviewed my notes with Timmorangha by my side in order to have the facts repeated from his own mouth and more correctly set down.)— When we had finished this interesting conversation on the hill, we walked down to the Settlement, and first visited the residence of the Head Chief, “A-nee-nee”, whose wife gave us a cordial reception, and appropriated one of the best Huts for our accommodation, as also a new mat for me to lie on &c. Provisions in abundance for our whole party were immediately got ready; and we spent the evening very pleasantly.— Most of the inhabitants came to see us, composed chiefly of women and children; as a number of the men, had gone to war.— I arranged the children in a row, and gave each of them a fish-hook, which they considered a great present.— I also made Mrs A-nee-nee a present of some edge tools, for her husband’s use when he returned from the war.— As far as I could learn, no ships had been at Towrangha since Captain Cook was there: and I saw an old Chief who remembered seeing that great Navigator.— The people are in great want of tools, of every kind; as no Europeans visit the settlement; though, from the quantity of Potatoes and Pork we saw, ships might easily be supplied with provisions in exchange for the articles required.— We enquired after A-warree, and Mrs A-nee-nee informed us he had gone to war, but, that his brother “Awerree” was at home. These two were the opponents of my friend Timmorangha who had not seen any of them, since the day of battle; and he now urged me to see Awerree in order to make a final reconciliation between them— I promised to do so, in the morning which quieted his mind.— I asked Timmorangha if he was not really afraid that Awerree would take advantage of him, now, that he was alone:— he said— No! but he wished for an opportunity to talk over their past differences and thought if I spoke to that chief, a reconciliation might easily be effected.— 22d— Early in the morning we had a number of visitors— Awerree came in full dress, with a party of his friends,— they sat down in a row, according to their rank; but, they were all strangers to me.— Timmorangha whispered that Awerree had arrived, and pointed him out.— He appeared to be a very stout, well made man; dressed in the costume of his country,— his hair neatly tied up, and in his hand, he held a Patoo (about six feet long)— made of the jawbone of a whale. Timmorangha requested me to take his arm, and walk up with him to Awerree’s seat so as to introduce the subject of his wishes in a convenient manner.— I complied with this request, and having stated to Awerree, that it was my particular desire, as well as that of Timmorangha, to have a proper understanding and a mutual friendship, for the future, established between them; and hoped to find him equally inclined to a reconciliation.— He said he was very willing to meet Timmorangha, on terms of peace.— They then publickly, discussed the subject, and finally settled, or agreed, that Awerree, should send a person of rank to reside with Timmorangha: and that the latter should also send a man of similar rank to live with Awerree.— A speech from Awerree followed, in which he informed the assembly, that there existed no more differences between the two tribes, and that they were to consider each other as mutual friends, in future.— The two chiefs then sat down together as allies, and friends.— Awerree presented me with his Patoopattoo (which I sent by Captain Downie of the ship Coromandel, to the Museum of the Church Missionary Society)— I invited Awerree to see the Coromandel, and made him a present of some necessary tools.— Timmorangha expressed himself much gratified with the observations Awerree had made in his speech to the people; and they both appeared very happy. Awerree excused himself from their accompanying us to the ship; as his wife was near her confinement, and he was unwilling to be absent lest any thing should happen but, that he would afterwards go to the Thames and see the Coromandel, and, in two or three moons, he intended to visit Timmorangha.— I told him that, as they were so much in want of axes, hoes &c, if he would set his people to making mats, and, when made, send them to Timmorangha, who would forward them to me; I would send them tools in exchange. They all highly approved of this proposal, and Timmorangha promised to act as their agent at the Bay of Islands.— I wished to remain with these friendly people two days, but, as the weather appeared before mid-day, to threaten rain, I was apprehensive that, if much fell, we would not be able to ford the river O Emanonee; and I therefore intimated my intention to return without delay— They urged me much to remain a few days but admitted that we could not ford the river, if there was a fall of rain; for which reason, they yielded to my wishes.— We were now furnished with more provisions, by these kind people, than we could either carry or consume, on our journey:— and Mrs Anee-nee, in consequence, sent two slaves to assist in carrying what our servants could not take. On our departure, the people accompanied us up the Hill, with songs and dances.— Here we met a chief and his wife belonging to Tipporari (the Hippah before mentioned) who accompanied us onward.— Before dark we reached that part of the plain, on which we had lodged, and having made a sort of shade of brush wood, to shelter us from the rain (which now began to fall), we remained here all night.— 23rd— As soon as the day returned we prepared again for our journey.—I mist the chief’s wife of Tippovari and her servant woman— on enquiry I found they had gone off very early in order to prepare dinner at their Hippah; the chief having invited us to dinner, as we past.— We reached the Hippah about 2 p.m. by which time, the Lady had prepared a plentiful meal, and had her Slaves ready to attend us.— In this Hippah I observed sveral sepulchres carved, painted, and ornamented with feathers. Some of them must have cost considerable labour— I took particular notice of one, which stood near where we dined, and, on enquiring whose sepulchre it was, I was informed that one of the chiefs wives, who had blown up with Gunpowder, was deposited in it. At the time of our stay here, an old Chief had just died; and a number of people had assembled to mourn over him.— After we had dined we took our leave of the hospitable chief and his wife, and made the best of our way to Awaugh’s residence, where we intended to rest for the night— Awaugh, myself and three of our companions arrived a little after dark— very weary, having had a long day’s journey— We saw none of the rest of our party till day light next morning— they were too fatigued to reach the end of the journey and had rested by the way— 24th— As the tide answered early for going down the river, we took our leave of this fine youth, who seemed to possess every natural endowment for making a great man, and a good member of Society— provided the means of improvement were within his reach.— I invited him to come on board the Coromandel, and he promised to pay me a visit— The distance of his residence from the ship, may be about seventy miles.— After leaving Awaugh we proceeded down the Thames, with a strong tide and stream, arising from the preceding rains, and arrived about midnight at the place, where the men from the ship, were cutting spars.— It had rained heavy during the evening, and still continued so that we were both wet and cold. I found the two Huts, which were erected before I went to Towrangha, had been burnt by accident, and the things I had left, with Mr Emery, consumed in the flames; among these, I regretted the loss of some fine mats. By this accident I was deprived of a place to sleep in, as the hut just put up was too small to afford me any accommodation, and I was therefore compelled to sit up till the return of day.— The Launch-boat from the Coromandel had also come up that evening with provisions for the workmen; and Mr Anderson informed me, it was his intention to proceed, in the morning, to the west side of the river in search of spars. I therefore embraced this opportunity of crossing the river in the Launch, to visit Kiperro.— After a cold wet and uncomfortable night— The morning (of the 25th) returned with a fair wind (but the weather continued stormy and wet)— We sailed in the Launch from the east shore, and got well over to the west side, when we ran up a river (called “Wyeroni”) on which there are a number of small Islands. We anchored under one of them during the night— A Native on board, informed Mr Anderson, that there were some fine spars up a river called the “Wyetematta” which fell into the Wyeroni; and this determined Mr Anderson to run up for the Wyteematta the following day.— 26th We accordingly sailed up that river in the morning with as strong and as fair a breeze as the boat could carry— The Wyteematta is in some places, five and six miles in breadth, and of sufficient depth of water for large ships— This great river runs direct to the west side of New Zealand— At 5 P.M. we anchored in five fathom water, so near the shore, that we tied the Launch to a tree.— There were some very fine spars, but not long enough, for first rate men of war.— I supposed that here, we were not much less than fifty miles from the ship.— We remained here all night and although I now was a considerable way on my route to Kiperro, I felt at a loss how to proceed; for want of a canoe, as we had passed all the villages.— 27th Early this morning we heard the report of three muskets, and soon after observed a canoe, full of Natives, making towards us.— When they came up, we found the party to consist of a Chief from Kiperro, with some of his people, and “Enakkee” a chief of Moguer belonging to a settlement on the west side of the Thames— After informing them of our design in coming up this river,”Kowhow”, the chief of Kiperro, said the land on the Wyeteematta belonged to him but, if any of the timber on it, would answer our purpose, he would readily give it;— observing that there was much more, on other branches of the river— Mr Anderson said he would remain, at the place we occupied, all day, to examine the woods adjoining it, and that he would not go far from Wyeroa for three days; as he intended to visit Magoea before he returned to the Coromandel.— I then inquired how far we were from Kiperra, and whether I could walk there in one day, or not— Kowhow informed me I could walk it in that time, and if I was willing, he would accompany me— Mr Ewels (Government Timber purveyor) said he would join us.— Kowhow therefore ordered thirteen men to prepare the Canoe and to attend us— In a few minutes we left the Launch,— proceeded about eight miles further up the river, and landed at a spot, from which, we could see the high-land Hills on the western shores of New Zealand— apparently at the distance of 18 to 20 miles. We walked, from this spot, very smartly, in order to reach our destination before dark— our road lay through one continued plain— which is free from timber, and has little or no rising ground till it reaches Kiperra.— We had to cross one stream of water, about 8 miles from the place we landed last, which, being too deep to ford, exercised the ingenuity of the Natives to get all over safely: The most active swam across, cut down some spars, and lashed them together; they then made a rope, of native flax, which they fixed to tree roots, on both sides, to serve as a hand rail; & by these contrivances we got safe over.— This stream forms a branch of the Kiperro river: and from it, we dispatched a messenger to Kowhow’s friends to give notice of our approach:— and by sun down, we arrived at the first village, where, a great abundance of sweet Potatoes were provided for our use.— Among other choice food here, a Cat had been roasted, and, as an inducement for us to partake of it, they assured us, it was an English one— this we knew, for we had seen it in a basket during our journey; but we were not, on that account, the more inclined to eat of such a dish.— On our arrival we found the Chief’s brother lying under a shed unable to stand from the wound of a spear, which, I understand, he had received some considerable time before.— Kowhow and two others of our attendants, made great lamentations over him, and wept aloud.— The place where he lay, and some distance round his shed was tabooed.— His wife and a pretty little girl were set apart to attend him; and no other person was permitted to tread upon the sacred ground, excepting myself & Mr Ewels— I sat down by the side of this poor afflicted warrior.— he showed me his thigh, the flesh was wasted away, and he had no power to move it.— We gave him a little tea, which he relished very much— they all seemed to feel much for his affliction. We spent the evening in conversing upon the dreadful calamities of war, and the advantages of Agriculture and Commerce &c.— Subjects, on which, they were anxious to gain instruction.— Kowhow shewed great aversion to war,— reprobated the conduct of many of his country men— Stated how many people of Kiperro, had been destroyed and cut off by war;— that they had been fighting for years with the Napoees, and the tribes in the Bay of Islands, and that the Napoees were then in the districts of Kiperro plundering, and murdering the inhabitants.— I lamented these public calamities, and expressed a hope, that when more Europeans should come to reside among them, an end would be put to such unnatural contests— 28th Next morning Mr Ewels, and a chief accompanied me to the Sand Hills in order to view the western shores, and the ocean in that quarter— We past, on our way, a Hippah situated on a Commanding spot: but the chief told us, it afforded them little protection against their enemies, since the introduction of fire arms, to their country. He shewed us where the balls had been fired upon the Hippah; and remarked that the distance from which they were fired, was too great to throw spears in return, with any effect.— The Sand Hills are very high, and broad, and command a very extensive prospect, on the sea and of the interior.— No vegetation appears on them, and the Sand shifts with the contend[ing] winds. They are several miles in breadth, and extend along the coast, further than the eye can reach, to the right and left of the spot where on we stood. We saw the rivers running from the interior into the harbour of Kiperro, but we could not see the harbour itself nor the entrance into it.— It lay to the northward many miles under the high Lands.— As our time would not allow of visiting the harbour of Kiperro (which would have taken several days) we determined to return to the Wyeteematta immediately, in order to secure a passage in the Launch, to the Coromandel.— On the sand hills we met a young man about 24 years old, of a fair complexion, with light hair— (his Master was with him)— I saw he was a European, or of a European parent, by his countenance and I put the question to his Master, who said, his father was a European and that he had him originally from the Bay of Islands— I wished to redeem him with a view to send him to the Missionary Settlement for instruction, but his Master did not seem willing to part with him.— We now returned to the village where, we found Kowhow and the two young men (who had, on the preceding evening, made such bitter lamentations over the afflicted chief) had been cutting themselves till their faces were covered with blood, and had renewed their mournful cries.— Kowhow requested me to pray to our God for the poor distressed man.— I promised to do so and observed, that there was but one God, and that our God was their God also.— I went up to the sick man’s shed and knelt down— He crept out on his hands and laid himself down on his side, uncovering his thigh, and, laying his hand upon the affected part, looked wistfully at me, as if he thought I had the power to heal him— His conduct called to my recollection what Naaman the Syrian Leper thought of the prophet, namely, that “he (the prophet) would stand and call upon the Lord his God, and strike his hand over the sores and so recover the leper”— The Ideas of the wounded Chief and those of Naaman, appeared to me to bear a great similarity to each other.— After I performed this duty, which deeply impressed my own mind, under the peculiar circumstances, I was called upon to address the Father of all mankind; who is gracious to every man, and whose “tender mercies are over all his works”. I told Kowhow that it was my intention to return that day. He urged me to stay one day more, saying he was very weary, and could not well go back with me, till he had recovered from his fatigue.— I observed, that if I did not go I would lose my passage to the Ship, and should then be deprived of the means to return, as a Canoe could not cross the river in the then unsettled state of the weather.— He saw the force of this argument, and said tho’ he was tired, he would go back with us, and we immediately took leave of the sick chief, and his people; and proceeded on our journey— Several Slaves were sent to carry potatoes for our use.— The wind was very strong and blew right in our faces, which, as the plain was quite open, rendered our walk very unpleasant. Just at dark we arrived at the wharf where we had, before, left the canoe.— It now began to rain, and continued to blow very hard; and, as we had no tents, we made the best screen we could, of the fern, and so remained till morning, tho’ the cold and rain, gave us but little rest. From the tempestuous night the Natives frequently informed us that we should not be able to get down the river, as the water would be too rough. 30th— When the day returned, we had no prospect of leaving our uncomfortable quarters, as the storm continued violent.— About 8 A.M., however, the weather began to moderate, and we purposed to embark.— We had a set of very fine young men to manage the Canoe, on whom we, at length, prevailed to venture— We had appointed to meet Mr Anderson, at Magoer, that evening— which was about thirty miles distant. Kowhow repeatedly said, we would not reach Magoer before the following day, (the water being so very rough & the wind against us)— But, after pulling very hard for three hours, we got sight of the Launch which animated our crew, and inspired them with fresh courage— they now exerted all their Strength to reach her— she was, however, too far off and labour was in vain: for, in the afternoon the wind increased with a heavy high Sea which compelled us to make for the shore.— We then inquired if we could go by land to Magoea: the Natives said we could, but, it was too far to walk: we resolved however to try our strength, and we ultimately succeeded in getting to Magoer that evening, where we met our friends, and took up our Lodgings in the Launch— and, tho’ a boat does not afford the best accommodation for weary travellers, we enjoyed the pleasure of some gratulatory meetings, with a grateful sense of many mercies.— 31st— This morning I felt myself much refreshed and the first business I attended to, was the paying of the Chief of Kiperro and his men, for their kind attention to us— This I did by giving them Axes, plane Irons &c to their great satisfaction as they never possessed so much wealth before.— Kowhow requested he might be permitted to visit the Coromandel, I asked Mr Anderson’s permission to take him which he kindly granted.— As soon as the supplies of potatoes &c (purchased by Mr A.) were put into the Launch, we sailed from Magoea. “E-nak-kee”, the chief who was at war with Tippoohee, accompanied us. I promised Tippoohee, that I would use my influence with Enakkee, to bring about a reconciliation between them; which I hoped to accomplish when I got the latter on board the Coromandel.— Tho’ we sailed early, night came on before we got out of the Wyeroa, into the Thames: and we therefore anchored under one of the Islands for the night. Aug: 1st. This morning it rained and blew hard, and the atmosphere was so dark and cloudy that we could not see the high land on the opposite shore of the Thames. After breakfast, we made sail for the ship, with a fair wind, and arrived on board, about 3 p.m.— I had been 21 days from the Coromandel during which I had slept in my clothes and generally in the open air, or in a canoe or boat, and the weather, for the most part of the time, had been wet and Stormy— I had also crossed many swamps, creeks, and rivers, from Towrangha on the east side, to Kiperro on the west— Yet, during the whole time, (through the kind providence of God) I was preserved in health, and met with no accident, nor any unpleasant circumstance to annoy me— on the contrary, I had been highly gratified with the journey, and returned to the Coromandel in health and safety— I hope my visit to the different tribes may prove a means of future good— I endeavoured in every place, to explain the true nature of the Deity to the Natives— namely, that there is but one true and living God, who made all things, and upholds them by his power.— And that our God is also their God.— That the tabooing of themselves, their houses, Fires, food, and all other things, could neither heal their wounds, preserve them from danger and death, nor restore them to health, when sick: but that our God, tho’ they knew him not, could do all these things for them— They all wished for Europeans to reside among them: and, my constant companion Timmorangha strongly recommended the chiefs every where, to leave off fighting— reminding them how often their wives and children were deprived of food, by the destruction of the potatoe crops in their mutual contests and from the same cause many wives were left widows and their children fatherless.— The usual reply is that they are aware of the miseries brought on by war, but that some chiefs would never give over fighting— Their fathers and forefathers were all fighting men— I have no doubt, however, but these partially discussed subjects will occasionally lead to useful reflection and bring on conversations tending to enlighten and enlarge their minds.— Being once more on board the Coromandel and having got Enakkee with me, I wished to fulfil my promise to Tippoohee, by an effort to reconcile the parties. I therefore requested Enakkee to acquaint me with the cause of quarrel between them— He stated (as he had done once before) that his father had been on the east side of the Thames in his canoe, which was upset in a squall, and he, as well as his crew, were drowned.— He, Enakkee, subsequently learned, that the bodies had drifted on shore, and were taken up and eaten by Tippoohee and his tribe:— for the insult, thus offered, to the remains of his father and friends he had declared against Tippoohee. I admitted that: if such was the fact of the case, Tippoohee’s conduct was very bad:— but their killing one another would only increase the calamity: and I wished him to meet Tippoohee on board: and we should hear what he had to say on the charge prefered [sic] against him.— Enakkee consented: and, next morning, Captn Downie was so kind as to send Mr Anderson in his boat, for Tippohee, who came off with him on the following day.— When Enakkee saw Tippoohee approaching the ship, he instantly took a canoe and went on shore and I feared he would not again return— When Tippoohee arrived, I informed him of what Enakkee alleged against him— He said he knew that Enakkee charged him and his tribe with finding, and eating the persons alluded to— but, the charge was groundless as the bodies were destroyed in the water; and never came to the shore: that the false report was made to Enakkee, by the Areakee, out of revenge, in consequence of a quarrel between the Arekee’s people and his (Tippoohee’s) men about cockles and thatch, in which case, each chief justified his own tribe: and the Arakee propagated this malicious report— which caused Enakkee to declare war on him in which, a brother of his own, and several people had already been killed.— Tippoohee did not think that Enakkee would return, or come to any accommodation with him— Enakkee, however, did return about an hour afterwards; and, when he came on deck, sat down opposite to Tippoohee, who also was sitting; but, neither of them spoke for a considerable time.— I was going to address them, when Timmorangha requested me not to interfere then, but leave them to their own feelings.— Their looks portrayed contending passions, and when, at last, they broke silence; it was in a sneering, contemptuous manner, which gradually increased to open reproachful terms, till they mutually advanced to each other in apparent rage, as if they were about coming to blows.— Timmorangha and Towreka (who were also on deck) put in a word now and then, between them, the effects of which, we did not perceive— till they became more cool,— and at length a reconciliation took place; when, Captain Downie invited them both into the cabin, where they eat and drank together as friends, to the great satisfaction of all present.— I was informed by Captain Downie (after my return to the ship) that Arekee was going to kill “Amoppa” (a subordinate chief of the Bay) and take his head off, for stealing a mat from the Arekee’s son. This intelligence as confirmed by Towretta, who said that the Arekee had, for several days past, been preparing spears, and other instruments of war, for that purpose.— Amoppa came and begged me to intercede with the Arekee on his behalf— and I therefore requested Towretta to go to the Arekee, with a message from me, conveying my earnest desire for peace between them; and to use all his own (Towretta’s) influence to bring about an accommodation, before any battle took place. A few days after, I received a reply from the Arekee, thro’ Towretta and Timmorangha to say that, he would not put Amoppa to death; but that their difference must be settled at a public meeting.— Early on the morning of the 11th (before I was up) Amoppa called at my cabin window to inform me that the meeting between the Arekee and him, was to take place that day; and requested I would attend.— Mr Hume, the Surgeon, Mr Hilliard, the captain’s clerk, and Mr James Downie accompanied me (after breakfast) in one of the Ship’s boats; and Amoppa who had remained alongside, followed us, with his Native friends, in 16 Canoes. The Arekee was at the head of the cove, three miles off, and prepared to receive us. Amoppa’s men were all armed, as were also those of the Arekee, some with muskets, and others, with the usual Native weapons. Amoppa drew up his canoes in a line— when his men leaped into the water, all naked, and ran in a close body towards the Beach, like so many furies, with their spears ready for an attack.— After they had gone through their military evolutions, and war dance; the Arekee’s party went through a similar ceremony, ending as usual, with the war dance. The offence alleged against Amoppa was then publicly discussed by the leading men of both sides.— Some spoke with great warmth and feeling, while, the principal interested parties listened attentively to the speakers, who made lengthy speeches.— We understood the conclusion they came to at last, was, tht Amoppa should give the Arekee a canoe, and one Slave, as an atonement for his crime.— Thus all differences among the Chiefs, at the Thames, were adjusted and mutual harmony again restored.— I now determined on leaving the Thames the following day, as I had given up all hopes of the Schooner’s arrival; Enakkee promised to furnish me with a good Canoe and to go with me to the Bay of Islands.— I was very happy that no differences had, as yet, taken place between the Europeans of the ship, and the Natives: and I hoped that a good understanding would continue while the Coromandel remained.— When we had got on board (after witnessing the foregoing transaction) Timmorangha came, in great agitation, to acquaint me, that when he was at the Thames, on a former occasion, a chief had then given him a Maree (one of the war instruments) to sell for him and to get him an axe in return— this instrument was made of Talc, which they highly value. Timmorangha got only a small tomahawk for it, which he considered to be, much below its real value.— The chief (who employed him) was very angry; and sent him notice, that if he did not procure an axe, the Priest should be engaged to kill him by incantation. Poor Timmorangha wished to assure me, that he would surely die, if the Chief put his threat in execution; and begged an axe to save his life.— I endeavoured to convince him of the absurdity of such a notion; but to no purpose, he still persisted that he would die; maintaining that the Priest possessed such power, and, the better to convince me of this Idea, he drew the supposed lines of incantation upon the deck, to show how the operation was performed.— He also said, that the chief’s Messenger was waiting alongside for his answer.— Finding it useless to argue the case further with him; I gave the axe, which with the greatest joy, he delivered to the messenger with a request that the, aforesaid, chief would be satisfied and proceed no further against him.— Such are the Strong Chains of superstition, with which the Prince of darkness binds these poor heathen captives.— What an infinite blessing will divine revelation be, to the Inhabitants of New Zealand, when its glorious light, shall have broken in upon them.— At present their minds are tormented, by the most painful (but groundless) fears— on the slightest occurrences which they deem offensive to their false God: and their bodies also suffer severely, from their ceremonial observances of superstitious rites— from the influence which Satan exercises over their minds.— I have known a Native to say that his God would kill him, because I had simply taken some of his fire, to kindle another— (without knowing myself that such an action could possibly hurt his mind) and I am persuaded that he firmly believed such would be his end, from the agitated state in which he appeared— yet, strange to say, that very man thought it no offence or crime (under certain circumstances) to kill and eat his fellow creatures.— I never met a New Zealander, that did not consider (his) God, as a vindictive Being— ready at all times to punish and afflict them— especially if guilty of any neglect or omission in their sacred rites. Hence they labour to avert his anger by every species of self denial and mortification— One Chief, I had known, burnt down his house, which had been neatly built, and ornamented with carved work, in hopes of appeasing the anger of his God.— I had visited him (before that occurrence) and admired the neatness and beauty of his premises: but, on my going a second time to the place, not a vestage remained, and I then learned, the fact here related— namely, that his house was sacrificed to Pacify his God. On the morning of the 12th I took leave of Captain Downie and proceeded in the Launch to the western side of the Thames which, in the place opposite to the anchorage of the ship, was about 15 miles broad— I intended, after crossing here, to go on to Mogoae (before mentioned) there to procure a canoe; and then proceed to Bay of Islands. On stepping into the Launch, from the ship, for the journey proposed, I observed a woman coiled up under a mat, and was informed, she was the wife of a Chief who had gone to War; and that she had formed an attachment to Timmorangha, and had a design to accompany him to Bay of Islands.— I immediately requested Mr Anderson (the 2d Master) to order this Lady out of the Launch and told Timmorangha that no women of her character would be allowed to go with me.— She was another man’s wife and must be left behind at her proper home: lest that, when her husband returned and found her gone, he should blame the Europeans.— Timmorangha made no objections to her being put out of the Boat; he said it was her own wish to go with him.— She was then ordered out, but she would not move: and the sailors were directed to put her out by force— she made all the resistence in her power, but, was at length put into a canoe, and the Launch immediately moved off— We had scarcely got two hundred yards from the ship, when we observed this Lady swimming after us, making every exertion to reach the Launch— Timmorangha was much agitated now, called out to me that she would be drowned, and begged the Boat might be put back, to save her life. I again told him she was a bad character, and we would not put back for her; and that he need not be alarmed, for she would return to the ship, when she found her efforts to gain the Launch were in vain.— She soon saw herself losing ground very fast, and we observed her return towards the Coromandel, which relieved Timmarangha of his anxiety. Our passage across the Thames was very pleasant, and we anchored at Mogoea, the same evening, which is between forty and fifty miles distance from the ship. As it was near midnight when we arrived, I remained on board till morning tho’ it was very cold. Enakkee (one of the principal chiefs of Mogoea) had accompanied us with an intention of conveying me in his canoe to the Bay of Islands.— 13th This morning Enakkee’s son with several of the Natives came off to the Launch, which lay about four miles from the settlement; when his father went on shore.— Enakkee is a great warrior, and a very fine, tall, and handsome man, who has been in many actions. Mr Anderson and I had the curiosity to count the scars on his body, received through spear wounds &c— they amounted to fifty; one of his front teeth had been knocked out, and another broke by a Patoo-patoo. After breakfast, Mr Anderson, accompanied me to Morgaea— It us a very populous settlement and contains the finest race of people, I had seen in New Zealand. They are very healthy, and their houses better, than most I had met with.— Their Stores are full of Potatoes, containing some thousands of Bushels; and they had also very fine hogs. The soil is uncommonly rich, and easily cultivated— The women and children were numerous but, most of the fighting men had gone on a war expedition to the Southwards. After visiting the different chiefs I returned on board the Launch for my Luggage: and, on landing again, Enakkee provided a good Hut for me, and my Native companions, and he also plentifully supplied us with such food as they had. I met here two chiefs from Kiperra one of whom, was considered a great priest his name was “Moodeeokow” and the other’s “Arvye”. They expressed regret that they had not seen me at Kiperro, when I was there, observing that a number of people had assembled, at the place I had stopt at, in that village, in hopes of seeing me, before I left; but were grieved and disappointed on finding that I had gone to the ship. I endeavoured to convince them, I was as much disappointed as they could be— because I wished to have seen them all, if my time had permitted.— The Priest appeared to be of a remarkable mild disposition, and so was the other chief, we spent the evening in agreeable conversation on various subjects.— The Hut I occupied was crowded with the Natives, and a great number stood round the outside. I told Enakkee that I wished to sail for Bay of Islands early next morning— He said this would be impossible as the canoe would require a thorough repair, before he could venture to sea at this season of the year; and that it would take two days to make her ready.— This information was very mortifying to me, as I was anxious to return in time, lest I should lose my passage in the schooner should she come again to the Dromedary. I however had no alternative, and was compelled to submit to the necessity of my Situation. On the morning of the 14th I accompanied Enakkee, some other chiefs and workmen, to examine the canoe, and set about the necessary repairs. The canoe was about 60 feet long, and very commodious, being designed for war. Enakkee and his men, set immediately to work. They took it all to pieces, in order to make it as strong and complete, as it was on the first day it was Launched.— In the course of the day we were visited by several Chiefs from remote parts of the Southward Settlements, several of them lent their assistance in repairing the canoe, so that by the evening they had put a great part of her together again. The weather was so wet and stormy, that, if the canoe had been ready we could not have then put to sea. I past part of the day in walking through the Potatoe grounds on which a number of slaves were at work. Near the settlement there is a very high Hill, which commands a very extensive prospect.— Its top and sides have every appearance of its having been the production of some volcanic eruption. On the east side, the flat land, for the distance of nearly a mile, is covered with stones of various dimensions, very hard, of a dark grey colour, and full of holes.— Some of them appear very much burnt. The soil among the stones, and where there are none, is a very rich dark brown loam, and fit for all the purposes of vegetation. Agriculture, by the plough might be carried on here to a considerable extent, as a pair of horses would easily work the greater part of the ground. They have no grain of any kind. Sweet and common potatoes, Turnips, and Cabbages constitute their principal food.— After I had returned from my walk and the Natives from their Labour, the evening was spent till a late hour, in conversing on Agriculture, commerce, and civil Government- Religion &c.— Subjects, they seem anxious to understand.— 15th — Enakkee and his people worked on at the Canoe and by the evening, (with constant labour) they had her repaired, neatly painted, and all finished, excepting a few ornaments of Feathers for the head and stern.— The weather was very stormy, and, from all appearance, was likely to continue so. Enakkee informed me, that I might not be able to put to sea for a month or more, on account of the weather.— This news I was not prepared to hear, and it made me fearful of losing my passage to Port Jackson— and I had besides only a few days provisions. I therefore resolved to walk to the Bay of Islands, and to leave Mogoea the following day, for that purpose. I communicated my intention to Enakkee, and wished to know from him, which way I should travel. He and all the other chiefs informed me, that I could not make my way to [the] Bay of Islands on the east side of New Zealand as the sea shore in many places was composed of nothing but high impassable rocks— neither could I cross the rivers, nor head the Bays which ran into the sea, on that side. That, if I was determined to go, I must take my route by Kiperra on the west side, and strike off into the interior of the country in order to head the main rivers or Bays. My companion, Timmorangha, said, he would accompany me, and when we had made the western shore, we could pass up a river called “Wyeroa” to a settlement named “Monyakaiea” which would bring us within three or four days’ walk of the Missionary station, at Kiddeekiddee.— He further observed that the road from Monyakaiea, at this season of the ear, would be very difficult to travel on account of the heavy rains— that we should have a number of swamps to wade through, and one river, which, in rainy weather, was both deep and rapid.— The swamps I did not think any thing of but, the river which we should have to pass six times presented a difficulty I did not know how to overcome, as I could not swim— Timmorangha said they could carry me across it in a Hammock, as they carried the wounded from the field of Battle. This removed my objections in a moment, and I resolved to proceed without delay.— As Enakkee had prepared the canoe solely for my use, I thought it but just to pay him and his people for their labour— I therefore called them together; and delivered into his hands the whole payment, that he might satisfy every man according to his rank and ability. They were all much pleased— Enakkee said, if I would only stay till the weather would allow him to put to Sea, he would man the Canoe with the ablest of his people and accompany me to the Bay of Islands and afterwards make me a present of the Canoe— I thanked him for his kindness but, could not accept his offer on account of the delay.— After all matters were finally arranged, we retired to rest.— 16th No prospect of a change in the weather this morning— The wind blew strong, accompanied with light rain. After breakfast, I collected my luggage, and opened my sea chest, to show Enakkee every article it contained, as I could not take it with me. I left it and some other articles, which he promised to bring to the Bay of Islands, when the weather permitted. I had received every attention from these people, and the chiefs assured me, that, if the Active or any other vessel touched at their settlements, they would pay every attention to the people who might be on board of them. It was this tribe that had the contest with the “Brothers” and “Trial” (two Brigs from Port Jackson) near Towrangha some years back, when six Europeans were killed, and (as they informed me) about 200 of them were shot.— The quarrel originated in some difference between the Masters of the vessels, and the Chiefs. The Natives were near cutting them both off: and one of the head chiefs was shot dead— his son, who stated the circumstances to me, was also wounded on that occasion, and another had a ball still remaining in his arm from that affair.— The Chiefs belonging to Kiperro, had remained with me at Magoea, and were greatly rejoiced, that I had determined to pass thro’ their district, on my way to the Bay of Islands, and told me that they and their Servants would attend me to Kiperro. I now took my leave of these hospitable heathens (of Mogoea) hoping that the period was not far distant, when their vallies would be covered with corn, and the voice of true joy and gladness, be heard in their dreary dwellings; which have so long been the abode of darkness, superstition, and death! On leaving Magoea we crossed a neck of land to the river Wyeteematta (described in a former journey) and came to the wharf where the Chiefs had left their canoe. It had been taken away, and one of the slaves was dispatched to the next village to procure another.— He returned in about an hour after, with a very fine canoe, and several men— I agreed with the owner to take us up to the head of the river (above 20 miles) which proved an unpleasant trip.— The wind was high and strong, the water rough and agitated, in consequence of its great breadth, and a strong tide, which compelled us to keep in shore. It was dark before we reached the head of the river: and being very wet and cold, and having no huts or tents to shelter us; the Natives made a fire on the shore; and we remained in this uncomfortable situation all night. 17th We proceeded on our journey, by the dawn of day, and after walking two hours, sat down to breakfast near a fresh water stream, and then continued our journey till we came to the first village, in the district of Kiperro (where I had spent one night in my former jaunt)— It was then about 2 p.m. and the Chief pressed me to stay till the following day. All my companions were tired, but I wished to go a few miles further towards Kiperro river, and it was with difficulty I prevailed on one chief to go with me, as they inclined to remain all night where they were.— Awye, the Kiperro chief, came with me, and I left the remainder of the party— We walked very fast over the Hill (alluded to before) and in three hours’ time came to a small fresh water lake, at the extremity of a wood, near a few Huts in which we found a Chief, his wife, and a few slaves. They were a very fine couple, and appeared to have been newly married.— The chief’s name was “Apoo”. He immediately got some fine potatoes dressed for us.— Fern root, Potatoes, and some wild fruit resembling the olive; appear to be all their articles of food.— The Hut was clean and neat & the floor was covered with a clean mat— They were all astonished to see me, as I believe, none of them had ever seen a white person before— We found it convenient to remain here all night and I had my wet clothes taken off, dried and put on again.— The chief was just beginning to clear a part of the wood for cultivation; which, as they have no proper tools, must be a most laborious operation. Being much fatigued, by the long walk and bad weather, I took some refreshment, and lay down to rest, wrapt up in my great coat, under the Guardian care of Him who keepeth Israel— After I had been here a while, my companions dropt in one after the other, till they all arrived. Apoo supplied them all with plenty of food (such as it was) and they also retired to rest. 18th— As soon as day appeared, we prepared to lave this sequestered spot:— for miles around which, no human habitation was to be seen.— Apoo and his wife proposed to accompany us.— We past the beautiful little lake, and ascended the rising Sand Hills, which are soft, and loose like mountains of snow. There is not a tree, or shrub or any sort of vegetation for a long distance to break the stormy Blast, so that the Sand is continualy drifted about in heaps according to the wind.— There are no foot paths, or tracks in any direction to guide the weary traveller, whose footsteps, however deep, are instantly erased by the rolling sand.— As we crossed these hills and vallies of sand, we had now and then a very extensive view of the western Ocean on the one hand, and of the rivers which flow from the interior, on the other.— After two hours travelling we reached the head of a valley situated at the foot of one of the Sand hills.— In this valley stood Awye’s village, to which he had dispatched a messenger to inform his wife of my coming, & on getting to the village we found a number of people assembled, and waiting to see us— Awye’s wife, daughters, and slaves were full dressed, that is, clothed in their best mats and their heads ornamented with feathers— They had prepared a great quantity of sweet and common potatoes, Fern roots (which are about the size of small turnips, and of which they are very fond). A shed had also been prepared and covered with clean fern straw, for us to sit on.— Here the Natives had a great feast, according to their custom.— There was a portion for me, another for Timmorangha and the party who constantly attended me,— dressed and placed before us, in small baskets.— In this manner, the whole was divided into parts: and after eating their fill, the surplus of each portion, was deposited in the baskets, in which they were respectively served, for the purpose of carrying it away; for, it is an invariable custom with the New Zealanders, when they visit each other, to take with them, what they cannot eat. The children were greatly alarmed and terrified, at my entrance into the village. They shrieked aloud, ran every where to hide themselves; screaming with all their might— one alarmed another of them, till terror spread thro’ the whole— If I had come from the invisible world, they could not have been more frightened.— The terrific impression upon their infant minds, at the first sight of a white person, was so strong as not to be removed by any attention on my part during my stay among them— Tho’ some of them attended me, with their parents, in my several visits— yet, if they caught my eye, but accidentily fixed on them they shrieked aloud, and nothing on my part could pacify them.— I had not met any thing like it before, in New Zealand: as their children in general, are open, free and familiar; anxious to show every little attention in their power, to strangers— There can be no finer children, than those of this Island, in the world.— Their Parents are very indulgent, and they always appear cheerful, playful and happy and they are also very active and intelligent considering the circumstances under which they are placed.— After stopping a few hours with Awye and his friends, it was proposed that I should dine at the next village, where two great chiefs resided— namely “Amoka” and “Mowetta” the latter was reckoned a great warrior.— Every party, or individual, packed up the shares respectively of what remained of his or their provisions into the several baskets provided (as before stated) and we marched off to the village alluded to (about 3 or 4 miles’ walk). Our company now amounted to about fifty, including Apoo and his wife, the Priest and Awye.— We past through some very rich but hilly land: a number of slaves were preparing the ground for potatoes. When we came in sight of the place, the chiefs and their friends appeared ready to receive us, and we were hailed with loud acclamations.— The usual introductions and salutations being over, we all sat down in a shed: and shortly after I was seated, a chief presented me with a Cat, suspended from a long spear, by a cord; but not quite dead— I understood, he intended it to be dressed, as a delicacy, for my dinner— I told him that white people never eat cats nor dogs— that these were tabooed Animals, and never used as an article of food by Europeans.— He immediately took the cat away: and they all seemed to think it strange, that we did not eat such things, as they deemed the most choice food— I told them we eat other animals which they have not seen, and that we also used the Hog for that purpose. I was afterwards presented with a large fat hog which Timmorangha killed in the English way, and his servants dressed it in the same manner— It was hung up on a tree as clean, as if it had been prepared for an English market. The New Zealanders do not kill their hogs by bleeding, but by a blow on the scull, and holding the head under water till the animal is strangled.— A number of chiefs soon assembled at this place, among whom was one named “Moodepangee” who is considered one of the greatest warriors in New Zealand.— I had often heard of him, from Duaterra, Tooi, and others He has been the rival of Shunghee and his tribe, for about twenty years.— Before the “Boyd” was taken at Whangaroa in 1809 Shunghee went against Moodeepanga with a great force— Moodeepanga defeated him,— Slew two of his brothers, wounded himself,— killed the greater part of his officers and men, and compelled him to save his life by flight.— The Chiefs on the south side of the Bay of Islands united their forces, after this, and went against Moodeepanga.— As they relied more upon their muskets than on their ordinary weapons of war Moodeepanga out generaled them, in the following manner. When the two armies met in the field; Moodeepanga, knowing that his enemy had muskets, directed his men, to wait the advance of their opponents and when they were on the point of firing, to lie flat on the ground, until the muskets were discharged, and then rise up and rush upon them. This Stratagem succeeded, the enemy’s shot passed over his men without doing injury; and they instantly rushed upon them, threw the whole into disorder, and killed a number of their Chiefs; among whom were the Fathers of Wevea and King George— The Chiefs that escaped saved themselves by flight and returned home with only fifteen of their men; the rest were either killed or taken prisoners.— I have often heard the chiefs, who had escaped, speak of that Battle.— My friend Timmorangha has attended four war expeditions against Kiperra, in two of which he was defeated, and many of his friends slain, among whom was his Grandfather who, after being killed, was roasted and eaten (as a mental gratification) by the conquerors— Tho’ Timmorangha has been at war with most of the chiefs in these districts yet, he was treated with great respect where ever we came.— The different Battles— the places where they were fought,— who conquered, and who fell, as also what had been done with the bodies of the chiefs &c were frequent subjects of conversation. I met no family who had not had some members or branches of it, killed in Battle, and afterwards eaten by the enemy.— If any Chief fall into the hands of a tribe which he has opposed or injured, he is sure to be roasted and eaten: and after his flesh is devoured, his bones will be preserved in the family as a memento of his note or rank— and be converted into fish-hooks, whistles or ornaments. The custom of eating their enemies is universal in the Island, but, its origin is too ancient to be traced— It is a subject of constant conversation with the principal families, I have visited, and tho’ they generally speak of it with a degree of horror and disgust— yet they expect this will be their fate in the end; as it has been that of their forefathers.— Wherever I heard the subject broached, I represented (to the parties), how much their national character suffered in the opinion of civilized nations from this horrid custom:— that, as no such thing was allowed in other countries, the whole world looked on the practice with abhorrence.— Many of them regretted it, as an evil to their country— saying that when their people knew better, they would do away with it,— observing also, that it was no new thing, it had always been practised in New Zealand.— If the head of a tribe be killed and eaten, the survivers (of that tribe) consider it the greatest disgrace which could befall them: and they, therefore, take the first opportunity to retaliate in the same way: which keeps up a continual animosity among them, and war, therefore, becomes their chief study, and most important trade. All these matters were, at this time, fully discussed between me, Moodeepangee, and the other chiefs, many of them are very intelligent men.— Moodeepangee is a man of very quick perceptions, and his mind was alive to every observation.— His person of the middle stature— very dark complexion,— a fiery, keen and penetrating eye.— He appeared about 50 years of age: and from the expression of his countenance, and manly deportment, he cannot fail of commanding respect among his country men.— I had heard so much said of him for years; that meeting him thus was, to me, a great pleasure and satisfaction. he said, his residence was at some distance, but that he had come to pay his respects to me, as soon as he had heard of my arrival, and hoped he would see me at his village also— I told him how much I felt obliged by his marked attention, and that I would endeavour to pay him a visit on the following day.— Our conversation continued till dinner was anounced, when more than eighty persons arranged themselves on the ground, according to Rank.— The slaves placed a certain number of baskets of provisions before each family: and when all were satisfied, each family or person packed up what remained, into their baskets respectively for future use— as before observed. We resumed our conversation after dinner, on Religion, Government, and commerce &c— Superstition has a most unaccountable influence over this people.— Trees, old stumps of trees, every kind of rubbish, as well as their Huts and fires were tabooed, or made sacred in a peculiar manner which requires all their care and attention to preserve.— They dreaded lest any part of the things allotted to me should touch their tabooed articles, which (as they believe and affirm) would cause their death:— on in their own words, “Their God would kill them.”— The Chiefs and their wives here, were (at this time) tabooed— They dared not touch any article of food with their own hands, and, if no one was at hand to serve them when they wished to eat, they were obliged to lie down, or stoop to the ground, in order to pick it up with their mouths. As the Principal Priest, Moodeakow had continued with me, from the time I first met him at Magoea; I took this opportunity of speaking to him, on the subject of “tabooing”: and began by observing, that, the people here endured great, and unnecessary privations from mistaken notions of the Deity— That there was but one true God, who had made them, as well as the white people— who is so just and good, as not to require any thing of us, but what is really for our own welfare and happiness: and He would not therefore be angry with them, for eating their food with their own hands; for it was for such purposes he had given them hands, and, if he had not intended, these members of the body to perform all offices to the body— he would not have made them hands at all— Neither would he be angry with them for drinking water out of my cup, or any other vessel,— or for roasting a potatoe at my fire— or on account of me doing so and so at their fires, or at other tabooed things &c. That they might also eat in their houses freely, without giving offence to God— I then remarked that “Pomare”, King of Otaheite, at one time, tabooed every thing as they did, but he had lately laid aside this absurd and injurious custom; and now acted, in this respect, like the white people— yet, God was not angry with him, nor has he caused him, or his people, to die, on that account. Neither will God be angry with the New Zealanders, if they now do the same. They heard me with apparent surprise, and asked me a number of pertinent questions; which, I answered generally, by stating, what God wished them to do; and what he had forbidden.— That he would be angry with them for stealing potatoes, pork or any other article from each other, or from strangers— for murdering and eating one another and for seducing wives from their husbands &c.— These were some of the crimes which would cause God to be angry, and to punish them.— They readily admitted the criminality of such acts:— but, believed that our God and their God were very different Beings saying that I might violate their taboos by eating in their houses, cooking at their fires &c their God would not punish me; but, He would kill them for my offence.— I then asked them if they knew any thing of the God of Kiperra, or had any direct communication with him.— They replied that they often heard him whistle, in a low note.— I also asked Moodeeokow if he, as their priest, had any immediate communication with their Deity; and he likewise said, that he had heard him whistle; and he had tried to imitate the note that he had heard:— I replied, that I could not credit what they had asserted unless I heard Him myself. They, however, maintained it to be a fact, saying that, all the inhabitants of New Zealand knew it to be true— I told the Priest I still doubted the circumstance, and except I was to hear him myself, I could not believe that either he, himself, or any other person had really and personally heard such a thing, as the whistle of the Attua. (God) and that I wished to accompany him to any place where I might hear the communication between him and the Attua:— He said the Attua was in the bush and I could not hear him— I offered to attend him into the bush; but, when he came to be very closely pressed, he acknowledged they had no God at Kiperra; & said he had heard there was a God at “Shukee-Haiga” but none other and requested I would give him one of my Gods and he would put him in a box, that he might always have him, with himself.— I had never seen any household God, nor had I ever before heard that the New Zealanders had any idea of a material God:— and I therefore told him there was but one only true and living God who had made the world and all things therein; and were I to make him a God— he would be made of wood or some other material substance which could be easily burned or otherways destroyed— and consequently of no benefit to any man.— They all smiled at the idea of burning a God, and evidently saw the absurdity of having, or worshipping a material God.— Whether Satan be permitted, as the God of this world, to practise oral deception, and by such means, maintain the dark Superstitions, which pervade the minds of these poor heathens; a[nd] so support his spiritual dominion over these benighted lands, I cannot tell! But, I have met with no New Zealander, even the most enlightened, who do not firmly believe, that their Priests have some direct communication with their God— and, as before observed, many of their Priests and others have told me, that they have personally hard such communications— which, considering their truth and integrity in other matters, is something surprising.- This is, however, a subject of such a mysterious nature, that I cannot make up my mind to believe, or disbelieve a circumstance so generally credited in this Island: Nor can I pretend to know, how far the Agency of Satan may extend over a barbarous, uncivilized people, who have no law, human or divine, to restrain the corrupt passions of men!— This I am fully convinced of, that in all regular civil Governments, where wholesome laws restrain men’s turbulent passions; that the secret Agency of the evil Spirit, who worketh in the hearts of the children of disobedience, is greatly restrained, and the force of his wicked instigations, weakened, and, under the divine blessing, counteracted by means of such laws.— I have dropt these remarks, as they occurred to me, at the moment, and shall now go on with my narrative.— We continued conversing on the foregoing subjects, till late in the evening— Timmorangha said there were too many Priests in the Island, and that they prayed and tabooed the people to death— He then related what happened to himself, when going with me to Towrangha (as before stated) observing that tho’ the priest said, if he, Timmorangha, went to Towrangha, the Attua would kill him in four days after (and that the God himself communicated this sad sentence) however, he, Timmorangha, did go to Towrangha, and is yet well and among them, as an evidence of the priest’s false prediction.— Tho’ Timmorangha spoke against tabooing, his own mind was greatly fettered by superstition: he could not admit that our God was their God, and frequently urged that our God was good, and we did not require the taboo &c— He also explained to the company the habits, manners, and customs he had observed among the Europeans, as also their religion, as far as he was able.— He was intelligent and of considerable observation.— and, Having resided with me at Parramatta for some time, he had gained considerable knowledge.— When my observations pressed hard on the Superstitions of his country, he would observe “When you send Missionaries to Kiperra the people will learn better, and lay aside the “taboo” and other bad habits.” Having had mutual pleasure in these discussions till near midnight— we retired to rest— but the Natives did not let me have much sleep, as one after another continued to ask me questions on the subjects of our previous discourse— 19th After breakfast I proposed to return the visit of Moodeepangee— Several of the principal chiefs accompanied me, and an hour afterwards we reached the residence of Moodeepangee’s son “Kahoo”, he was happy to see us, and wished us to dine with him— to which I had no objection, (Having devoted this day solely to visiting) Dinner was quickly prepared, and clean fern spread on the ground for us to sit down.— Kohoo was a fine young man not, then, long married— he resides in a rich valley, the soil of which is well adapted for sweet and common potatoes and an abundance of these, was dressed for our party.— Dinner over, we proceeded to Moodeepangee’s and in our way we passed by a very fine and strongly fortified Hippah belonging to Mowettee.— We also past thro’ some rich vallies, in one of them, a battle had been fought, two months before, in which one chief fell.— On reaching our destination, I found Moodeepangee ready to receive me. His children were all dressed, and their heads ornamented with feathers;— his head wife had got on her dogskin garment: and he had prepared the stump of a tree, on which he had placed a cushion of bullrushes for me to sit on.— He expressed the great pleasure my visit gave him, and presented me with an immensely heavy hog,— ordered proper provisions for my companions— and then entered into discourse on various subjects.— We talked of the wars between his tribe and that of Shunghee’s— He said he did not wish to be at war with any tribe, but was compelled to fight for the protection of himself and people, that a party of Shunghee’s men was then murdering and plundering the inhabitants of Kiperro district, and feared he should be obliged to take arms against them once more.— He, as well as most of the chiefs, wished for some regular Government to protect their persons and property from the lawless attacks of restless men— Timmorangha explained how the Government was administered at Port Jackson that we had but one king (Governor Macquarie) who put a stop to all fighting and irregularity there, and that, he had heard, King George did the same in England: but while there were so many kings in New Zealand, there would necessarily be continual wars.— he also said, Captain Downie of the Coromandel had written to King George to send a ship of war to New Zealand, and he thought when she came out, the country would be greatly benefited as she would prevent the people from the Bay of Islands, of coming to plunder those at the river Thames and Kiperra; and all other tribes from waring [sic] and murdering each other. Moodeepangee wished to know if such a ship woud come round to the Kiperro river: I told him, that it depended on the fitness of the harbour, if the entrance was good and safe anchorage inside, I had no doubt, but she would come there, and if otherwise, she would not be able. He said there were plenty of fine spars on the banks of that river, and in his districts and it would please him well, if ships would come for them. He would also like that some Europeans would reside with him, for the benefit of his people. I told him much would depend on the river and harbour, and until they were examined, nothing could be done.— His residence is beautifully situated within view of the river Kiperro, and the land around him is good, tho’ of a light sandy nature, it is quite free from stones, as far as I saw.— A deal of it would grow good wheat or barley. The country here, has the vestages of having at one time a great population, but is now thinly inhabited.— In the evening I returned again to my former quarters. The next day being the Sabbath, I wished to spend it where I was then, and on Monday to proceed on my journey. Our Saturday evening’s conversation was on the immortality of the soul— a doctrine generally believed among them, The resurrection of the body, is not so well understood, or it is rather beyond their comprehension, tho’ they do not deny the possibility of it.— I mentioned the happy death of the righteous, observing that when their God revealed to them, that they were to die, they were not afraid of death, but happy in the prospect of being in the same place with the gracious God whom they had long loved and served.— The chiefs said this was not the case with New Zealanders, for they were always very much afraid to die— I told them, when they came to understand God’s Book, which He had given to the white men, and which the Missionaries would give to them, and teach them how to understand it, they would no longer be afraid to die— provided they did as the book of God directed. They clearly understood the difference between the bad man who was afraid to die, and the good man who was not afraid. They said that the souls of New Zealanders (at their death) went into a cave at the North Cape, and from thence descended into the Sea to the next world. The privations and mortifications which these poor heathen suffer, from a sense of guilt and fear, are many and great.— Nothing short of the divine power of revelation, can free them from the bondage of superstition, and mental darkness, in which they are involved. They have no idea of a God of mercy and love— willing to do them good:— but, believe that an angry Being is always ready to kill and devour them, for the neglect of the smallest matter imaginable: and, under such impressions, they frequently sicken, pine away, and die. When I told them. My God was good, and took care of me wherever I went, and heard me, when I prayed to him, by night or by day!— They said, they had no such God, their God only punished and killed them.— Among these tribes, I always thought it most proper to pray publickly, first explaining what I was about to do: and, tho’ the Natives did not understand what I said, the performance of this duty supplied me with matter for conversation tending to their edification.— If they wished to know what I prayed for— I told them— that I might be preserved in health, and from every accident, while travelling thro’ their country: and that my God might send them Missionaries to teach them his book, put an end to their wars, and obtain plenty of wheat and cattle that their wives and children might have enough of bread and animal food to eat &c— They paid great attention in hearing all this, saying repeatedly “these things— very good— very good.” In this manner the week ended with us— and we retired to rest for the night. 20th Sabbath day, I had made it known that I would stop another day with Mowetta and Moodeepangee, with some others, came early to spend the day with me. Although these people had never heard of a sabbath day, to me, it was the christian Sabbath, and I was naturally led to converse with them, on the creation of the world, and of the first institution of this sacred day.— The sensible objects of nature furnished an excellent text to speak in a manner suited to their comprehension, and the account given by Moses is so beautiful in its order and simplicity; that, they found no difficulty in comprehending the general outlines of his Statement.— The firmament, the heavenly bodies, (Sun, Moon, and Stars)— the fowls of the air,— fish of the sea— trees of the forest, and the grass of the field, were objects, with which they were daily conversant— The order of time in which the different parts of the creation are stated to have been arranged, at the mighty fiat of the Supreme Being, was so regular and plain, in succession; that, the account struck their minds with great force: “God said, let there be light, and there was light: and the evening, and the morning were the first day” &c. When God had finished all his works on the sixth day, he rested on the seventh, and set it apart for his own immediate worship. Such simple, but comprehensive expressions found easy access to their minds, so that I had no difficulty in communicating the institution of the Sabbath, and the purpose for which it was ordained.— When I found myself deficient in their language, Timmorangha interpreted, by which means I was generally understood by the company— Moodeepanga was so much taken up with these sublime topics, that he stopt all the day (as did some others)— nor would he return home till I took my departure the next day— but remained in the same Hut with me, during the night— The Hut was large, and well filled with men, women and children (about 40 in all) who, by their discourse among themselves and questions to me, prevented my enjoying much sleep— 21st I was anxious to start early this morning, having five miles to walk to Kiperra river where I meant to embark in a canoe: but, as several Chiefs were present, who wished to say something on the occasion of my visit it was full two hours, before they had done speaking.— Moodeepangee expressed himself much gratified by my coming among them, and assured me, if Europeans came to reside in Kiperra, he would protect them: and, if the harbour was found safe for ships, he hoped to be supplied with colours to hoist as a signal when a vessel appeared in sight.— The provisions for my party (namely 700 lbs potatoes, and 300 lbs Pork— packed in baskets) being laid on the Slaves to carry— I took leave of Mowetta’s place & friends.— Moodeekow, the priest, Awye, Apoo, and upwards of thirty others, accompanied me to the river on the banks of which (as the tide was down) we had to remain till two hours after dark, waiting the return of water enough, to carry the canoe from the end of a small creek into the river.— When we had got the canoe out, and the provisions on board— Moodeekow, Awye, and Apoo (who determined to proceed with us as far as the canoe would go) took leave of their friends, who wept aloud— and cut themselves in a manner, as before described), painful for a christian eye to witness. They suffer in every possible way thro the influence of superstition— what an infinite blessing will their deliverance from this darkness be! even in a temporal point of view.— On the turn of the tide, we went rapidly down the stream— the night was cold and dark, so that I could not see, to ascertain the depth of water: but the river appeared to be of considerable breadth:— Before low tide, we went on shore, made a fire, and waited the return of day.— 22d —In the morning, I found the tide to rise about ten feet, and there were ten fathoms water near the shore, at the spot we had anchored. We embarked before high water and in less than an hour, got opposite to a village, which we entered, and remained for a short time. I was here informed that Shunghee’s tribe was murdering and plundering the people on the banks of the Wyeroa (a river we had to ascend when we got to Kiperro harbour) I regretted to hear this report— on account of the calamities these parties would bring on the inhabitants— many of whom, must be compelled to flee into the woods, exposed to hunger, cold and wet.— We proceeded down the river with the tide, and about 2 P.M. reached the Settlement of a chief named “OKakka”. This village is large and populous, and is situated on the south side of the river about four miles from the harbour’s mouth. On going on shore I found the chief at home who received me kindly. I told him I had come to see the river, and examine the mouth of the harbour, to ascertain whether ships could get in, and ride safely &c. He said there would not be time to examine it that evening but if I could stay, he would go with me in the morning— I observed that my time was short and if I could not see the mouth of the harbour then I should cross over to Wyeroa. He then said, that, tho’ he wished me to stay all night, if I was determined to go, he would, if I wished, attend me down the river to view the entrance. Two other chiefs accompanied us to the entrance— The wind blew fresh and a strong tide set against us, on paddling the Canoe down— When a cable’s length from the shore, I sounded with a line (I had for the purpose) and found 15 fathoms water— The river is here (in the harbour) from five to seven miles broad, but I had no means to ascertain it exactly.— When we had got a mile further down, the roughness of the sea compelled us to go on shore: and, as I could not get to the mouth of the harbour in a canoe, I ascended a high hill, from which I had an extensive view of the sea, but could not see the entrance distinctly— tho’ I observed breakers a long way out, in the channel.— One of the chiefs informed me, there was a channel to the southward, free from breakers, and had a depth of twenty fathoms water, but as I did not see or examine this Channel, I cannot affirm his statement to be correct.— If, however, a safe entrance and anchorage be found to this place, it will be very convenient for procuring and shipping good Spars, and Masts of all sizes— There are three fresh water rivers which run into this harbour, upon whose banks the finest spars are to be met with— I have seen the wood on the banks of two of them;— the other I did not ascend, but was told the spars on it are equally good.— One of these takes its rise from the Wytematta (already described) on the west side of the Thames.— The second runs from the interior, near Bream head, on the east side.— The third runs parallel with the sea coast for thirty or forty miles and then takes a nor-easterly direction.— I crossed one of the branches of the first river, about seven or eight miles from the Wyeteematta, as I travelled over land to Kiperro and observed its banks covered with lofty trees. As the harbour is enclosed by sand Hills, and the banks of the large rivers composed of sand, I should apprehend that there are many sand banks in the Harbour of Kippero, some of which I observed, and probably a sand bar across the entrance— Whether the immense body of water which must come rapidly down these rivers, in the rainy seasons, together with the strong tide, will open and clear a channel for ships— or not, I am not competent to judge: but as far as I am able to form an opinion, I am inclined to think there is a dangerous bar, from the nature of the sea shore and the banks of the rivers.— Finding that it was not possible, from the strong wind, and rough Sea, to obtain true information respecting the entrance into this Harbour; I made Okakka and his friends some trifling presents, for the attention shewn, and then we took our departure for the Wyeroa, with wind and tide in our favour, which we entered after crossing the harbour. — This river appears to be eight miles wide at the entrance, as far as I could judge, by the eye. It began to Rain and the increasing wind compelled us to go on shore, a little before dark, at a village, containing about 50 huts, on the banks of the river. The inhabitants had fled into the woods for fear of the plundering party (before named)— The night being cold and wet we were glad to get shelter in the deserted huts, and landed our provisions and luggage for that purpose— As we had no rest the preceding night— being in the canoe, We retired early to enjoy sleep, and, tho the rain beat and the wind roared loud, we remained quietly till morning.— 23d At day light we found the wind had increased to a very heavy gale, and the Surf broke upon the beach with great violence threatening immediate destruction to our Canoe— The Natives instantly threw off their mats— rushed into the surf, and dragged the Canoe through the breakers.— They then leapt into it— while the waves tost it about like a cork, I expected every moment it would have been upset— they however pulled off from the breakers, and ran up the river, before wind & tide, until they found a sheltered cove; and fixed her in it. The storm continued all day so violent, that the Natives would not venture out in the river. The provisions and things were carried to the Canoe to be ready, when the weather moderated.— As there was no prospect of the storm abating, they put up a screen, with stakes, and bullrushes, about seven feet high on the weather side, which shielded us from the rain; they also made a Hammock, for me, of the flax plant, and slung it under the screen, which kept me off the wet ground.— 24th On the return of day, the weather moderated, and we proceeded up the river at a rapid rate, having a good Canoe and sail,— the Wyeroa was here about 4 miles broad,— no Natives were to be seen on the left banks, and we observed a few fires only on the right side.— Tho’ thirty miles distant from the ocean in parts of this river, we could distinctly hear the waves breaking on the sea shore.— About 2 p.m. we arrived at the Hippah of the chief “Tetoka” (a noted warrior) who hailed the canoe, and urged me to go on shore. We all landed, and I was well received by him— His Hippah was crowded with men, women and children, and in a complete state of defence, according to their mode, but of little use against fire arms— He said part of Shunghee’s tribe was in their district, had killed five of his people, and committed other depredations— that his tribe was not then able to meet them in battle, having no muskets, while his enemy was strongly armed with these instruments of destruction— I lamented much that they should live in such a continued state of warfare, and be exposed to such calamities as they now experienced, but hoped, in time, an end would be put to such wars, and that they would have a regular Government to afford protection to the injured, and peace to all.— He observed that if Europeans would come and live with them, it might be otherwise than it now was, as they afford or procure protection, from such inroads.— I said, it was possible that some missionaries might, in time, come to reside in his district but I could not promise him, with certainty. That I would, however, use my influence with Shunghee’s tribe, on my return to Kiddee Kiddee, to prevent them, as far as I could, from committing such acts of violence.— Tetoko seemed anxious to live in peace, if permitted, and to cultivate his land.— He wished me to remain with him till the following day— but, I could not, for the reasons already given,— he would not, however, let us go till we dined with him; and he ordered a large quantity of potatoes and fish to be cooked, accordingly.— After dinner he presented me with two fine hogs— I told him it was not in my power to accept of his present, as we had already as much pork, as we could either use or carry with us.— It was with difficulty I prevented him from putting them into the canoe, till I told him to take care of them until a Missionary or some other European called upon him, as I intended, if I could, to send some person to examine the Harbour of Kiperro, during the summer season, when the weather would answer, to ascertain whether the entrance would admit a ship &c.— He said he knew there was plenty of water for a ship and had found it 20 fathoms— I remarked, if that was the case, the people on the banks of the rivers would derive great advantage from the shipping; but this we should know when the Harbour was examined.— He promised to take care of the hogs for the purpose intended— I made him some small presents, and, after receiving a quantity of fish and potatoes, we took our leave of him. There were a number of very fine children in this Hippah; sufficient to form a very good School.— We proceeded up the river with a fair breeze, which continued till sun set, and we then pulled along till dark by the Paddles, and when the tide came strong against us, we came to anchor, and lay in the canoe till it turned, and then went on, pulling up the river till near day light, when we landed on the beach, made a fire, and cooked our breakfast. 25th After refreshing ourselves we proceeded by day light, on our passage.— We past several small farms, on the banks of the river, but did not observe a single inhabitant till we came to a small village, about 2 p.m., the people of which were in great alarm, on account of the plundering party, before mentioned, which was doing much mischief around. The farm and village belonged to a chief named “Toorow” who lived further up— two canoes came off, and accompanied us to his residence. His Hippah stands on a bank on the left hand, in going up the river. He kindly invited us on shore and ordered the Slaves to prepare dinner, and sent also a basket of Potatoes to the canoe for my private use— He had one of the best houses I had yet seen in New Zealand: with a portico in front 16 feet wide where he and his friends could sit and enjoy themselves under shelter— His Hippah was completely fortified, with upright split timber from 24 to 30 feet high, put close together. Shunghee’s party had killed some of his people and done him considerable damage. All the inhabitants, on the banks of this river, had in consequence relinquished their farms, and fled into the woods: their hogs were killed, their stores plundered, and their crops destroyed, so that many were distressed for want of food.— The fire arms of the enemy gave them a decided advantage over the other tribes, so that none could stand against them. Toorow seemed a mild man, & had his stores well put up, and a number of people in his Hippah.— I expressed my deep concern for the distress they endured, and my disapprobation of their enemy’s conduct towards them and promised Toorow to speak to the Heads of Shunghee’s tribe when I got to the Missionary settlement against such proceedings.— I also here, as at other places, pointed out the importance of their having a regular Government for until something like it be established, the more powerful will always try to oppress and destroy the weaker party.— The Majority of all the chiefs I have seen, would be glad to live in peace if permitted, and to follow civil occupations. After dinner we prepared to depart.— Toorow wished us to stay till the following day— I satisfied him that we could not prudently do so— He advised me not to go high up the river towards Mangakaiea, in consequence of the heavy rains: as would find great difficulty in getting up the Rapids, by having to pull against the whole force of the stream without a tide to assist (because it went no higher than where we then were)— observing also that three canoes had been lately broke to pieces by the violence of the current, driving them on rocks and besides that danger I should find great difficulty in crossing a large river (which has to be crossed several times on my route) at this rain season of the year.— He also believed that, let the men of our Canoe pull ever so well, we would be three days in reaching the place at which I intended to land.— These unexpected obstacles rather stunned me: and I enquired if there was any other way by which I might get to Bay of Islands.— They informed me I might cross the country to the east of the Island towards a settlement called Wangaree, not far from Bream head, where I could get a canoe to carry me down the coast.— That the road to Wangaree was tolerably good, and no rivers to cross, the distance being little more than a days journey— I consulted, with my friend Timmorangha, who approved going by Wangaree, as he had many friends there about whom he would be glad to meet.— We therefore took leave of Toorow and his friends— And we proceeded a short distance up the Wyeroa, when we entered a river that ran to the right hand, from the head of which we had to go by land to Wangaree. We reached the foot of a fall, as far up as the canoe could go, a little after dark— went on shore and made a fire, as usual,— the night was cold, but the thick trees afforded us some shelter— 26th— I had this morning to take leave of my Kiperra friends— Moodeeokow, Awye and Apoo who returned with the canoe— they had been five days with me, from the time we left Mowettas village.— My luggage was packed up, and they appointed three of their slaves to assist Timmorangha’s servant in carrying it. I made them presents of such articles as I had left, and we parted with mutual esteem.— I had experienced as much kindness, from these por heathens (in their own way) as I could have expected from the most civilized in Europe. The morning was wet and stormy, the road heavy and dirty, and we had several swamps and runs of water to wade through.— After walking about four hours, I perceived Moodeekow and his son ( a fine boy) coming after us— who, on coming up, said he would accompany me to the Bay of Islands.— I was happy that he had formed this resolution, as he would there see something of civil life which might be of service to him, and perhaps to the Missionary cause hereafter.— I could not think of asking him to go, when we parted, as I thought it would be too great a task for him; but he was now glad that he had joined us again, and so was I. We past a large Hippah in ruins. It had been a very strong place, and apparently well peopled at no distant period.— Timmorangha informed me that the tribe was then nearly extinct, and had been cut off chiefly by war. We next came to a small village, at the edge of a wood, on the plain— the land about it was good, but the people had recently fled, leaving some few articles in their Huts.— We dined here in one of the sheds, for the rain was heavy.— Timmorangha, in looking about the skirts of the wood, found the place, where these poor people had secreted their potatoes &c— After refreshment we pushed on to another village, known to Timmorangha, as fast as we could, on account of the stormy weather, and reached it by sunset— this village was also deserted by its inhabitants— A small miserable Hut, and a shed, were all that was left; being both wet and weary, we crept into these for the night. I took of [sic] my wet clothes, but, it was with difficulty we could make a fire, by friction, to dry them, owing to the very wet state of the wood, and, had we not succeeded, we should have had a miserable night indeed. 27th— We started early, and soon came to another village, which had lately been burnt, the land round it was rich, and capable of growing wheat or any other grain, in abundance. This village was also on the skirt of a wood, and appeared to possess every local advantage, in soil, water, and timber to enrich the proprietor could he enjoy the fruits of industry, and exercise it: but in their state, there is no security for person or property.— I could not but lament to see, the dreadful effects of Man’s fall! That man, here, for the sake of a few potatoes, should Murder his fellow,— burn his habitations drive his wife and children to the woods to perish by hunger, if they escape the murderer’s hand! gives a picture of depravity, terrifying to an enlightened mind!— Timmorangha made many judicious observations as we past these scenes of desolation, and expressed an ardent desire, that the time might soon come, when his country would possess the means of putting a stop to such wanton cruelties! He thought when the Man of war, which Captain Downie had written for, would come out, his country men would be checked from committing such acts of violence as those described. When we had got a mile past the village, Timmorangha began to tire, and sat down to rest, as did the slaves;— I was very wet by wading thro’ the swamps, and very warm with walking, also, and therefore afraid to sit down lest, by checking perspiration I should catch a cold— for which reason I walked gently on, and Moodeeokow followed close behind me.— We shortly ascended some rising ground, and on the opposite hill, I observed a body of about 50 Natives, on the look out. I concluded they must either belong to the plundering party, or to the fugitives who were guarding against them.— When Moodeeokow saw them, he turned instantly back to Timmorangha and seemed much alarmed.— I remained on the hill, and the opposite party having seen me— two of them immediately came off towards me, in all haste, one was completely naked with a long spear, and a bayonet fixed on the end of it, in his hand,— the other had a carpenter’s axe with a long handle to it. The two bounded across the intervening valley, as swiftly as their strength would permit, attended by a faithful dog which, on coming nearer, I observed had lost an eye, and had a cut above the other. The man without clothes, I perceived had got three spear wounds, but they were all healed.— When they had come close up, they seemed greatly astonished to meet a white man in their forest, and stood still to take a silent view of me— I knew neither of them more than they did me,— I then told my name, with which they proved to be well acquainted:— and this information explained the singular circumstance of meeting a white man in such a place, and they gave me a cordial reception.— They then called out to their companions informing them, who they had found. I told them Timmorangha was on the road, and would soon be up. They were rejoiced at this news: and when he arrived I found that those two men, were his particular friends, and had been officers under him, in his war expedition to Towrangha (9 months before, as already [sic] described) and that he, who had been speared, was the first man wounded in action on that occasion.— They were mutually happy in thus meeting with each other. They now informed Timmorangha of the dreadful murders committed by the “Naypoies” among others they had killed ten belonging to Wangaree of whom they had eaten three,— a chief and his wife and a niece of Timmorangha’s.— Timmorangha was greatly afflicted by this intelligence.— The spirit of vengeful retaliation fiered [sic] his every nerve, and he seemed eager for vengeance.— But when the warmth of indignation was over, he said he did not wish to go to war,— he was afraid however, of being forced to take up arms in self defence, and as an act of common justice to his relations, and friends, if their enemies continued to commit such cruelties. I told him, that on my return, I would accompany him to the chiefs of Shungee’s tribe and see what they had to say, and what could be done in this matter.— He became more pacified by this proposal, and said, he would overlook all that they had done, provided they would abstain from such murders, and robberies in future. We now joined the party on the other hill who returned with us to Wangaree, where we all arrived about 3 p.m. Timmorangha was here among his own friends, who both wept and rejoiced at meeting him. Several of them were much afflicted for the murder of their relatives, and the plunder of their farms; and were also under constant apprehension and dread lest the Naypoies should attack them.— Wangaree is situated at the head of a small harbour that runs up several miles inland, into which a fresh water river falls; and up this river there are some fine trees for spars: but I doubt whether there are sufficient shelter, and depth of water, in any part, for ships of large dimensions.— Small vessels may anchor in several places.— This Harbour is about ten miles to the northward of “Bream head”.— We remained all night at Wangaree, which was taken up by Timmorangha and his friends, in speaking of their troubles.— Aug. 28th — Tho’ the morning was threatening, we prepared for our departure, and having got a good well manned Canoe, from the Chief, we proceeded down the harbour.. An hour after, the wind rose, and it rained heavy, which made us put into a small village on the left side of the harbour, where we remained two hours; till the storm moderated when we again went on:— but shortly after the tempest forced us, once more, on shore at a place lower down, where we kindled a fire on the beach, and sheltered ourselves as well as circumstances would permit and as the storm continued, we were obliged to remain, in this uncomfortable situation, all night. 29th— The storm having something abated, we set off two hours before daylight, and, before sunrise, got to the residence of “Weyeeweyee” (a head chief, related to Timmorangha). He was then, an old man, of a venerable appearance, tall, and stout— He rejoiced to see Timmorangha and informed him how the “Naypoies” had driven his people from their farms, in the interior, & destroyed, or took away, all their provisions &c— He earnestly wished to have Europeans settled among them— I gave him similar encouragement to that I had given the people of Kiperra, namely, that if the harbour was found in all respects suitable— something might be done as that would at least, induce ships to visit them especially the whalers: and, it was probable a vessel from Port Jackson might come shortly to examine the harbour.— He said a Brig called the “Venus” had anchored there.— This vessel had been piratically taken by the convicts at Port Jackson, some years back. Weyee Weyee ordered breakfast, and proposed we should stay with him till next day, which was declined, for want of time. After breakfast, he ordered a longer Canoe for us: and, after telling Timmorangha I should wait for him at the mouth of the harbour, two miles off, I walked on to see the place (having first taken leave of the chief)— When I had got round to the left head of the harbour’s mouth, I came to a populous village; some of the people, I had seen at the Bay of Islands, and they were happy to see me. I entered the place, and sat down among them, for some hours— expecting the canoe every moment— but, as it did not arrive— I returned to learn the cause of the delay.— I found Timmorangha sitting with Weyee-weyee and other chiefs, in close conversation— On asking the first, why he did not follow me according to promise Weyee-weyee replied, that his friend’s talk was so good and sweet to him, he could not think of parting, and if I had not returned, no canoe would have gone after me that day. After much persuasion Weyee Weyee was prevailed on to let us go: and we sailed out of the harbour about 3 P.M. with a favourable breeze.— When we had got about eight miles out along the coast, the wind rose, and the sea ran so high, as obliged us to go on shore for the night.— The coast here for some miles, consists of very high and hard perpendicular rocks: and there are therefore few places on which a Canoe dare venture to land, or even come close to the shore.— 30th The weather was tolerable this morning, but the wind against us— We however put to sea, by daylight, and the men kept close to the shore, and pulled hard to make way; but had to go round the coves, not being able to cross them, owing to the adverse wind and high sea.— At dusk, in the evening, we reached the Hippah of “Mayanger” (the chief who accompanied Dr Savage to England twelve years before.)— This Hippah is called Pie-arakka— It stands on the summit of a very high conical hill, and is nearly surrounded by water, when the tide is in;— except at one narrow passage, it appeared inaccessible on every side.— As soon as the Natives observed the canoe at the foot of their Hippah, they rushed down the pass— spear in hand, as if going to encounter an enemy.— On being informed who we were they directed us round to the opposite side of the Hippah, where we could land, and invited us to spend the night with them, which was a most acceptable request us, as we were much fatigued, and both cold and hungry.— On landing I was conducted up the narrow pass, which I could not ascend without help, on account of the steepness, and narrowness of the path.— When I had reached the top I found a number of Men, women, and children sitting round fires, and roasting Snappers, Crawfish, and fern-roots. By this time, it was quite dark. The roaring of the Sea at the foot of the Hippah, as the waves rolled into the deep caverns beneath the high precipice, on which we stood, and on whose top and sides were numerous Huts; with groups of Natives, wildly standing or sitting round their numerous fires, enjoying the converse of savage life;— excited, in me, a train of new Ideas, and strange reflections.— Tho’ the omnipotent Creator, has made of one blood & substance, all the people and nations that dwell on the face of the earth, and has fixed the bounds of their respective habitations; yet, how widely different are their circumstances and situations!— It would perhaps be difficult to draw a fair comparison between the comforts and enjoyments (Mental and corporeal) which are possessed by those in polished christian Society,— and, the Privations and Miseries, which must be endured by people in a savage state! With some such reflection I contemplated the position of the poor heathens, who were then before me: and afterwards sat down among them.— A woman handed me a roasted snapper, others prepared me some fern-root, and, being very hungry, I relished my supper very well, notwithstanding the manner in which it was cooked and served.— Moyanger was from home, and I knew none of those present:— but, the officer in charge of the Hippah was very kind to me, as were also the people— We were accommodated with one of their best Huts, for the night: and Timmorangha amused them till a late hour, with an account of our tour, and the particular incidents of our journey.— 31st We prepared early to leave this romantic spot. The sides, near the sea, have the appearance of an old Abbey in ruins, and the broken rocks, resembled the remains of broken massy columns, which time had wasted or worn down— On our departure the chief presented me with a hog— for which I made him a small present.— This Hippah is situated at the bottom of a Cove; on the north side of which, a ship might be sheltered and anchored in apparent safety— there being five or six fathoms depth of water with a soft bottom. The chief said there was only one small rock in the cove, and showed me the spot where a whaler had anchored, some time back. The rock alluded to, is seen above water. We quickly passed the head of the cove and stood along shore, till we came opposite to a small harbour called “Tootookakka”— I was in this harbour about six years back. Small vessels only can be admitted, the entrance being narrow, and the bounds small within. The “Prince Regent” anchored here one night after the Dromedary had left the Bay of Islands. There are plenty of fine spars in its neighbourhood.— In passing this harbour the wind began to increase and the sea to rise, which shortly forced us to take shelter in a cove,— there we made a fire, dressed our hog and took breakfast.— This cove belonged to Timmorangha, as well as the land— for a considerable extent, on the coast, and in the interior around. The soil here is exceeding good, but no people lived on it, at that time. There was an extensive settlement about twelve miles along the coast called “Winnanakkee” and As there was no prospect of the weather permitting us to leave the cove for some time— I resolved to travel by land to Winnanakkee.— Timmorangha said the road was difficult and too fatiguing for him, but if I was determined to go, his servant would accompany me as a guide. We immediately set off on our journey.— I hoped to reach Winnanakkee that evening; but the servant told me we could not— the distance being too great— we must lodge in the wood, all night— We pushed on however as fast as we could, and, after walking for hours, up and down precipices, over rocks, and wading through water, at heads of such coves or creeks, as we could ford, we at last had the pleasure to observe the smoke from the settlement we sought (about five or six miles off) and that we had got over the worst part of the road.— These circumstances inspired us with fresh confidence: and by renewed exertion we reached the village before it was quite dark; very weary and wet.— I had formerly known the chief of this settlement and his wife, who were overjoyed at my arrival. The servant fortunately brought my blanket, which enabled me, to get my clothes taken off and dried, while I wrapped myself in it.— The chief’s wife had a good fire made, and administered to all my wants, as well as she could.— They gave me the use of their own Hut, which was very comfortable, and spread some good mats on the floor, for my bed.— I enjoyed my Hut very much after such a laborious journey, and felt grateful for the accommodation given me by these benighted people— The chief’s wife expressed much concern, that she had no provisions, which she thought I could eat— They had no pork because their hogs had been destroyed by the enemy, as well as their potatoes— She had some cockles and fern-root but thought I could not eat them. She had also some Komerus, or sweet potatoes, and two pumkins, which she would dress for me, observing that if I could not eat the Komeras, I might like the pumkin because it was very sweet.— While this kindly anxious woman was racking her mind to find me suitable food, her husband had sent out to purchase a basket of common Potatoes, for which he paid a Tokee, solely for my use: and this relieved the good woman’s anxiety.— My arrival was soon known thro’ the settlement, and tho’ the rain fell heavy numbers crowded round the Hut.— Tingangha (the chief who received me) wished to know where I had been, and what had brought me to Winna-nakkee (as he had been astonished as well as gratified to see me here). I gave him the particulars of my Jaunt, which he thought surprising, especially that of having walked so far— I told him where Timmorangha was left, waiting a change of weather to come on, but if he did not come soon, I would proceed without him— Tingangha said that the road was bad and that it would take me four days to reach Wyekaddee— and that, if possible, I ought to go in a Canoe &c.— After conversing with the chief and others some time, I retired to rest— safe from the stormy blast.— Sepr 1st I was sorry to find no change in the weather this morning, the chief observed that Timmorangha would not be able to put to sea.— I wished to proceed: but he and his wife urged me to stay a day with them, and if Timmorangha did not come by the following morning I should have his war canoe, well manned; to carry me to a harbour called “Wangoodoodoo”, and I should then be within one short day’s walk to Bay of Islands.— I told them I had very urgent reasons for going on— but, if made sure of his canoe, I would wait till next morning Mrs Tingangha observed she had some small chickens under a hen, which she would kill for me to eat, and would send a man into the wood to get me some pigeons, for she was much concerned lest I should suffer from hunger. I would not allow her to kill the chickens, as they had but one hen, and assured her I would not suffer from hunger while I had plenty of potatoes— She asked how I had rested during the night, and hoped I had made up my mind to remain another night— That she would set to cleaning out the house and then she was sure I would sleep well.— She was as good as her word, and made a very clean comfortable place for me.— I spent the day in visiting the inhabitants till dinner, and in the evening I went to a fresh water river, which runs from the interior, and amused myself in a Canoe.— There is plenty of fine timber on the banks of this stream— but, no harbour near, to admit shipping.— The day was showery and stormy, and we therefore could not expect Timmorangha.— The land about Winna-nakkee is very good, and they are a fine race of people, exceedingly kind and civil. They are in great want of Agricultural instruments, and were anxious I should procure them a little wheat.— I promised them some, as well as some fruit trees._ 2d Timmarangha did not arrive, and the canoe was early got ready according to promise.— Before I took my leave the Chief introduced his two children a son, and daughter, named after two of my children— the Boy after my son Charles, and the girl after my eldest daughter Elizabeth.— His wife said she would accompany me to Wangoodoodoo. The chief wept much at parting, and wished he could come to see me at Parramatta. He also begged that some Europeans might reside with them— I observed, if there was less of war in New Zealand, Europeans might be induced to come and live among them, but, as it then was— they were afraid.— We now stept into the Canoe, and proceeded down the harbour, at the mouth of which, we met Timmorangha— However, as I had such a fine Canoe, I wished to go on, and if he did not choose to go with me now, he could follow me to Wangoodoodoo after.— He said he would see Tingangha, take some refreshment and then follow me, and so we parted— In less than half an hour the wind and sea rose, and compelled us to return, and on landing, I took a guide, and set off by land— I found the road very bad, as it lay by the sea shore, we had continually to strike inland in order to pass bays and precipices, and then descend to the beach again. Several swamps were also in our way.— In the evening we arrived at a small village, when the storm increased— The Natives received us very kindly and gave us a Hut & potatoes &c. Here Timmorangha joined us.— There was no Chief here, and the poor people were preparing ground for potatoes. I had little rest at night. 3rd We rose at dawn of day, and prepared for our journey. After we had walked half an hour I observed a war canoe coming after us which was well manned: it contained the wife of Tingangha, who had determined that the canoe should attend us to Wangoodoodoo (as soon as the storm abated) from a kind consideration of the fatigue we would otherwise undergo, owing to the very bad state of the road. We felt grateful for this instance of her attention, and immediately proceeded on board her canoe to Wangoodoodoo; the inhabitants of which received us very kindly, and accommodated us for the night. Next day we reached Parroa Bay (the most southern cove in Bay of Islands) Some whaling vessels were laying near this, and I got on board one of them (the “Catherine”) with Capt. Graham, her commander, who happened to be on shore at the time we met him. The enjoyment of Civil Society once more was to me a great luxury: and excited in me a greater sense of its blessings than I had ever felt before: Having by experience formed a correct judgment of the miseries of Savage life, during a three months tour through the various Settlements of this Island (before enumerated) and deprived of all communion with civil life, for that period; I now put a much higher value on the inestimable Blessings of Christian society & privileges (which I had always enjoyed) than I had done at any former period of my life. On reviewing the scenes I had passed through in that short period, I felt my mind overflowing with gratitude to my divine protector. The giver of all good, to whom be all glory ascribed. I had met no serious accident in my journies by land and water, nor did I experience any injury from the cold, the wet and deprivations of food and rest, which I had undergone. Tho’ I had often to lie down in wet clothes, in stormy weather, wherever the night overtook me,— whether in an open canoe on the sea, or in the woods or fields on shore, a kind and gracious Providence attended my steps, in my going out, and in my coming in, and gave me favour in the sight of the heathens among whom I sojourned, until I was brought to my European friends at Rangheehoo— (4th Sepr/ 20.) The Government Schooner “Prince Regent” having come into the Bay of Islands laden with spars for Port Jackson— I embarked in her, on the 17th Sepr. to return to the colony of New South Wales: but she encountered very bad weather off the North Cape, and being deeply laden, the Captain was obliged to return to the bay in order to lighten her.— I had suffered so much from sea sickness on board this small crowded vessel, that I resolved to leave her, and wait for a passage in the Dromedary:— I found, on inquiry, that the latter vessel would not leave New Zealand for six weeks; and in this interval of time I thought it advisable. for the good of the cause, to revisit the tribes on the western and eastern coasts: and, on 30th Octr, set off for the River Thames, with the intention of going down the east coast first (in company with the Revd John Butler and Mr Shepherd.)— We touched at Wangoree, where I met some of my former friends— and then proceeded to Magoea on 9th Novr, from thence we paid a visit to the ship Coromandel, anchored at 50 miles distance, on the opposite side of the river, and, on returning again to Magoea, we spent several days in examining the surrounding land, Rivers &c. We likewise visited the several tribes around and then made our way to the western coast coming to Kiperro, once more, we looked a[t] every thing which appeared in any way interesting. On the 7th The Revd J. Butler left me, to return to Bay of Islands: and after his departure I (on the same day) directed my course towards the sea shore, and on the approach of evening I made, on the beach, the best birth I could for the night.— Early next morning I continued my journey, in the same manner, and reached the Heads of the Hokianga river on the evening of 22d Novr and took my lodging with my old friend Mowenna, and his numerous tribe, who were happy to see me. They manifested considerable anxiety for the acquirement of useful knowledge: and we conversed, during the evening, on such subjects as appealed calculated to raise them from their present state of degradation and misery.— They next day supplied me with a good Canoe, and men to take me up the river Hokianga, by which means I reached the spot from whence, it was necessary to cross the county to Wangaroa harbour, where the Dromedary then lay (with a full cargo of spars) ready for sea.— After overcoming some little difficulties in my way, I got on board on the 25th and after a very agreeable passage without any incidents worthy of notice, I arrived, in due time, at Port Jackson with a thankful heart for the mercies and deliverances I had experienced at the hands of our Heavenly Father.  In the preceding pages I have stated some peculiar events that occurred under the direction of Divine Providence, to open a way for the knowledge of the Christian religion and the arts of civilization, in the South Sea Islands—— Forty years have passed away since I first became partially acquainted with the character of the New Zealanders. In the year 1795 I was doing duty at Norfolk Island; previous to which, two young Chiefs had been brought there, in a King’s ship (the “Dedalus”) and placed under the care of Captain Phillip G. King, then Lieutenant Govenor of the Island, who was exceedingly kind to the young men: their names were “Hoodoo” and “Toukee” (and my subsequent intimacy with them, has been detailed in my former voyages.— From the interest created by these Chiefs, and what passed, at that time, between the Lieut Governor and me, concerning them, I felt (and have ever since felt) a strong desire to promote the improvement of their countrymen by the introduction of Christianity and Civilization. In due course of time, after my return to N.S. Wales, the intercourse between Port Jackson and New Zealand became more frequent, and the chiefs had opportunities, from time to time, of coming to the Colony, and they in general resided with me during their stay. — I soon perceived they were a noble race of men, and only wanted the means of instruction, to entitle them to rank with civilized Society. I knew, however, they were cannibals; as Cannibalism was a frequent subject of conversation between them and me, at my own residence, as well as on my visits to their native Island. They do not, of course, view this horrid custom as a crime: but consider, that, if a Chief be killed and eaten by one tribe; It becomes the duty of the injured tribe, to kill and eat one of the same rank belonging to the offending tribe: as soon as opportunity may offer: so that their strong superstition and mutual wars always excited to Cannibalism.— Having detailed in the foregoing particulars, the full nature of this dreadful habit and the opinion of a great part of the Chiefs thereon, I shall here only add, by way of confirmation, an account of a most horrid scene of Cannibalism, which took place before the eyes of our Missionaries (in 1821) after they had been six years among them, during which, I had myself paid them several visits.— The account given by Mr Francis Hall is published in the Church Missionary Register for November 1823 from which the following is extracted— “On the 19th Decr 1821 Three of the war canoes with Moodeewhy’s tribe from Shukianga, returned from the river Thames where they have for several months been spreading death and destruction around them.— They landed about half a mile from the Settlement, got some food and then proceeded towards their homes, to our great joy. They had upward of 100 prisoners of war with them, who might generally be distinguished by their sorrowful countenance. Some of them were weeping and mourning bitterly— one woman in particular, before whom they had, with savage cruelty, placed the head of her brother, stuck upon a stick. She sat upon the ground before it, and the tears ran down her cheeks in streams. We saw several other heads stuck upon sticks about the camp, and we understood that they had many packed up in baskets. These Canoes brought the news of the death of Tettee, a chief, and son in law to Shunghee: he was slain in fight. Tettee was the most civilized, best behaved, and most ingenious and industrious man. whom we have met among the New Zealanders. His brother Apoo, a fine young man, is also among the slain.— This has created grief in the family.— Tettee’s wife and Mattooka his brother are watched and bound to prevent them from putting an end to their lives. Apoo’s wife hung herself on hearing the news. Shunghee’s wife has killed a “cook” or p[risoner of war; wich is customary on these occasions. Decr 20th 1821.— Hearing that Shunghee’s wife was about to kill another slave, we went up the hill to the hut where she was, with Tettee’s wife and child— all weeping and mourning most bitterly.— We found that they had not killed the boy; and hope from what Mr Shepherd and I said to them, that they will not. I offered her an axe to spare his life.— Decr 21st This day Shunghee and his tribe, with some other tribes, arrived here from the fight, with the dead bodies of Tettee and Apoo.— Most of the European men went down to the point, about a quarter of a mile, to see the ceremony of their landing; but very sorry were we, that our curiosity led us to witess such a scene of horror. A small canoe with the dead bodies first approached the shore: the war Canoes, and those taken in fight, about 40 in all, lay at a short distance.— Shortly after, a party of young men landed, to perform the war dance and song, as usual on their return from fighting. They yelled and juped, and brandished their weapons, and threw up human heads in the air in a shocking manner; but this was but the prelude to the horrid work which was about to take place, of which we had no idea.— An awful pause and silence ensued.— At length the canoes moved slowly and came in contact with the shore; when th widow of Tettee and other women rushed down upon the beach in a frenzy of rage, and beat in pieces the carved work at the head of the canoes, with a pole; they then got into a canoe, and pulled out several prisoners of war, into the water, and beat them to death; except one boy who swam away and got into another canoe. The frantic widow then proceeded to another canoe and dragged out a woman prisoner into the water, and beat out her brains with a club with which they beat out fernroot.— We retired from this distressing scene as no interference on our part could avail, and we understand that after we came away, Shunghee killed five with a sword with his own hand. In the whole, nine persons were murdered this evening, and were afterwards eaten by the chiefs and the people.— It is a custom with these wretched men, to make these sacrifices, as a satisfaction for their friends killed in battle. The prisoners of war— men, women, and children— are very numerous; but especially the latter two.— They are said to amount to about 2000; and are distributed chiefly among the different tribes in the Bay of Islands.— The people are now more bloodthirsty than ever; they talk of going again soon, and mean to sweep the whole Island. In this expedition, they did all the mischief which they had threatened. Poor Enakkee was killed and eaten: they brought his head away with them, together with those of a great number of his people.— Enakkee gave them a warmer reception than they expected.— Decr 22d— The numerous Natives around us, have done us less injury than we expected during the past night. Several of the tribes from a distance took their departure early this morning, peaceably: first making a large heap of their old kakahows, and burning them. It is customary, when they return home, to burn all the garments which they have had on at the time that they killed men.— Mr Kemp and Mr Shepherd went down to the point to see the body of Tettee. Shunghee was busily employed in making a small enclosure of pieces of a canoe, decorated with feathers and carved work, after their manner, in which to deposit the bodies of the brothers Tettee and Apoo.— Part of the bodies of the people killed yesterday were then roasting at a fire at a little distance: and some human flesh, ready cooked, lay in baskets on the ground. Shunghee had the audacity to ask them to eat some, and said it was better than pork.— Part of one poor woman killed yesterday, the Natives cooked on the side of the hill, at the back of our house: the head they cut off and rolled down the hill: and several of them amused themselves for some time, in throwing large stones on it till they had dashed it to pieces; when Mr Puckey got it from them and buried it. “We hear that , among the slaves who were taken from hence to Wyemattee yesterday, one of them, a woman, becoming tired or lame, could not keep up with the rest: she was, in consequence, killed and eaten— this being the custom in New Zealand!” ———— In conclusion, is with pleasure I have to state, that since the time ^at which the above took place some New Zealanders have died in the full assurance of faith; and others are walking in the fear and love of God, as monuments of his Sovereign mercy and Grace. Such are the wonderful effects of a preached Gospel.”— I have no doubt but, in that day when God shall make up his Jewels many of them will be claimed as the redeemed of the Lamb to the honour and praise and Glory of His Grace! They will sit down with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of Heaven, there to praise redeeming love forever and ever.— Amen!(Mem:— For particulars of fourth Voyage side page 69.) ________Particulars_________ Of the fifth [sixth] Voyage of the Rev: Saml. Marsden, to New Zealand, in the year 1830.— ______________ Having obtained leave of absence from His Excellency the Governor, I embarked, on the 16th Feby 1830, on board the Elizabeth for the Bay of islands with one of my daughters. We had no sooner cleared the Heads of Port Jackson, that a heavy gale set in from the Southward which soon raised a high sea. I immediately became very sick, and continued so the following day, when the wind shifted to the South East. From that time we met with contrary winds, and a head sea; with the exception of a few hours, until Thursday the 28th, when we saw land to the Southward of Cape Maria Van Dieman, and on Friday Morning we reached it, and sailed close in with the land, until we passed the Cape, on sounding which the wind was against us, and we bore away up Sandy Bay, working to windward all the night. Sunday the 7th was a most beautiful day. The sea was smooth and a very light wind, and the scene around us was very interesting, as we were amongst the Islands of Knuckle Point. Fur canoes came off from the Islands, with an abundance of fish. We were now at anchor. The Natives urged us much to go on shore, and promised to supply us with plenty of fish, potatoes, and hogs; but we declined their friendly offer. The chief gave me much information relative to many of the Inhabitants whom I had formerly known. I performed Divine Service, and have seldom spent a more pleasant Sabbath day at Sea. Monday the 8t.h. The wind became fair, when we weighed anchor, and proceeded on our Voyage, and passing Wangaroa we saw the Heads of the Bay of Islands, and in the Evening anchored opposite to the neighbouring Settlement Paihia. The Missionaries had heard a few days before that I might be expected. As soon as the vessel appeared in sight, the Revds William Williams & Brown came off to meet us in one Boat, and the Rev. Henry Williams in another. It afforded us much mutual satisfaction to meet once again in this heathen land of darkness, ignorance, and cruelty! They all expressed their joy on my arriving at that critical moment, as they were in grater agitation and alarm, than they had ever been before at any period of their residence in New Zealand. They informed me that there was open war amongst the Natives at the Bay, and that a battle had been fought on the 6th Inst. in which it was stated that seventy had been killed or wounded, and that Messengers had been sent in all directions, by the Chiefs of the contending parties to collect their friends, and that on their arrival the contest would be renewed; and they could not tell what might be the fatal consequences both to the Mission and the Natives. On my landing at Paihia, I found a number of the Natives who had fled to the Missionary Settlement for refuge, and some of the wounded who had been carried from the field of battle to have their wounds dressed by the Revd Wm Williams. From the information I received, there were about 1400 Natives engged in the contest on the South side of the Harbour. The following statement contains the particulars of the quarrel as far as I was able to learn from the Natives, the Missionaries, and the Masters of the seven ships which were then in the Harbour. It was stated that Mr Brind, Master of one of the whalers, had two young women on board his vessel, daughters of two of the principal Chiefs, Rewa and the late Shunghee. There was also another young woman sister of Wirrepoka who was said to cohabit with one of the men on board. These three were all women of rank. Some difference occurred between them, and the wife and daughter of the head Chief, Kevi Kevi, who resided on that side of the Bay in which the Shipping were anchored. It appeared that Kevi Kevi’s wife had in this quarrel torn some of the hair off the head of Shunghee’s daughter, and burnt it— which was one of the greatest insults which could be offered to the young woman, according to their superstitious notions. This was the account the young woman gave me. Mr Brind interfered in behalf of the two young women, his favorites; and they sent information to their friends of the differences that had arisen. Rewa and Wierepoka, immediately took up the quarrel, one in behalf of his daughter and the other on behalf of his sister. They met at Kororarika, the place where Kevi Kevi lived, to enquire into the cause of these serious differences. The latter had heard of their intention and prepared to meet them. This took place on the 23rd of Feby, and rewa and Wierepoka settled their dispute with Kevi Kevi, but the quarrel between Shunghee’s daughter, and the wife of Kevi Kevi was not settled. Oneroa, who is the head of Sunghee’s tribe, and her brother Hari—Hungi had not yet arrived. Rewa,Wierepoka, and Kevi Kevi, considered Mr Brind as the sole cause of the quarrel. It was stated that the latter wanted the Natives to kill Kevi Kevi, some of whose allies had already come to protect him, in case any violence should be attempted either upon him or his people. Mr Brind had at that time a hundred bushels of Potatoes upon the beach, and as a satisfaction for the disturbances he had created, the Natives seized them, which greatly incensed Mr Brind, and he told the Natives that if they did not kill Kevi-Kevi, he would do so himself. There were several whaling ships then in the bay, which had put in for supplies. I was informed that Mr Brind had written to the Masters of the whalers, informing them that he thought it necessary that they should bring their Ships as near to the Shore as they could— hoist their Colours— and fore upon the Natives. Though much alarmed they all declined to adopt Mr Brind’s directions; when he immediately weighed anchor, and sailed. His ship, the Conway, was a large one mounting 14 guns. The Natives soon heard that Mr Brind had solicited the whalers to fire upon them, and they immediately stopped all supplies. On the 9th of March shortly after Mr Brind had sailed the Chief Oneroa arrived with his tribe and some of his allies, to avenge the insult which had been offered to the young woman, whose hair Kevi Kevi’s wife had torn off her head and burnt. Kevi Kevi, had assembled his friends in case he should be compelled to have recourse to arms. On a former occasion Kevi Kevi’s wife had given great offence to Oruroa and his tribe.She is a woman of high rank, and a very proud spirit— a Native of the River Thames. Her feelings had also been before excited by some reproaches cast upon her and her tribe by Oruroa’s tribe. She had told them that the Natives of the Thames would fight and conquer them, and afterwards make slaves of them; and they should carry their firewood upon their shoulders, heat their ovens, and cook their provisions, which language had given great offence to Oruroa and his tribe. On the Evening of the 5th March the day be came to Kororarika, he and his party went over the adjoining hills, and early the next morning they all returned with a bundle of firewood upon their shoulders and their guns in their hands, and proceeded to Kevi Kevi’s residence, and told him and his wife that they had brought the firewood, as their slaves, and laid it down. This was intended as an insult to Kevi Kevi and his tribe. After some conversation they returned, when one of Kevi Kevi’s men fired a musket, and killed a young women belonging to Oruroa’s party. They then all flew to arms. After some time Oruroa’s party gave way leaving on the beach about twenty killed and wounded on both sides. In this conflict six chiefs were killed, among whom was the late Shunghee’s brother and the brother of george of Wangaroa. When the firing had ceased on both sides, Oruroa returned with his party and took up the dead and wounded of their friends, and carried their bodies with them, but left their dead slaves on the beach where they had fallen, and Kevi Kevi as the victor. When the action began, Mr Dean, Master of the Elizabeth Whaler, was on shore with his boat. The wife and daughter of Kevi Kevi ran to Mr Dean’s boat in order to escape on board the Elizabeth leaving Mr Dean on Shore in great danger. The Natives on seeing the wife and daughter escaping in the whaleboat, fired and killed the daughter, while the mother got safe on board. Some of the Whalers had loaded their guns, and were ready to fire upon the Natives with canister shot, in case they should attack those Natives who were on board, as the ships were within gun shot of the shore. Mr Davis, one of the Missionaries, was on board the Sovereign whose guns were in readiness, and intreated the Captain not to use them unless absolute necessity should oblige him for the protection of the ship. The Masters of the whalers were very much agitated, and scarcely knew how to act. They all accused Capt. Brind as the author of the misery occasioned by this disturbance. On Sunday Morning, the 7th, at the advice of an old Chief, Warerewee,— Kevi Kevi also left Kororarika and came over with his people to Paihia, the Missionary Station. Warrerewee was convinced that Kevi Kevi could not defend himself against Oruroa, when he renewed his attack upon him. Kevi Kevi wished to fortify himself near the Missionary station. To this the Missionaries could not consent, as it would have exposed them to too imminent danger. At length it was finally determined that Kevi Kevi should take up his station at the junction of the Kowa Kowa and Wykaddee Rivers; a point strongly fortified by nature about four miles above the Mission Station. As soon as this was agreed upon Kevi Kevi moved with his peoples to his station, and began immediately to prepare for his defence against Oruroa when he should return. Both parties now dispatched Messengers in all directions to collect their friends and allies. The Missionaries were at this time in the utmost anxiety, as they could not conjecture as to the issue of the war. They had received information a few days before, by the Schooner “New Zealander” which had arrived at Hokianga that I was on my passage. On the 8th of March two days after the battle, I entered the Harbour, and in the Evening anchored opposite to the Missionary Station. Two boats came to meet the Elizabeth, before she anchored, in which were the Revds Henry & William Williams & Brown. I met the brethren with much satisfaction and joy. They expressed how much they were gratified that I had visited them at that particular time of danger and trial, as they were then in greater peril than at any former time. They informed me of the bloody contest that had taken place two days before on the [1830] opposite Shore— that numbers had fled to them for protection, and were now within their enclosures, as well as the wounded who had been brought to have their wounds dressed. They also added that some thousands were expected to assemble from various parts of the Island, in two or three days, as the war—tribes had been summoned to attend their Chiefs. They hoped that my arrival would bring about a reconciliation and restore peace before these auxiliaries could arrive. Soon after I had landed, some of the Chiefs came and related to me what had taken place, and what was likely to happen; and requested that I would on the following Morning visit the Camps of the two contending Chiefs Kevi Kevi & Oruroa, and see if a reconciliation could not [be] effected before the arrival of the war parties; adding that no time was to be lost in accomplishing this object. To this proposal I readily assented, and promised to visit them both on the next day. Early on [March 9] Tuesday Morning the 9th the Revd Hy Williams and myself proceeded on our Mission. We first visited the Camp of Kevi Kevi distant about four miles from Oruroa’s, and we were received with great cordiality by him and all [1830 March 9] the other Chiefs who were assembled in the Camp. I here met with many Chiefs from distant parts of New Zealand with whom I had been formerly acquainted They all expressed their gratification at our meeting again. After conversing upon different matters, the Rev. H. Williams entered upon the subject of our mission. He stated to them the evils of war and more particularly of a civil war, in which they were then engaged. We then endeavoured to impress upon them, that they were not fighting for the protection of their lives and property, but they were merely killing each other, in which contest some of them lost their dearest friends. They listened to us with great attention, and several of them replied to our arguments. They repeated the original cause of the war, and laid the entire blame upon Captn Brind, condemning his conduct very much, & observed that they regretted the distressing calamities that had taken place, and were desirous that the differences should be settled, but that it was impossible for them to do so amicably without the consent of their friends, who had not yet arrived as some of their relatives had been killed in the late action. At the same time they wished that we would use [Hoken - 1830 March 9] our influence with Oruroa and his Chiefs in order to prevent any more bloodshed. Having thus publicly ascertained the sentiments of Kevi Kevi and his party we proceeded immediately to the Camp of Oruroa. On our landing we joined the assembly of the Chiefs. I was well acquainted with their leaders, and after the first salutations were over we entered upon the subject of our visit. In all our conversations with the Chiefs of both parties, they argued that we were answerable for the lives of those who had fallen in the battle, as the war had been occasioned by the misconduct of one of the Masters of an English vessel— Mr Brind. They wished to know what satisfaction we would give them for the loss of their friends who had been killed. We replied it was not in our power to give them any satisfaction, though we lamented what had taken place, and condemned the conduct of Captain Brind. We then informed Oruroa and the Chiefs who were with him that we had had an interview with Kevi Kevi and his tribes, and that we were authorized by them to state that they were willing to come to some negotiation for peace, and wished that [1830 March 9] we would facilitate the settlement of their differences. This information was agreeably received, excepting by a few who were anxious for war. One Chief gave us private information that a large body of armed men had arrived, and were then on the island of Motoroa about five miles distant, and that it was their intention to proceed by night and attack Kevi Kevi by surprize in his Camp; and requested tht we would lose no time in proceeding to Motoroa in order to avert this design. Having been thus privately informed, we stated to Oruroa our wish to be introduced to the Chiefs and their men who were assembled at Motoroa, and requested that two of his Chiefs might accompany us for that purpose. Tetore, & Towreta, two of the principal Chiefs agreed to go with us. When we arrived at Motoroa, we found the beach covered with war Canoes, and a very large concourse of armed Men. The Assembly was crowded. Here also I met with many Chiefs with whom I had formerly been acquainted in my journeys through the interior of the Country, and who were glad to see me again. After some trivial conversation upon various subjects, The Revd Henry Williams stated the object of our visit, and they all [1830 March 9] heard us with the greatest attention. Many of the Chiefs replied in turn, & some of them spoke with considerable force, and dignity in their address, & their orations continued for some hours. Some were for war, and others for peace. We remained until night closed upon us, pleading for a reconciliation. Though we had devoted the whole day we were happy to find at the end that we had some prospect of success; as it was finally agreed that we should proceed the next morning to Oruroa and report to him what had taken place at Motoroa. We returned home about 9 o’Clock in [10th] the Evening; and the next morning as soon as day dawned, a Chief named Timmaranga, knocked at my bed room window, and requested to see me immediately. He had just arrived with his tribe from Tiamhi. When I got up, he told me that he and his men were come to join the people at Kowa Kowa, to support Kevi Kevi against Oruroa and his tribes. Timmaranga had lived with me at Parramatta some years before. He was much rejoiced to see me, and observed that his Countrymen would not attend to the advice which I had given them when I was formerly in New Zealand, which was not to war with each other, and this advice he had also given them. [March 10] Timmaranga was a very powerful Chief. He had been my constant companion in my various travels in New Zealand, and was acquainted with most of the Principal Chiefs, both in the West and east side of the Island. I told him I was anxious to see peace restored amongst the Inhabitants, and requested that he would use his influence to induce all parties to make peace. He promised me he would use his endeavours. After Timmaranga had departed with his tribe to join Kevi Kevi, the Revd Hy Williams and I went over [to] Oruroa’s Camp to report what had passed at Motoroa the preceding day. We had a long discussion with the Chiefs and wished each party to appoint Commissioners, in order that the terms of peace might be mutually honorable, and then no disgrace would attach to either party of which they seemed to be much afraid; for they said they would rather fight than accede to any disgraceful conditions. It was therefore agreed that four Commissioners should be appointed to arrange the conditions of peace. I was nominated as one, for one party, and the Revd H. Williams for the other, with a principal Chief from such party. [1830 March] This point however could not be finally settled until they had consulted their friends and allies who were encamped on the Island of Motoroa. After we had urged all the arguments we could to bring about a reconciliation, & had made a favourable impression upon the minds of some of the Chiefs, we walked over the ground where the battle had been fought, and beheld the bodies of some of the slain lying upon the fires partly consumed. The atmosphere was very offensive, and the sight disgusting. We could not but bitterly lament the dreadful effects on sin, and the baneful influence which the Prince of Darkness exercised on the minds of the benighted Heathen! We took our departure from this scene of slaughter and cannibalism to the missionary station with the sanguine hope that peace would be established. Early the next morning, [12th] Friday the 12th, information reached us that 600 men had arrived at Motoroa, to join Oruroa’s army. From the progress we had made towards restoring peace, I was persuaded that no fatal consequences would result from this accession to Oruroa’s forces; and we were moreover informed that many more of Kevi Kevi’s friends had joined his party. [March 13th] The weather was so stormy all this day and the sea so high that we could not visit either Camp, nor have any intercourse with them; though we received intelligence that large parties were arriving hourly at each of them. In the last interview we had with Oruroa & his party, we urged them to bring the negotiation for peace to a final close. We told them that we were weary of visiting both parties without their coming to any decisive determination; but they replied that we must not be tired but continue to go backwards and forwards until their disputes were adjusted, as it was not possible for them to make any amicable settlement by themselves, and that we must act resolutely. We then took our leave and returned to Paihia. [14th] The next morning being the Sabbath, it was determined that the Rev H. Williams should visit the Camp of Oruroa, and preach to the numerous tribes who were assembled there, with the view of softening their angry feelings, and strengthening the impressions already made upon their minds of the blessings of peace. The Revd W. Williams [the Rev. Alfred Brown] and myself with the other Missionaries and Natives proceeded to the Chapel to perform Divine Service. The contrast between the East and West sides of the Bay was very striking tho’ only two miles distant. [1830 March 14] The former was crowded with the various tribes of Native warriors in their savage state practising their military exercises, quite naked: nothing either was heard save the discharge of musketry, and the noise, din, and confusion of a military camp of barbarians. Some were mourning hideously for the loss of their friends in battle; others suffering from their wounds, and the minds of the whole multitude involved in heathen darkness without Hope— and without God! On the West side of the Bay, was “The sound of the Church going bell”— the Natives assembling together for Divine Worship, clean— orderly— decently dressed— and most of them in European Clothing. They were carrying in their hands the greater part of the Church service, with Hymns translated into their own language and which many of them could read. The uniform conduct of the Natives here reminded me of a well regulated English Country Parish. During public worship the Natives behaved with the greatest propriety, and joined in the service with the utmost solemnity. Here might be viewed at one glance the blessings of the Christian Religion, and the miseries of heathenism, with respect to the present life; but when we extended our thoughts to the eternal world, how infinite and awful was the reflection! [1830 March 14] Many of the Natives have a great desire to obtain a knowledge of God, and his commandments, to be at peace. I consider this Sabbath to have been one of the most pleasing and interesting of my life! The daystar from on high had evidently begun to shine upon these benighted heathens, and some of them have begun to enquire what they must do to be saved. Though the Missionaries and their congregations are situated in the very midst of Satan’s dominions, where he exercises all his hellish arts, yet shall they see the day of his fall, like lightning from Heaven! God hath graciously promised that His glory shall be revealed, and that all flesh shall see it together; and the Scriptures must be fulfilled. The time will come when human sacrifices and cannibalism shall be annihilated in New Zealand, by the pure, mild, and heavenly influence of the Gospel of our blessed Lord & Saviour. The work truly is great— but divine goodness will discover both the means and instruments, to accomplish His own gracious purposes towards fallen man. His word which is the sword of the spirit, is able to subdue the most savage nations to the obedience of Faith. [1830 March 14] It is the duty of Christians to use the means to sow the seed and patiently wait for the heavenly dews to cause it to spring up, and grow until the time of Harvest. The subject of this digression I hope will be a sufficient apology for its introduction. When the Revd Wm Williams had read the service, I preached from the two last verses of the 8th Chapt of Romans. I endeavoured to shew what the Apostle meant by the love of Christ, and to convince all that they were safe, though surrounded by war and cannibalism, who believed the Gospel and would not be separated from the love of Christ. As the Revd Henry Williams had gone over to preach to, and converse with the Chiefs on the South side of the Bay where the battle had been fought, in order to strengthen the arguments we had already urged for reconciling the contending parties; after morning service the Revds Messrs W. Williams, Browne [sic], and myself resolved to visit Kevi Kevi’s Camp at Kowa Kowa. On our arrival we found a number of tribes assembled together armed for action. All was din and confusion, as was to be expected in a savage war-camp. I visited the head Chief Kevi Kevi who informed me that his mother was dead. She was a very old woman. I had visited her two days before. [1830 March 14] She had lived for many years as Queen of Kororarika, but had been compelled to flee with her Son in order to save her life, though she was in a dying state, and had only a few days to live. According to their custom they had compressed her knees and chin together, and wrapt her whole body close up in a Mat. In that state she will remain until her flesh decays from her bones, when they will be removed to the family sepulchre, and deposited with the bones of her deceased friends. After leaving the Hut where the body of the late Queen lay, we joined the Assembly of the Chiefs, when the Revd William Williams addressed them in their own language. They were very attentive to him, and wished to know what had passed between us, and their enemies, and whether there was any prospect of a truce being effected. We replied that we had had several interviews with the Chiefs upon the subject and they were disposed to abstain from war. After long consultation it was agreed that Warerewi [sic for Warenui] should return with us in the boat to Paihia, and visit Oruroa’s Camp, the following morning, and hear what were the sentiments of his party. Warerewi was an old Chief of great influence, and was considered a wise and prudent man. [1830 March 14] He had joined neither party but was a friend to both, at the same time he was nominally allied to Kevi Kevi. When we arrived at Paihia it was time for Evening service, and Mr Williams preached in the Native language. He asked Warerewi if he would accompany us to Church, and he immediately replied by enquiring what payment Mr W. would give him for so doing! After some little conversation he went with us. Mr Williams alluded to this circumstance in his sermon, and asked the Congregation what payment as person would receive for coming to Church, and before Mr W. had time to explain the cause of asking this question, a Chief stood up and named Tiawanga and said he would receive “salvation”— in consequence of which reply a short dialogue ensued between Mr W, and the Chief. In the course of his sermon, Mr W. asked what was the cause of the present distressing evils of war in New Zealand? Tiawanga rose a second time & said that the New Zealanders had but one thought; and the Europeas, on board of Ships (meaning those in the Harbour) had but one thought; for they both thought [1830] only of the things of the present life— if they had two thoughts, one of this life, and one of that which is to come, an end would be put to their wars. Mr Williams proceeded, and the Natives were very attentive during the whole service. When the Sermon was over they sung an Hymn in their own translation, and then upon the blessing being pronounced the Congregation dispersed. The whole scene was very gratifying to me as many of the Natives seemed to understand and be much affected with what they heard. [March 15] Monday 15th was very stormy, we could not visit any of the Camps, & therefore passed the day in conversation with such Chiefs as were at Paipea, upon the evils of war, and advanced what arguments we could to dissuade them from prosecuting their destructive designs: representing to them the folly & cruelty they were guilty of in killing each other, and that if they wished to continue an independent people they ought to preserve every New Zealander’s life for their mutual protection, should any foreign enemy endeavour to deprive them of their Country and reduce them to slavery. That for that reason alone, they should all be united in one body for their general protection’ for if they persevered in their civil wars, and murdered each [1830] other they would be unable to defend themselves should they at any future time find it necessary to do so. They heard us with much attention and admitted the force of our remarks, & I doubt not will seriously reflect upon them. They urged us much to persevere in our communication with the contending Chiefs, in order to conclude the terms of peace. [March 16th] The next morning accordingly we the Revd H. Williams and Mr Davis set off for the Island of Motoroa to visit the army which had encamped there. with th sole view to promote the reconciliation. On their arrival they were kindly received, and they informed the Chiefs what progress had already been made towards their object with the opposite parties at Kawa Kawa, & Kororarika. They replied that they would consider the subject during the night, and would leave Motoroa in the morning; and if their Canoes steered for Kororarika they would have decided upon war; but, if they directed their course to a point higher up the Cove, they would meet us to arrange the terms upon which they wod accept peace. When matters were so far decided Messrs Williams & Davis returned home. [March 17] The next morning at the dawn of day, a Chief [Tohitapu] called me up, and informed me that the war Canoes were under weigh. [1830 March 17] We all instantly arose and our bats having been immediately prepared, we embarked to meet them. Their canoed were filled with fighting men, many of them well armed— and thirty six in number. We proceeded in their direction and were rejoiced to see that they were making for the point agreed upon the preceding evening, thereby intimating their resolution to entertain our proposals for peace. When we reached them we found that they had left their women & their Children at Motoroa, and were prepared for action at a moment’s notice. They stopt when we reached them, and conversed as to our future operations. We were anxious that the two main bodies should not come within gun shot of each other, for fear of the consequences. It was agreed that three Chiefs should accompany us to Kevi Kevi’s Camp, and that their forces should station themselves on the East side of the Harbour, upon a high hill opposite to Kevi’s Camp, but at such a distance that they could do no mischief with their guns. When these preliminaries were settled, the fighting men ran up to the top of the hill like so many furies, quite naked, and firing their muskets incessantly, until they reached the station assigned. There they continued shouting and discharging their muskets in the view of their enemy. [1830 March 17] When we approached the Shore the Commissioners brought their small Canoes between our boats, and in that position we landed. They told us, if they were killed, we must be given up as a sacrifice to their friends. As both parties however placed the utmost confidence in us, we were fully persuaded that the Commissioners would be cordially received. As soon as the Canoes touched the shore, they all leaped out without speaking a word to any person, and ran with the utmost speed to the place where the Chiefs were assembled. We followed as fast as we could, but it was not easy to make our way through the crowds of Natives who pressed on evr’y side, until we entered the assembly of the Chiefs. One of the Commissioners known by the name of Captn Campbell and a very great Priest among them after sitting some time in perfect silence, stood up, and addressed the whole Assembly, relative to his own party. He told them that the Sun was now beginning to shine upon them, and that their prospects were much brighter than they ever had been. When he began his address, he stationed himself in front of the Assembly, at the distance of about fifty paces, but as he delivered [1830 March 17] his oration he advanced with solemn dignity within about two paces of the Chiefs, concluding his address with much energy of expression, and a stamp with his foot, and afterwards retired to his former station, and commenced a new subject. The Company heard him with much patience and attention, though he continued this harangue for a long time. He held a stick in his hand during the time, and after delivering the final sentence he snapped it in two and threw it upon the ground in token of the entire departure of any feelings of resentment on the part of himself and his tribe. As soon as he had resumed his seat, one of the adverse Chiefs rose to reply, and his address was received with similar attention; after whom several others spoke in succession. Their orations lasted for some hours until the conditions of peace were settled as far as at that time they could be: and on the following day, if Oruroa approved and his friends approved of what had been arranged, the final ratification of peace was to be made at Kororarika by the Commissioners of both parties in public. The arbiters appointed by Kevi Kevi and his allies were to call the next morning [March 17th] at the Missionary Station for us to accompany them to Kororarika to witness the treaty. As soon as these points were decided the Assembly dispersed, and each Chief rejoined his tribe, formed separate bodies under particular leaders, who assumed the command, and formed their forces into regular ranks. The Natives were quite naked, having only their belts on. They then leaded and discharged their muskets, each tribe firing by itself several rounds, and dancing the war dance. At length they all mingled together fired their muskets promiscuously, and practised their various military exercises. [March 19th] Their wild shouts and yells echoed in the air, like the roaring of the ocean in a storm, when the furious waves are dashing against the rocks. Oruroa’s party on the opposite Hill continued also firing their muskets, and dancing in a similar manner. As soon as the whole Ceremony was closed we took our departure, not without much satisfaction that we had accomplished the object we had so long had in view and hoping to enjoy a little rest after nine days of such unremitting labour. I have no doubt but that these disturbances will tend to extend and confirm the influence of the Missionaries amongst the Natives throughout the Country and be over-ruled by Divine goodness for the promotion of God’s glory, and the salvation of these poor Heathens; for great numbers were brought together from different parts of the island, whom the Missionaries had never before seen. This gave us an opportunity of speaking to them at all our public meetings. They were convinced that we were friends to all parties. [March 20] On the following morning several Chiefs called at Paipea to take their leave of us. I made them a few trifling presents and they returned to their settlements, after parting with mutual satisfaction. In the final treaty of peace Kevi Kevi was to surrender to Oruroa the District of Kororarika which is the most valuable part of the Bay of Islands, there being safe anchorage for Ships near to the Shore. Thus terminated a civil war which threatened sad destruction to all parties concerned. Its events made the most favourable impression upon the minds of the Inhabitants in favour of the Missionaries, and at the same time gave then a very useful insight into the characters & customs of the New Zealanders; which circumstance will I trust tend to promote the mutual confidence. On the next Sabbath [March 21st] I preached from the 10th Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, 49th verse, shewing what were the first doctrines preached unto the Heathens by the Apostle Peter, namely, remission of sins by faith in Christ, and pointed out the wonderful effects produced by this first sermon, for the Holy Ghost fell not only upon Cornelius, to whom Peter was to preach the Gospel, but was also poured out upon all that heard him, and they received the knowledge of salvation by the remission of their sins, and that the same gospel preached to the New Zealanders, would through the divine blessing, procure that same blessed effect upon them. A very strong and deep impression has been made upon the minds of some of the Natives by the Missionaries preaching the gospel to them. Many are now enquiring what they must do to be saved. As the good work has begun, we may with confidence rely upon God to carry it on. I was much gratified at one circumstance that came to my knowledge. Some women had gone to Kororarika to join their husbands during the late disturbances. In the Evening they assembled together in one of the huts, where they sang a hymn and prayed. They were laughed at by some of the Natives, when Tetore, the Head Chief, who happened to be near, rebuked the scoffers. These women would not have performed their devotions, at such a time, and in such a scene of bustle and confusion, unless their hearts had been deeply impressed with the importance of religion. One single fruit is sufficient to exhibit the nature of the tree. [March 22nd] This morning (22nd March) the Revd W. Williams, Mr Davis, and I, left Paipea for Keri Keri’s, where we arrived in the Evening and found all the Missionaries and their families well. Several important improvements has been made since my last visit. I was happy to see several of the young men and women, who were living with the Missionaries, residing with them still, greatly improved in their external appearance, as well as in their religious progress. The Natives rejoiced at my appearance, and I spent a very pleasant morning with them. It was truly, highly gratifying to me to observe the great advancement they had made in civilization, and to learn that they were impressed with the importance of true religion and were earnestly seeking after the “one thing needful”. [March 23r] On the 23rd I accompanied five of the Missionaries to Waimate, a Native settlement about nine miles from Keri Keri. Here the Missionaries estimated the population at about one thousand, and about the same number with the compass of six miles. The soil is rich and an abundance of fine timber and a copious supply of good water; one stream capable of turning a wheat mill. In some parts were heavy crops of maize ready of for harvest, such as I have seen on the banks of the Hawkesbury River in New South Wales. I believe the land is capable of producing from 60 to 80 bushels per acre with good cultivation. There were also many plantations of common and sweet potatoes. When the ground is brought under proper cultivation it will produce the greatest abundance of grain of all kinds as well as vegetables. On our way we met with many slaves of both sexes loaded with provisions. They were going to take possession of Kororarika according to the conditions of peace recently established. Though Oruroa’s party were defeated in the first attack and driven from the field of battle in which some illustrious Chiefs fell, yet at the treaty it was agreed to resign Kororarika to Oruroa and his party in satisfaction for the loss of their friends. We arrived at Waimate in the Evening, and had no sooner pitched our tents than we were surrounded with Natives. Rewa and some of the principal Chiefs spent the Evening with us. Our conversation turned upon the miseries of New Zealand produced by the constant war of its inhabitants. They attended to us with apparent interest, but replied that they could not avoid wars acts of violence or robbery were constantly committed by one or another and they had no means of preventing or punishing these public evils but by war or plunder. They regretted the serious loss of life sustained in the late battle, and attributed all the recent calamities to Captn Brind as the original aggressor. In addition to political subjects we introduced that of religion. One Chief whom the Revd Mr Williams had visited was there. He told Mr Williams that he had prayed to our God every day in consequence of what the Missionaries had told him, but observing that God was a great way off, and he did not know whether He had heard him or not, as he had received no answer. I was much struck with this remark. It evidently appeared that he desired to know the only true God. He reminded me of the Roman Centurion Cornelius who prayed to God always until he received instructions from Heaven through the ministry of an Angel, who desired him to send for Peter, who should tell him what he ought to do by to be saved. I trust that God who answered Cornelius will answer the prayer of this poor New Zealander. Mr Williams also remarked [1830] that some time before in one of his Journeys amongst the Natives, he met with this Chief’s daughter, who told him that her father prayed daily to our God. Though these are trifling incidents they shew that some impression has been made upon the minds of the Natives and that they are gradually preparing for more knowledge. When I beheld such a number of these poor heathens crowding around our Tent as close as they could press upon each other, and remembered that they were Cannibals, and that we felt ourselves more secure from plunder or personal injury than I should have done in similar circumstances in N.S.Wales when we lay down in our Tent, I could not refrain from asking myself and Companions how can this be? What will these people become when they are brought into the glorious liberty of the Gospel. Before we retired to rest, it was highly gratifying to hear the Natives who had accompanied us from the Missionary Station, singing their evening Hymn before going to sleep in the distant woods, where the name of Jesus had never been heard of from the Creation of the World, before the glad tidings of salvation was brought to them by our Missionaries. The Red Wm Williams prayed with them in their own tongue, after which we all went to rest. [1830 March 24] 24th This morning we set off to examine the settlement in different directions, in order to fix upon a proper station for agriculture. Rewa the principal chief has long wished for some Missionaries to reside at Waimate, and renewed his application since my arrival. It is a most desirable object that a Missionary Station should be established here in the interior, remote from the baneful influence of the Shipping and where the Natives are so numerous. From its locality situation it was will at all times insure a numerous population as the common necessaries of life may be easily produced from the richness of the land. I also considered that it of the first importance that a Missionary should reside in the midst of his people. The Natives had asked Mr Kemp who occasionally visited, the reason why the Missionaries did not come to live with them. “You tell us about your God and your religion when you come, but we forget what you have told us before you visit us again. You should tell these things to-day, repeat them tomorrow, and the day after, and then we should remember them>’ Such are their observations, and it is greatly to be wished that [1830] their desires could be complied with. After we had surveyed the various parts of the settlement, and selected a station, should it finally be decided to form a station here, we returned to Keri Keri. On our road we fell in with numerous Natives, some carrying provisions to Kororarika, and others returning to Waimate. In the Evening we arrived at the Missionary Station where I remained several days. [in pencil - Omission here] [March 29] On Monday the 29th we had a full Committee, all the Missionaries being present. The subject of our deliberation was to determine upon a new station in the interior, and to fix upon the most eligible locality for it. After the most mature consideration it was resolved to establish it at Waimate, in a situation the most favourable for agriculture, as soon as it could conveniently be done. This measure would place the Missionary in the centre of the field of his labours, and at the same time contribute towards the supply of his temporal wants. [March 30] The removal of Messrs King & Shepherd from Rangihoua to some other station, also came under the consideration of the Committee; and it was finally resolved that they should remain where they were for the present [in pencil - Omissions] and which decision was unanimous. The following morning [1830 March 31] having a little spare time, I took my daughter with me and went to pay a visit to an old Chief named Kopiti, whom I had formerly known. Mr Clarke accompanied us. He had fled for safety to a small rocky island with only one tree upon it. He greatly feared being killed by one of the war parties, & had taken with him a few of his people. When I first knew Kopiti, he was a man of much consequence, and still thought himself one of the first Chiefs in point of rank and descent; but is authority, owing to age, had now become greatly reduced. Some years ago when he first came to visit me on board the Active, he asked me if King George ever went on board ship, observing that if King George did not who was King of England, he as King of New Zealand could not, but would remain in is Canoe. When I told him that King George did visit his Ships, he said he would then come on board, and did so. Te Island is surrounded with high rocks, and we found it very difficult to land on any part, and to ascend to the top, where the old Chief was seated. He was much rejoiced to see me and made many enquiries about King George. Though Kopiti had nothing in his external appearance of Royalty, yet he was as great in his own opinion as any Sovereign upon Earth, and perhaps not less happy than most. [1830 March 31] He appeared very cheerful, and boasted much of his lands, his slaves, his power, and his dignity. I could not but reflect how much man is the creature of habit, and how very few are his actual wants.— I was much entertained with his conversation. Before we parted, he urged me to leave my daughter with him, and he would provide for her from his large possessions. At length we took our leave of the old Chief, having had much gratification in listening to his anecdotes respecting the former and present state of his Country. The old man lamented the changes which had taken place amongst them in consequence of their wars, and the loss by himself and others of their rank and honours by these political revolutions. His slaves now rendered him little attention, and he had no power to enforce their obedience. Thus we find mankind whether savage or civilized, unhappy and discontented! Te baneful effects of man’s fall, and disobedience to his Creator, are felt in every part of the Globe, and the whole universe mourneth, on account of sin! [1830 April 1st] On leaving Kopiti’s we returned to Kevi Kevi [sic] and spent the following day with the Missionaries, arranging various affairs connected with the Mission, [April 2nd] and on the following Morning took my departure for Rangihua, which I had not visited since my arrival. Mr & Mrs Clarke and my daughter accompanied me. On our landing the Natives received us with great gladness. They informed us with the utmost distress that the day we came into the harbour a fine yong man, the only son of the late Duaterra died. He was a very amiable youth, and much beloved both by the Natives and Europeans. Had he lived it was intended that he should have returned with me to New South Wales. He could read and write well. The Chief’s wife, who was his Aunt, had observed to Mr Shepherd it was singular that God should leave the old, infirm and sick to live, while he called away the young by death. Warepoka the Head Chief told me that the youth’s last words were an enquiry where I was. The Missionaries had great expectations from him; he had been brought up with them, and was much attached to them. He was allied to the first families in the Island, and [1830] had he lived would have had great influence among them. How mysterious are the ways of Providence! His father was the principal Instrument in the hands of an all wise God, in preparing the way for the introduction of the Gospel into New Zealand. He had laboured hard for nine years, and suffered every hardship to prepare a way for the Europeans to reside in his Country and when he had the pleasure to see them settled, he was called away by death, and is promising son; and his wife hung herself at the request of her own Mother, in order that she might accompany him into the invisible world, that their mutual happiness might remain uninterrupted after death. After they were both dead, a retired place was selected and enclosed with a fence, in which a platform was erected about six feet high, when their bodies were wrapped up according to their custom, and in that state, they were laid together & would so remain, until the flesh was decayed, when their bones would be removed. The enclosed ground was quite sacred, and none could enter in to profane it. When I visited New Zealand afterwards, I applied to the priest for permission to go and see how they were laid, and obtained leave. The priest told me that [1830] their God could not injure me if I entered the sacred limits, but he would kill any of them. Such influence has their superstition over them. [April 3] On the 3rd of April I visited Tipuna and examined the ground purchased fom the Natives with a view to remove the Missionaries from Rangihua as this was considered a much more eligible situation. I found there had been considerable work done; some ground fenced in, a Cottage built, and the frames of a house erected; but the works had been suspended by a Resolution of the local Committee which was confirmed by the parent Committee in London accompanied with directions to withdraw all the Missionaries from Rangihua, and place them in one or both of the other stations. I regretted that this measure had not been more considered before it was decided upon, as it appeared to me an important station, and I was apprehensive the change would give great offence to all the Natives on that side of the harbour. They soon heard of the proposed arrangement and it produced a strong excitement amongst them. On the following day [April 4th] I met the Chiefs, and requested them to muster all the Natives of Rangihua upon the beach immediately, to ascertain their nuber. In a short time eighty men, seventy one women, and fifty one Children assembled. The Chief informed me that twenty men were out fishing and a number working in the fields. They entreated that the Missionaries should not be taken from them. I told them I coud make them no promises until I had written to England. The Head Chief wanted to know the reason of their removal, and enquired what had been done to offend them? “Had any of them been robbed, or murdered, or injured? If any of them have received any injury from us, they have a right to leave us, but if they can [not] show us just cause of complaint we shall all be very angry at their departure.”— Mr King had lived with them on the same spot, since the Missionaries first landed in New Zealand and the Chief told him that if the Missionaries left them, their houses shod never be touched till they were rotten, and when any European came there, and enquired whose they were, they would tell them that they once belonged to the Missionaries, and were preserved as Monuments of their disgrace for deserting their stations without any injury being offered to them, or any just cause of complaint. I was much concerned to see their feelings so much wounded, and in order to quiet their agitated minds told them, that they should not all be taken from them, and this assurance pacified them. I am decidedly of opinion that it would have been neither safe nor prudent to removed [sic] them at that time. The Head Chief observed to me that the Men in New Zealand were ding off very fast. Some were lost at sea in their Canoes in stormy weather, others were shot in battle, and others died from the fatigues of war, and many hung themselves; and that New Zealand would never be better circumstanced, until they had some Commerce, by which their wants could be supplied; but that they could do nothing without assistance, as they had no means. The last time the Chief was at Sydney, he went with me to see Archdeacon Broughton, who asked him “why they did not build houses”— he replied “will you give us any nails”— He observed that they could assist to build a ship if they had materials, and kill whales if they had a vessel; but as they were they could do nothing; and they should continue to carry on war with each other, until there would be few remaining. There were many Natives Chiefs present when the Chief expressed himself in the above terms, who acquiesced in with these sentiments, so fully sensible are [1830] they that they can never rise from their present state of misery and degradation without the aid of the civilized world. [April 4] On Sunday the 4th I attended Divine Service in the School Room. Many of the Natives were well dressed in European Clothing, and behaved with the greatest decorum. The two principal Chiefs with their wives were there. The Litany with some of the service which had been translated into the Native language, was read by Mr King and the Natives joined in the responses, which were either printed or written; both of which they could read, and understood well, especially those who attended the Schools. Afterwards I preached from the following words “The Lord is risen indeed and hath appeared unto Simon”. In the afternoon the Natives were examined and catechized. I addressed them as well as I was able in their own language, on the sufferings of Our blessed Saviour, how he was laid in the sepulchre, and arose from the dead, and afterwards ascended into Heaven. Since they pay so much attention to their own dead, it was easy to explain to them, in what manner Our Lord was laid in the Sepulchre by his Disciples. I explained to them the period of his continuance there, and of his abode upon Earth previous to his ascension into Heaven. [1830] When I felt any difficulty in making them understand these important doctrines I availed myself of Mr Shepherd’s interpretation. I said much to them upon the Resurrection of the dead, and that all their friends would rise again at the last day, and appear before that Saviour of whom I was speaking and that those who feared and loved him now would then be received into his glorious Kingdom, and dwell with him for ever, whilst all the wicked would be condemned to dwell in everlasting fire. They were much impressed with these subjects and appeared to understand them and as I had Messrs Shepherd and King with me, I was at no loss for an interpreter. I have no doubt but that God will take a people unto himself from amongst these poor Heathen, who shall see his salvation. [in pencil - Omission] [April 5] Monday 5th This day I left Rangihua, and crossed the Bay to Paipea. The Revd Hy Williams had got the roof of his house completed on my Return. In the Evening Mrs Williams provided a supper for the Native Carpenters eight in number. It was very pleasing to see them sitting down dressed in European Clothing, clean and orderly, to a good English plum pudding, which some probably [1830] had never before tasted. They were all happy and highly gratified with the feast. Some of them work well as Carpenters, and one of the Chiefs is now building a comfortable house for himself. [April 6] 6th Several Chiefs called upon me thi Morning, one of them came from Hokianga to invite Kevi Kevi and his tribe to leave Kowa Kowa and to accompany him to his District in order to prevent any more differences between him and Oruroa, who had now taken full possession of Kororarika, which before the late contest belonged to Kevi Kevi. The Chief condemned the conduct of both parties who had been concerned in the quarrel. He observed they had not been fighting against a common enemy, but one friend with another, and that such warfare was dreadful. I was pleased to hear him reason so sensibly upon this subject, as it admits the hope that they will eventually conquer their passion for war. [in pencil - Omission] [April 10] 10th This day I went to visit the remains of a tribe to which Tooi belonged. The Revd Mr Brown accompanied me. When I first visited New Zealand this tribe was one of the most powerful but is now reduced by war to a very small number. We spent a few hours with them conversing upon the miseries [1830] which they had brought upon one another by their disputes. They contended that New Zealand was in such a state that they could not help themselves. I felt much for them! In the Evening we returned to Paipea [April 11] Sunday 11th. This being Easter day it was observed with great solemnity. I preached in the Morning from the 15th Chapt. of Corinthians vs 3,4. During Divine Service, a Native Man, his Wife & Child were all christened and a daughter of Mr Richd Davis at the same time. It was a very solemn season. The Natives were deeply affected with the sacred ordinance. This man and his wife had been anxious for a long time to obtain salvation. They had repeatedly expressed their views and wishes respecting the sacred ordinance. Their lives and conduct had been becoming their profession, and they were fully convinced of the necessity there was for them to apply to Jesus Christ for the pardon of their sins, or that they could not be saved. All the Europeans in the Settlement were present, and a number of Natives both men and women. It was not possible for any Christian Congregation to have been more serious, or apparently more devout during the whole service. The Church and Baptismal services were both performed in the [1830] Native language, in which all the Natives joined the responses. [April 11] They understood the ceremony as well as Europeans in general do, and were much more impressed with its importance. The grace of God which bringeth salvation, is most evidently appearing in the whole lives and conversation of several New Zealanders, who reside at the Missionary Stations. They are thirsting after Christian Knowledge. I may here observe that these poor heathens tho’ in a barbarous state, are much more likely to embrace the Gospel, than many other civilized heathen nations who profess some national religion. The New Zealanders may be said to have no national religion. They have no rooted national religious prejudices to overcome, and by embracing Christianity they expose themselves to no persecution from their near relatives and friends. They incur no public contempt— nor lose their rank in society. There are no religious casts [sic] among them as in India, and other parts of the world. There are only two Classes in New Zealand, the free and bond. Every one whether he is free or a slave is at perfect liberty to act as he thinks proper with respect to his religion. Their superstition relates particularly to certain spots of ground, or vessels which they have tabooed, or set apart for some sacred purpose. I have not met with an instance [1830] in which their Priests have made any opposition to the doctrines taught by the Missionaries, or cast any reproach upon those who regularly attend their Instruction, and openly profess the Christian Religion. I consider these circumstances favorable to the introduction of the Gospel amongst them, and that they tend much to relieve the anxiety of the Missionaries as their hearers in attending their ministry give no offence to their superiors. The great doctrine of Atonement for sin is also easily comprehended by the New Zealanders. They are taught from their infancy to demand satisfaction or as they call it payment for every injury howver small. If adultery has been committed, the husband may put to death his wife and her seducer and may take satisfaction upon the offender for any additional other injury according to its nature. Such is the universal custom in New Zealand, “an Eye for an Eye, and a Tooth for a Tooth.” [April 13] 13th This day I visited Kevi Kevi. Several of the Natives at this Station express much concern for the salvation of their souls. One young man wrote a note to me expressing a wish to see me, and I immediately went . He was in much distress, and felt the burden of his Sin upon his conscience, and wanted spiritual advice. He is a married [1830] man of exceeding good character. [April 13] I spoke to him of the love of Jesus to returning Sinners, and mentioned particular characters who came to Him for pardon and peace when He was upon Earth and that he pardoned a great many sinners, and would receive him with the same love, and further that Jesus had appointed Missionaries to preach the Gospel to New Zealanders, as well as to the Natives of Otaheite, and all the other Islands, and that the Missionaries in New Zealand had left their Country and friends to publish the Gospel to them. The young man was much affected as well as many others who were in the room. The work of grace has evidently begun at this station among the Natives, and we cannot doubt but that divine goodness will carry it on, and relieve tem from the miseries and degradation in which they are now, from the influence of the Prince of Darkness. [April 16] On the 16th I visited Paipea to arrange some Missionary concerns, and [April 17] the following Morning returned to Keri Keri. On passing one of the Islands in the River, the Natives in the Boat informed me that several men who had fallen i the late affray were buried there, and amongst them was one women the wife of a Chief who had been slain in battle, who when her [1830] husband’s body was brought to be interred, requested that she might be put to death, and be buried with him, and was accordingly killed! So little controul have these poor heathens over their natural feelings in the day of trouble. They have no God whom they know that they can flee to in the hour of affliction. This unfortunate female had no sympathizing friend to administer to her the consolations of Religion and to relieve her distressed mind. What infinite blessings does christianity impart to all those who embrace it; and even nominal Christians often derive many advantages from the very idea that there is a God in Heaven, who can relieve them in the time of trouble. On my arrival at Mr Clark’s— Mrs C, said that the young man, to whom I had spoken on Wednesday, had been with her during my absence and had opened his mind more fully than he did to me. He told her his heart was heavily burdened with sin. His mind was so distressed that he could not sleep, on account of two sins which he had committed. One was he had been tattooed contrary to the advice of Mr Clark, who told him that if he were tattooed he would want to show himself, and [1830 April 17] afterwards would be anxious to get a gun and when he had a gun, he would want to fight, and then he might either kill some person, or be killed. Every thing thus predicted by Mr Clarke had occurred he had been tattooed, got a gun, and had killed two men in the last action and was nearly shot himself. He saw a gun levelled at him, and instantly stooped, when the shot went over his head and killed in [sic] teh man behind him. He acknowledged that it was God alone, who saved him from death and ruin. The reflection that he had shot two men greatly distressed his mind. He seems to be fully convinced of the evil of sin, and I hope that his present repentance will produce a real change in his purposes and character. His distress reminded me of what David suffered at the remembrance of the sin he committed when he murdered Uriah, and afterwards composed the 51st Psalm. [April 18] Sunday 18th This day I preached twice at Keri Keri, to full Congregations and administered the Holy Sacrament. In no part of the Universe can the Sabbath day be more sacredly observed, than in this Settlement. The Missionaries can leave their Houses open; and every European man and woman attend Church without any apprehension of their premises being robbed. All is still, quiet, and orderly, from [1830] Morning to Evening. In the Evening I took tea with Mr & Mrs Hamblin. They have some Native domestic servants whose minds are deeply impressed with the importance of eternal things, as well as several others, residing with Messrs Kemp, and Clarke. I was much gratified with Mrs Hamblin’s account of her female servants. The word of God has produced a powerful effect on their minds; and the communications of the Spirit both in convictions & consolations appear to me to be very remarkable. Yet their experience seems to be perfectly agreeable to the experience of some of the Heathen in the Apostolic times. About 7 o’Clock I returned to my room where I lodged at Mr Kemp’s. He informed me that there were several young men & women who wished to have some conversation with me upon religious subjects: and I received them with pleasure. Twelve in number immediately entered, and their anxious countenances bespoke to the inward workings of their minds. Their object was to learn what they were to do to be saved. I endeavoured to represent to them the love of Jesus in coming from Heaven to die for a ruined world, and for them as well as for Europeans. I gave them many instances of his love to poor sinners like themselves, when he was upon Earth— such [1830 April 18.] as his compassion to the two blind men who sat by the way side begging— the woman who was a sinner and living in a state of adultery when Jesus met her at Jacob’s well; and also another woman, who was taken in the act of adultery, and brought to Jesus when he was in the Temple. But Jesus forgave her, and bade her “go and sin no more.” Many other instances of his love and mercy I stated to them, and showed them how they either had sinned in a similar way formerly, or were living so now, and that they were guilty in the sight of God. At the same time Jesus was ready to pardon them, and save them from eternal ruin. They listened to me with tears, and deep contrition. What I could not clearly express Mr Kemp explained. When I had conversed with them about an hour, I told them that we must close our Meeting with prayer to God for his divine blessing, and we all knelt down for that purpose. It was my intention to have addressed the Father of Mercies but to my great astonishment a young New Zealand woman began to pray aloud. I never heard any address offered up to Heaven with so much solemn sweetness and freedom of expression, deep contrition, devotion, and emotion. I could not doubt but that she prayed with the Holy Spirit, and with the understanding also. She prayed that God would pardon her sins and preserve her from evil, and for all the Natives in the room, and that they might be delivered from the temptations with which they were surrounded. Her very soul seemed to be absorbed with the deep consciousness of the evil of sin, and the love of Jesus, who came to save sinners. Her voice was low, and soft— her sentences short, and fully expressed in the true spirit of prayer. My own mind was deeply affected. I had not expected to have seen in my day such a spirit of grace and supplication poured out upon this barbarous nation for pardon and grace to the only true God, with such godly sorrow and true contrition. All in the room were affected. The aged widow of the late Chief Shungee, and two of her daughters were present; when we arose from our knees the old woman exclaimed “Astonishing! Astonishing! Astonishing!” and retired. I must confess that I was not less astonished than she was. the female who prayed is one of Mrs Kemp’s domestic servants and has lived in the family seven years. She is married and has two children, and in all respects conducts herself as a true Christian and adorns the Gospel. Surely these are promising tokens [1830] of Divine mercy towards these poor heathens. The “daystar from on high” now shines upon them, and most clearly intimates that the sun of righteousness will soon arise and dispel the thick clouds of darkness, ignorance, and superstition, in which their minds have hitherto been involved. This was one of the happiest Evenings I had ever spent, and the very remembrance of it is still truly refreshing to my mind. [April 19] Monday 19th I this day examined a number of young persons in their Catechisms, and was much gratified to find that they had such a knowledge of the Christian Religion, and were eagerly thirsting after more. They could readily answer every question in the two Catechisms which had been translated into their own language, and such portions of the Scripture has [sic] had also been translated, and which they had committed to memory. It will be a happy day when the bible is put into their hands complete. They are very fond of reading and writing. For several days I have been detained at the Settlement by heavy rains, and spent my time in conversation with such Natives as come in my way, about the wonderful works of Creation. They wanted to know if God made the heavens and the Earth; the Sun and the Stars. One young women asked me [1830] how far the Heavens extended &c . &c. &c. I informed them that God made all things and that he would at a future day destroy them all again when he came to judge the world. They were much impressed with what I said. Tears stood in their eyes, as they caught every expression I uttered. The works of Creation and the future judgment will henceforth be a subject of much conversation with them and their associates. On one of my previous visits to New Zealand I was sitting one Evening in the room where I now am, meditating upon the 72nd Psalm, when the Natives killed a young woman behind my bedroom as a sacrifice! And she was afterwards roasted and eaten! The Natives danced with the most savage din round the victim of their superstitions. In the Morning I enquired what was become of the young woman and they told me with the utmost unconcern, that they had killed and eaten her! I was now astonished to behold the wonderful change that had been effected upon this little spot by the Gospel. Upon this very place where those hellish song resounded, and Rites were performed, I now hear the Songs of Zion, with joy and melody, and the voice of prayer and supplication ascending to the only true God! Many [1830] Many of the Natives now look with the greatest abhorrence upon their former superstitions and cruelties. So wonderful is the power of God’s word and Spirit. I cannot express my own feelings, from what I have seen and heard upon this very spot. I can only say it is the Lord’s doing, and it is marvellous upon in my eyes. I is not to be wondered at when we hear this circumstance, that Satan should raise up powerful enemies to the cause of Missions. The spiritual weapons of the Gospel will shake his Kingdom, and overthrow its very foundations in the hearts of the heathen. The British nation maintains a standing army of Missionaries in every heathen nation [sic] to protect its Rights and Liberties against all Enemies— So ought the Church of God to maintain a standing army of Missionaries in every heathen Nation where this can be done, in order to protect the Rights and Liberties of all her subjects. What is gold or silver, to be compared with the immortal Souls of poor punishing Heathens. While we behold many of our most valuable and warmest friends of the Missionary cause taken from the Peril to come in the very midst of the contest— men upon whom our hopes and expectations were fixed for final success, and whose names will be had in remembrance— let [1830]us offer up our earnest prayers to the great head of the Church to raise up others to fill their ranks. Every Christian is called upon to aid in this glorious work while it is called today. [May 2] May 2nd I preached twice at the Chapel and was much pleased with the conduct of the Natives at public worship. The Holy Spirit is working powerfully upon some of their minds— they are earnestly praying to God and seeking after his salvation. they now assemble every Evening at this station, for prayer and religious conversation. [May 3] On the 31st I was unwell from a severe cold and remained in the house. In the Evening about twenty Natives came in and sat down, when I addessed them from the 18th Chapt. of Genesis, and told them how the Lord appeared unto Abraham who was a righteous man, accompanied by two Angels, and informed him that it was his intention to destroy Sodom, and all its inhabitants for their wickedness. Abraham prayed for them, but they were all destroyed with the exception of Lot his Brother’s son, and his two Daughters. For God in his Anger rained down fire from heaven, and consumed them. The Natives were much affected when I concluded, and retired. [May 6] Thursday 6th This day I dined with Mr & Mrs Hamblin, a young woman waited at Table whom I had not seen before. [1830 May 6] On enquiring of Mrs Hamblin who she was, I was informed that she came out of the interior, and had lived with her some time before, but had been with her friends about 12 months. She returned voluntarily, and told Mrs Hamblin that she would never leave her as long as she lived. She seemed much concerned about her future state, and with great simplicity asked Mrs Hamblin if there was any more room in Heaven, for she was much afraid she was too late. The words of our blessed Lord recurrred very forcibly to my recollection, where he says “tell them to come in for there yet is room.” I never expected that these words would have their literal fulfilment, or that any one would ask the question if there was any more room in Heaven. This young woman said her mind was very dark, and, her heart hard, and requested Mrs Hamblin to tell her what sh must do. Mrs H. replied that she must pray to God, and told her what words to use. She answered with much affection “those are the very words we used last night, when I and some of the girls were praying together, but I am afraid God will not pardon me, I am so great a sinner.” She was very meek, and lowly in mind— I was interested with the simple statement of her case. [1830] From the foregoing observations it will be evident that the Gospel has made some deep impressions upon the minds of the Natives: Some have departed this life in sure and certain hope of everlasting glory. As God has begun his work, we cannot doubt but that he will finally accomplish all his gracious purposes towards these poor Heathens, and many of them will at last join with that great multitude which no man can number, who will assemble before his throne from every Nation under Heaven, to sing the redeemer’s praises through the countless ages of eternity! I shall now make a few remarks on their laws and customs— If adultery is committed both the criminal parties commonly suffer death when discovered. Te injured husband may rob, or put to death the man who has violated his wife, and he is also at liberty to put the woman to death. If a Chief’s wife is guilty of adultery, the Chief tho’ innocent of his wife’s crime, is plundered of all his property. The great Chief Shungee had three wives. I knew them all. One of them was seduced by another Chief. Accordingly when it was publicly known, the guilty Chief shot himself, and the wife of Shungee hung herself, and Shungee was robbed of much of his property, and found it necessary to leave his settlement, and seek an Asylum elsewhere. This calamity eventually drove him to war with the people at Wangaroa, in which he was wounded so as to cause his death.— When a man is guilty of theft, the injured party is at liberty to take from the offender all he possesses by force, if able to do so, such as his Canoes, Potatoes or anything he can seize, in satisfaction for the injury. It is also sufficient to excite a war, if one Chief rob the Sepulchre of another, and steal any of the Bones of his departed friends. This is considered a heinous offence. In consequence, the bones of the principal deceased Chiefs, are hid in Rocks and Caverns by some of their confidential surviving friends. I enquired where the Bones of Shungee were deposited and was told that no one could tell.— For a person to speak disrespectfully of their relatives, whether dead or alive is a cause of great offence. As they have no civil or criminal law by which, by which justice can be regularly dispensed, they generally appeal to force. This state of things must continue, until their minds are more informed, and regular laws established among them. In time of war, the fighting men seize provisions wherever they can find them. Some Chiefs when they know that war parties are out, will set apart a portion of their potatoe grounds with the crop on the ground and Indian Corn, to prevent them from destroying the whole. With respect to their female slaves, it is seldom that a Chief can be prevailed upon to permit any of them to marry. He always appropriates a number of wives for himself. To violate any of their women would be death to her as well as to the seducer. On this account there are comparatively few of these women who are married, and hence the small proportion of Children to the women. This is a cruel and barbarous custom. The Chiefs find these reputed wives more industrious than free women, and more to be depended upon for honesty. It is wholly from motives of private interest that these poor female slaves re set apart for their Masters. This unjust and cruel custom is not likely to be done away with, until the Christian religion has produced its due effect upon their minds, and they are brought to adopt the customs and manners of the civilized world.— The New Zealanders have a strong belief in witchcraft, which they call Makutu, and that those persons who have this power, can destroy any whom they wish, by their art. When a man believes that he is makutued, he generally pines away, for the dread of death, has such an effect upon his mind. It sometimes happens when a man of great repute dies, though it should be from natural causes, his friends believe that he has been makutued. When the Chief Shungee died, of the wounds he had received in battle, many of his friends believed that he had been makutued by a Chief [Pango] to the Southward of the River Thames, who chanced to be at the Bay of Islands, and who would have been murdered under this superstitious impression, if he had not made his escape. The greatest insult that can be offered to a Chief, is to use improper language towards him, and particularly to curse him; as they are apprehensive that the curse whatever it be, will come upon them. Hence it rarely happens that the New Zealanders make use of bad language to each other, as Europeans do. When a Chief dies and leaves a wife his brother may take her if he wishes to do so, but it is quite optional. When Shungee’s eldest son was killed in battle, his youngest brother took his wife to live with him as his wife. Slaves, are either those taken in war or purchased. It is very difficult for a slave to escape to escape from his Master for the law of New Zealand is, that whosoever apprehends a runaway Slave, shall be the future owner of that slave. It is also a great insult to a Chief to call anything after his name. If a man were to call his Canoe by the name of any Chief, it would be immediately seized by the Chief, or any other article in like manner. When a Child is born both the father and mother are tabooed. A few days after the birth a preparation is made for a feast. The name is given to the Child by the parents. Several prayers or incantations are offered up at the time— the subject of which is, if a boy, that he may be courageous and daring. After the parties have feasted— (the mother upon sacred food— the father and others upon common) the leaves of a particular tree, as I am informed are procured, and dipped into water, and the person holding the Child in his or her arms sprinkles it with the water. This I believe is a universal custom amongst the Natives. They believe the Child would die if this ceremony were omitted. From whence this custom of sprinkling the young Children originated, I could obtain no information.— Observations on my fourth visit to New Zealand ________________ In the beginning of the year 1823 the Revd Henry Williams with Mrs Williams and family arrived at Port Jackson on their way to New Zealand. At that time there was no vessel in the Harbour in which they could proceed to their destination. About three months afterwards the Ship Brampton from England anchored in Sydney Cove, when I engaged her on the 22nd to convey the Rev. H. Williams and family, together with the Rev Saml Leigh [Nathaniel Turner] and his Lady, & Mr Hobbs who were going to join the Wesleyan Missionaries in New Zealand; there were also Mr & Mrs Fairburn and two Children; and my man-servant. The day was very fine but little wind. I felt very anxious to see New Zealand once again, to observe the progress that had been made in the improvement of the poor heathen. It is now more than two years since I left the Island; and much good and much evil since that period, has appeared amongst them; and many obstructions to the work of the Mission. [1823] I am still confident that this land of darkness and superstition, will be visited by the day star from on high— “the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together, for, the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it”— O Lord let thy Kingdom come, and then thy will shall be done on Earth, as it is in heaven. [July 23] Wednesday— 23rd Last night we were obliged to come to anchor, for want of wind, near the Heads; and at daylight we weighed, and cleared the heads of the Harbour, at about 8 o’Clock with a fine breeze. The morning was very fine; I felt happy that I was leaving the Colony for a little time, in which I have suffered annoyance and vexation from wicked men. Perhaps if I had not met these vexations, I shd have felt less inclination to have left my comfortable home and family. In the midst of all I feel I am in the path of duty, and therefore can leave with quietness and confidence my family and all my concerns in “his hands who keepeth Israel, and neither slumbereth nor sleepeth.” In reflecting upon the state of New Zealand, there are many things in this Mission that give me both pleasure and pain. I am happy that the Church Missionary Society have not relinquished the cause, but have sent out more strength to carry on the work. Many have been the discouragements from improper conduct of some of the Society’s servants; but I am confident that the “sword of the spirit which is the word of God” shall subdue the hearts of these poor heathen, to the obedience of Faith. Moses by divine commandment selected twelve Princes, Rulers in their respective tribes, to spy out the land of Canaan: they went thro’ the land, but when they returned they brought up an evil report of that which they had searched, and told Moses that they were not able to go up and take the land. Ten of the twelve rulers joined in this Report, but Caleb and Joshua said, we are able to go up at once, and possess it. As long as Caleb and Joshua remain in New Zealand, the land will be taken, though it cannot be said to be the “promised land”— a land flowing with milk and honey”— yet it is the land of promise. I have no doubt but I shall find some on my arrival faithful to the cause, tho’ others who once ran well have turned aside from the path of duty and brought an evil report upon the Mission. How mysterious are the ways of God. He permits men to engage in this work; they labor for a time with honor to themselves and [1823] to the cause in which they are employed, and at length they are taken in the snare of the Devil— fall from their stedfastness— bring guilt upon their own consciences— pierce themselves thro’ with the bitterest sorrows, and go mourning all their future days! What warnings ought these to be to the followers of Christ. [Aug 1] Friday August 1st. This Evening we made the “Three Kings” of the North Cape of New Zealand, and ran between the islands and the main land. The Sea rolled mountains high, and the gale was very heavy. We had met with nothing remarkable during our passage, but boisterous stormy weather part of the way. [Aug 2.] Saturday, August 2nd. This morning we found ourselves to the Southward of the Cape, and before 12 o’Clock saw the North Head of the Bay of Islands; but the wind was unfavorable. In the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour, but could not work in as the wind was directly against us. We observed the brig Queen Charlotte, a few miles to the leeward of the Brampton, working up, and both vessels laid off and and [sic] on during the night. [Aug 3rd] Sunday, August 3rd. At daylight this morning the Queen Charlotte was about 3 miles [1823] to windward, working up the Harbour with a foul wind. The Brampton being light she did not hold the wind. In working up, we had stood in on one tack pretty far over to the South side of the Harbour, and when the ship was put-about she struck upon a rock, but without receiving any perceptible injury. In the Evening at dusk we came to anchor in Kororarika Bay, about nine miles from the Missionary Station Rangehoo. None went on Shore this Evening. It being the Sabbath I administered the Sacrament in my Cabin in the morning, and in the Evening we had Divine Service between decks. We had preached every Evening when the weather permitted to the Ships Company, from the time of our leaving Port Jackson, and had found it profitable to ourselves, and may through the Divine blessing prove profitable to those who heard us. [Aug 4] Monday 4th This morning I went on shore to Rangehoo, saw Messrs Hall, King, & Cowell, they and their families were all well. I learnt that the Revds Leigh and White were settled at Wangaroa and Mr Shepherd with them. It was Mr Leigh’s original intention to have settled southward of the Bay of Islands, or in some other Station nearer the River Thames. We had been to the Southward, but found the Inhabitants were either killed or driven from their homes by the war that had taken place along the Coast since I was there three years ago. He and his colleague had steered their course to the Northward, about fifty miles from the Bay of Islands. There is a very considerable population in the Harbour of Wangaroa where the “Boyd” was cut off, about sixteen years ago. It was my intention to have fixed the Revd Henry Williams on that station when we left Port Jackson, and I purposed that Mr Shepherd should accompany them him, as he had acquired considerable knowledge of the language, and had written to Mr Shepherd on that subject. I was informed that the Rev Mr Leigh was very ill, and it would be necessary to recal [sic] Mr Shepherd and his wife to the Bay of Islands, as the tribe to whom he had been sent required his return. The Station the Revd S. leigh had fixed upon, is a very important one, and I hope the Mission will succeed in that very spot where so many of our Countrymen were massacred and eaten by the Natives. The Revd Mr Turner and Mr Hobbs set off as soon as they could, by land, to Wangaroa, taking with them a native guide, in order to see their Colleagues, and consult as to [1823] the removal of themselves and baggage to their intended Station. It appeared to me very providential that the Revd S. Leigh had fixed upon this place for their Missionary labors, as they might keep a communication with the Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society by land, and be of mutual advantage to each other. I had now determined to settle the Revd H. Williams upon the South side of the Bay of islands, about sixteen miles from “Kiddee Kiddee” and twelve miles from “Rangehoo”, at “Wytanghee” or Pyhea. After spending the day with Mr Hall, I returned on board the Brampton. [August 5] Tuesday 5th April.—The Revd H. Williams and myself, went to Wytanghee, to see if we could fix upon a station for a new settlement. The land is very good and the situation beautiful. We had some conversation with the Inhabitants on the subject, and told them what were our intentions, but came to no arrangement with them, as the principal Chiefs were absent at the war. We crossed the Wytanghee River, and examined the ground on the other side which appeared good also: there is a large population at both places, and a number of fine [1823] children who continually surrounded us. The head chief was also gone to war so that we could not come to any final determination this day, and therefore returned on board in the Evening. [Aug 6] Wednesday, the 6th. This day called a full Committee of all the Missionaries at “Kiddee Kiddee” with the exception of the Revd H. Williams, when the Resolutions of the parent Committee, transmitted to me from London, were read and considered until a very late hour. The evils censured in these communications could not be denied. In reading these Resolutions I endeavoured to impress upon the Committee, the importance of the different subjects they embraced, and cautioned them against the consequences of departing from their public duty in future. At a very late hour we closed our deliberation for the present, and deferred the future further consideration of these communications to another future opportunity. [in pencil - much crossed out of original] [Aug 7] Thursday the 7th. This morning I left “Kiddee kiddee” in company with the Revd H. Williams, in order to fix upon a new station for him, about fourteen miles from the above settlement. We examined the [1823] soil, and resolved upon taking his residence here. The site is situated on the Banks of the Kowa Kowa River. The head Chief was absent at war. He had lived with me at Parramatta, and I knew him to be a worthy man, and would make no objection to Mr Williams being there when he returned. It was therefore agreed immediately to prepare a place for landing the Sores, and a temporary building for Mr Williams and family. The Natives of the village were accordingly directed to collect materials for a thatched building, and to erect it with all possible despatch as the Master of the Brampton was urgent to have the Stores landed. The day was very wet and stormy, so that we were unable to return to our Ship, distant about eight miles, but with some difficulty reached the Queen Charlotte after dark, very cold and wet, where we remained for the night. We had the misfortune to have our boat swamped alongside the brig, and lost our oars. [In pencil - omission on Kendall] On my arrival on board the Brampton, I found that the Revd Mr Turner had returned from Wangaroa. He brought me a letter written by desire of the Revd Mr Leigh, who was so indisposed that he could not write it himself, [1823] in which he requested me to go and see him, and arrange with the Chief commonly called George, for the land they wished to settle upon, as they could not come to terms with him. From the account Mr Turner gave me of Mr Leigh’s health, I was satisfied that he was totally unfit for his station at Wangaroa; that he could [not] suffer the privations and anxiety, inseparably connected with a Missionary situation, on a new station, in a heathen land. I determined if possible to visit him before my return to Port Jackson, and see if anything could be done to administer to his comfort and relief. Mr Turner pressed me much on this subject, as he thought Mr Leigh was so ill, he was not likely to recover.— [Aug. 9] Saturday 9th I remained on Board all day to arrange the necessary measures for landing the Stores &c. Mrs Williams and her children went to “Kiddee Kiddee” and Mrs Turner her little girl and female servant, were taken to Rangehoo, until some opportunity offered of for Mr T., and family joining their Mission at Wangaroa. [Aug 10.] Sunday 10th— This day I preached at Rangehoo, and administered the Holy Sacrament in the morning. The Revd H. Williams preached in the evening. We had a quiet and comfortable day. The [1823] Natives were catechized by Mr Hall, and sung hymns and repeated prayers in their own language, which was exceedingly gratifying to my mind. I observed with great pleasure that the Natives in every place were much improved in their appearance and manners, since I last visited them and that notwithstanding the misconduct of some of the Europeans the work was gradually going on, and the way preparing for the blessings of the Gospel to be imparted unto them. I have no doubt but that the greatest difficulties are now over, and God will either incline the hearts of those who are now in New Zealand to devote themselves to the instruction of the Natives, or He will find other instruments to do His work. The present Missionaries tho’ some have erred greatly from the right way, yet they all have had trials and troubles: some allowance must be made for their peculiar situation, their want of Christian Society, and public ordinances of religion— such privileges as are enjoyed by the Church of God in England. I have a lofty tree upon one of my Estates in New South Wales which stands upon the summit of a Hill. When I first got possession of this site, this tree was surrounded [1823] by many more, and it appeared from its strength and stateliness that it would stand uninjured for Ages. I removed all the rest, and left it to stand alone as a conspicuous monument, when it soon withered and died! It still stands a dead lifeless object, and has furnished me with many reflections at different times. Remove a Christian from London who is learning the first fruits of righteousness like a tree planted by the water side; and transfer him to the barren deserts of New Zealand and I apprehend he would in a short time exhibit a faded aspect and his leaves droop and die. If Missionaries in heathen lands lose their spiritual strength, which they are very prone to do, it would be happy for them if they could be transplanted for a time into a Christian soil, until their vigor should be renewed, their spirit refreshed, their zeal rekindled, and altogether renovated for their arduous undertaking. [Aug 11] This Morning I left Ranghehoo and went on board the Brampton, where most of the Missionaries were assembled in order to send off all the stores we could to “Kiddee Kiddee” before the Ship left her present anchor, it being the Master’s intention to remove her about nine miles farther nearer to the South side [1823] of the Harbour. After the goods were sent off I accompanied the Rev. J. Butler, and Rev. H. Williams to the Head Chief, at Tarra’s River. After meeting him and his people we returned to Ranghehoo where I held a Special Committee, when all the Missionaries were present excepting Mr Hall who was absent on some other duty. We did not close our proceedings till midnight. At this Meeting the Resolutions of the Parent Society were brought under consideration a second time. the respective Salaries were arranged, and some other concerns connected with the Mission, when the Committee was adjourned to a future day. [Aug 12.] Tuesday 12th This Morning we procured what boards and other sawed Timber we could from Mr Hall for the purpose of erecting a temporary building for the reception of the Rev. W. Williams [sic] his stores &c at Pyhea in order that all his goods might be landed as soon as possible from the Brampton. We hired a large war-canoe to take the Boards &c to Mr W’s station about nine miles distant on the South side of the Harbour. We then proceeded on board the Brampton accompanied by the rev. J. Butler & Messrs Kemp and King, in order that they might render what assistance they could to the Revd H. Williams in the landing his goods and securing them [1823] on Shore. [in pencil - Long omission here on Kendall] Since my arrival I had not lost any moment in examining the Natives relative to their Wars, Religion, Customs and Manners. The character and history of the New Zealanders would be very interesting if it could be purely written. They are a noble race of Men, and are very religious in their way. Men of the first capacity of mind: of great perseverance, and enterprize, who never lose sight of an object until they attain it. They are powerful reasoners upon every subject they that has come within their knowledge: possess a quick conception, and are well acquainted with human nature. At present there is nothing in New Zealand but war, to exercise their active minds. Should the arts of peace in time open to them the field of commerce, to provide them with employment, the inclination for war would gradually disappear. During the time I had been on shore, the Snapper, a small cutter had arrived from Port Jackson bound to the Society Islands. [Aug 13] Wednesday 13th It was resolved this morning to engage the Snapper to convey the Revd Wesleyan Missionary Society’s Stores to Wangaroa to join the Revds Leigh [1823] and White, as there was no prospect of their getting to this Station by any other Conveyance. As the Revd S. Leigh was so very ill and could not settle with the Natives about the land and so earnestly solicited me to visit their Station, I determined to embark in the Snapper. It was arranged for her to sail in the afternoon. The weather became very stormy, before all the Stores were on board, so that our sailing was postponed until the following morning. I expected to return before all the Stores were landed from the Brampton, so as to complete my other business before she was ready for sea. [August 14] Thursday 14th At Daylight this Morning I embarked on board the Snapper, a very small vessel, of about Thirty tons, with the wind fresh against us. When we gt out to sea the Cutter was tossed about much, having to contend with an adverse wind. The distance between the two Harbours is from 40 to 50 miles. Late in the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour of Wangaroa, but cold not work in, and therefore lay off until day. [Aug 15] Tuesday [in pencil - Monday] 15th The wind continuing contrary, a boat and several Canoes towed us into the Harbour, and at Noon we came to an anchor. Shortly afterwards George, the Chief, and several others with him came on board. I requested George to take charge of the vessel until I and the Master returned from visiting Mr Leigh who resided about eight miles higher up the River. The Revd & Mrs Turner also accompanied us to the Missionary Settlement, where on our arrival we found Mr Leigh very unwell attended by Mrs Leigh. When the Missionary Stores were landed and the station and every arrangement made that was in my power to do for their comfort and safety, I embarked on board the Snapper & returned to the Brampton after an absence of about five days. On my arrival at the Bay of Islands I lost no time in visiting the different stations, and in arranging for the future concerns of the Mission as far as I could. I endeavoured to reconcile all differences that had existed among the Missionaries, and to encourage them in their labors. I visited the neighbouring Chiefs, and recommended the Missionaries to their care and protection. They all showed a willing mind to do all in their power to promote their happiness. Several Chiefs now urged me to allow them to accompany me to Port [in pencil - Great omissions] [1823] Jackson, amongst whom was the Head Chief Dekokee— At length I promised to take with me twenty Chiefs including their sons and servants. All were now busy in preparing for their voyage, as the Brampton was expected to sail immediately; and having finally completed all my arrangements relative to the Mission, I took my leave of the Missionaries and their families, intending to return to New South Wales immediately, and for that purpose embarked on board the Brampton, with the Chiefs &c. [Sep 6h] On Saturday the 6th the Revd H. Williams and some other persons attached to the Mission came on board, with an intention of paying their last visit, and returned to their stations in the Evening. [Sep 7th] The next day being the Sabbath the Captain was determined to sail. Many of the New Zealanders in the Bay of Islands since the Sabbath day has been established amongst them are very particular in observing it. In the evening when they saw the Captn preparing to get the ship under way, expressed their astonishment at his attempt to violate the Sabbath, and remonstrated very strongly against his doing so, and entreated me to dissuade him from it. The Head Chief was much agitated, and declared that if the Capt sailed on that day, our God would be so angry that he would destroy the Ship, but nothing that I and the Chief could urge had any influence on the Capt. The morning was very fine, when we first got under way, and the sail set to a fair wind, with every prospect of our soon clearing the Harbour. In a little more than half an hour the weather changed, it began to rain, & blew a gale, and the sea rose high tho’ we were several miles within the harbour in a very safe Cove, and not far from the entrance of the Kowa Kowa River. The Capt. was resolved to proceed to sea. In working down the Harbour against the wind, the Ship struck upon two sunken rocks which went thro’ her planks and in a moment destroyed all hopes of saving her. There was an Island in the Bay called Mootooroa, between two and three miles off, which was the only possible landing place, from the high surf which broke across the bay. I requested the Captain to allow his Jolly-boat to be launched and to lend me two men to land me and the Revd Mr and Mrs Leigh, and which we had but small hopes of reaching from the raging surf & high wind— the rain too falling in torrents. On landing we met two or three poor Natives who assisted us to get some fern and a little brush-wood to make a small shed to shelter us somewhat from the inclemency of the weather. The gale continued about two days— we had no provisions with us, the Missionaries knew nothing of our shipwreck, nor could any others land from the Ship, which however could not sink being jammed between two rocks. The loss of so fine a vessel was a distressing calamity. The Chiefs who had urged the Captain not to sail, firmly believed that it was a judgment from God for breaking the Sabbath, which they called “Ra-taboo” or sacred day. I may here mention a similar circumstance which occurred at Okianga, and related to me by one of the Chiefs of that River whom I well knew, and who was an eye-witness of the event. An American ship sailed from Port Jackson to New Zealand (I knew both the Capt. and the vessel) and anchored at Okianga River. The Captn resumed his voyage on the Sabbath, and got out to sea. Soon after he had cleared the heads a strong gale set in against him, which drove the ship on a Sandbank at the mouth of the Harbour. The Capt. cast both the anchors, in order to secure the vessel. But the Chief laboured to impress upon my mind that the gale was raised by the anger of our God and who dived under the vessel, broke the anchors, tossed the Ship into the air and down again, and at last dashed her on shore upon this beach, and the ship and cargo were totally lost. These two events will long be considered as just judgments upon the Masters of the Ships for violating the Sabbath, by the Natives of New Zealand. We may remark upon such awful examples how the winds and the sea obey the divine command. These shipwrecks made more impression upon the minds of the Natives than all the preaching and arguments of the Missionaries could have done without supernatural influence, in producing in them a belief that there was a God who had ordained the Sabbath, and enjoined cessation from all worldly occupations. The Chief Dekokee told me about an hour before the Brampton stranded, that our God would destroy the Ship, for no other reason than that the Capt. sailed on the Sabbath. I always rested on the Sabbath day on my different journeys thro’ New Zealand, and passed it in conversing with the Natives upon the subject of religion and the appointment of the Sabbath by our God, who was their God also, and who would require the like observance of it by them. They appeared ever willing to hear all I had to say upon the subject. After the wreck of the Brampton I had to wait five weeks for an opportunity to return to Port Jackson; when I embarked on board the brig Dragon and arrived in Sydney in October following. During the period I was waiting I was occupied, and I may say gratified by daily observing the advances the Native inhabitants were making in the knowledge of the Christian religion, and in the arts of civilization. I was much delighted to see the respect they paid to the Sabbath and to the public ordinances of religion particularly at those stations where the Missionaries were settled. I cannot entertain a doubt from what I saw and heard, but that the labors of the Society will be crowned with success. They have been blessed, and I believe God will continue to bless them. There is one circumstance worthy of notice. The Mission has been established one and twenty years, and neither man nor woman belonging to the station have died at New Zealand, whilst in the service of the Society. This may be considered as a token for good, and that the great head of the Church has taken this Mission under his special protection. The Missionaries have been living in the midst of the most savage cannibals during the above period who have murdered and eaten numbers of their countrymen and sometimes in the presence of the Missionaries who could not restrain them from such acts of barbarity and cannibalism. The safety of the Missionaries and their families cannot be attributed to chance or to the humanity of the Natives, but to Him who keepeth Israel. Those friends of this important Mission should bear in grateful remembrance all the way the Lord has led this Mission, and all who have faithfully laboured in it; in order to excite their gratitude, stimulate their exertions, amd encourage their hopes; then they may rely with implicit confidence that the labors of the Missionaries will continue to be blessed, and that a people shall be born in New Zealand who shall serve the Lord on Earth, to the praise of his glory, and finally reign with Him in Heaven in the midst of that great multitude, “who have washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb”— and by the sovereign grace and love of God have been collected from every nation, kindred, tongue, and people, who will sing with one voice “Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honor, and glory and blessing, for thou hast redeemed us to God by thy blood—.” No anticipation of future happiness can inspire such unspeakable joy in the believing soul as this heavenly reflection. Let then the Missionary Societies which love our Lord Jesus Christ send forth Missionaries into every Heathen land to sound the Gospel trumpet, until the knowledge of the Lord cover the Earth, as the waters cover the Sea!”The following are a few general remarks of such occurrences as have taken place since our departure from Port Jackson. On Thursday Morning the 29th July 1819 we embarked for New Zealand, on board the General Gates an American brig which I had taken up for the purpose of conveying myself, The Reverend Mr Butler and family, Messrs Hall and Kemp and Mrs Kemp, with Tooi & Teeterree, one New Zealand Woman who has resides for a time with her Husband at Parramatta, together with three Mechanics and their families. We met Teranghee Tooi’s brother about ten miles from the Heads of Port Jackson, coming to Parramatta to look for his brother, in the Active. The whole on board belonging to the Settlement at New Zealand amounted to Twenty two persons, men, women and children. We had not been long at Sea, before most of us were very sick. The first two days were favourable, tho’ the winds were light; afterwards we met with variable winds, and sometimes very strong against us, with a very high Sea, so that our passage, as far as concerned the winds, and seas, was very rough and unpleasant, and distressing to all who were subject to Sea Sickness. On Tuesday night the 10th August about 12 OClock the Master concluded from His reckoning that we were near the Cape Van Diemen on the Southernmost point of the North Cape of New Zealand, and sounded, when he found the water to be 40 Fathoms. He immediately stood off from the Shore, for about 2 Hours, when he again stood in for the Land, and before the break of day we were close in with it. We had now a moderate fine Breeze, and the wind fair, and on the return of day, to our great Joy, we had a near view of the North ape, and soon saw the native fires, on different parts of the Land. We sailed close in shore, all along the North Cape. In a short time we came up with about 40 Canoes, full of People: to some of whom we spake, and were informed, that they could not have any communication with us, as they were tabbooed. They were fishing for none but sword fish, with short lines, and all the fish they caught of this kind were tabbooed, and could not be disposed of, as they were to be preserved for their winter food. We saw a number of their stages on shore, which were erected to dry their fish upon. I enquired after the Chief and Jem the Otaheitian and was informed they were on shore. There appeared to be about 250 or 300 Natives in the Canoes. But as they were tabbooed we could not have any particular communication with them. The wind continuing fair, and the weather fine, till after we had passed the Cape, when towards evening it gradually died away, so that we made little progress during Wednesday night. Towards noon on Thursday the breeze freshened, and became pretty fair, so that we came opposite to the Cavallie Islands, before sun set, when several Canoes visited us. In one of which was the Chief OKeeda whose son had lived with me 12 Months at Parramatta, and was gone again in the Active. O’Keeda informed us, that they were assembling their men to go to war with the People of Whangharoa, and that Shunghee was to leave the Bay of Islands on Friday Morning, with his War Canoes, and warriors, to join the people on the main, opposite to the Cavallies. OKeeda requested to remain on board till we arrived at the Bay of Islands, which request was complied with. The cause of the difference between Shunghee and the people of Wangharoa, we were informed by OKeeda was; A Whale had been driven on the Shore, belonging to Shunghee, and the people of Wangharoa had taken and eat it, which was considered as a public theft, and for which Shunghee was going to punish them. On Thursday Evening about 12 OClock The General Gates anchored safely off Ranghee Hoo, in 12 fathoms, when the natives fired immediately several Muskets to welcome our arrival tho’ midnight. Several of the natives, with the Pilot came off immediately, but we could not admit them on board till Morning, and therefore requested them to return on shore and inform the Settlers, with which request they complyed. At day break, the Vessel was surrounded with natives. Some of the Settlers came on board and informed us all was well. Our meeting afforded mutual satisfaction to all interested in the Mission. When we viewed the Shores of New Zealand, and the Croud of Natives flocking around us, our hearts were warmed within us, and we considered that we had now arrived at the Land of Promise. About 11 OClock Shunghee arrived with his war Canoes, and fighting men, on his way to Wangharoa. He received us very cordially, as well as all the Chiefs who were with him. I told him we had heard of his intention to go to war with the people of Wangharoa, and remonstrated with him upon the folly of carrying on a continual warfare one with another. Several of the Subordinate Chiefs urged me to speak to Shunghee to give over fighting, that they wished to live at peace, and some of them requested me to take Shunghee with me to Parramatta, and that this would tend to promote the general quiet. I used every argument with Shunghee to dissuade him from fighting; he laughed at me, and said it was very hard for him to comply with my wishes, but that he would not fight while I remained at New Zealand, and would accompany me to Port Jackson, if I approved of his going. And that he would at present suspend his intentions against the people of Whangharoa [sic], but he must go in a few days near Whangharoa, to remove the bones of his wifes father, but he would not fight, and I might go with him if I chose. I told him I would if I could spare time. Shunghee is a man of the mildest manners, and disposition, and appears to possess a very superior mind. Canoes continued to arrive for the greater part of the day at Ranghee Hoo till the beach was crowded with natives. Early in the morning we began to land our stores, and continued the whole of friday and Saturday. We had considerable difficulty, from the multitude of natives that covered the shore to get thro’ them with the stores, they were so eagar [sic] to see either us or what we brought. They gave us every assistance to carry the Stores to the House appointed for their reception, nor did we miss these two days a single article that I know of, excepting a Silk pocket Handkerchief which was taken out of my pocket. When I mist it I informed Shunghee and in about Ten minutes he brought me my Handkerchief again. I made no inquiry who had taken it but left Shunghee to settle that matter. During these two days we landed all our light and many of the heavy stores, as the weather was fine. On Saturday night a heavy Gale came on, which drove the boats of the Active and General Gates from their moorings and brake them to pieces. This was an unfortunate accident, as we had only a whale boat belonging to the General Gates which was not sufficiently strong to carry our heavy stores on shore. On Monday Morning we resolved to build a punt 24 feet long by 10 for the purpose of landing the heavy stores, and general use. The Gale continued on Monday with heavy rain, that nothing could be done. As we were confined to the House this day we deliberated upon the propriety of immediately forming a new Settlement where the operations of Agriculture could be carried into effect, on an extensive scale. Korra Korra Tooi’s [in pencil - Tooi is one of the N. Zealanders who was in England] brother arrived on Monday evening, who is Shunghees opponent, and commands a large extent of the Coast, on the south side of the bay of Islands. The two Chiefs were soon acquainted with our intentions of forming a new Settlement, and were both equally anxious to have us within their respective Jurisdictions. Shunghee said he would give us our choice of all his lands, and any quantity we might wish. Korra Korra was ready to do the same. It was agreed upon that we should proceed on Tuesday Morning to Kiddee Kiddee, the district about 12 Miles from Ranghee Hoo, where Shunghee carries on his principal cultivation of sweet and common Potatoes. Accordingly after setting the natives to cut the timber for our new punt, and giving the necessary directions to the Carpenters, myself, The Revd J. Butler Messrs Francis & William Hall, set off with Shunghee in his war Canoe for Kiddee Kiddee where we arrived in the afternoon, and proceeded immediately to examine the Country. I had surveyed this part of the Land, and about 14 Miles to the West of it, when I was in New Zealand in 1815, and considered this district the most promising for a new settlement of any I had met with in New Zealand. The soil being rich, the land pretty level, free from Timber, easy to work with the plough and bounded by a fine fresh water river, and the communication by water free and open to any part of the Bay of Islands, and safe Anchorage for Ships of any burden within about 2 leagues of the Settlement. Shunghee told us we were at full liberty to take what land we wanted, on either side the river, as it was all his own to a very great distance. We determined upon forming the principal settlement at this place, as we could not doubt but the rich soil would be grateful for any cultivation we should bestow upon it, and return a plentiful produce, we therefore told Shunghee we should with his approbation settle there. Shunghee was much gratified as well as his people with our determination. After walking over the Land till towards dusk, we returned to Shunghee’s Village, where we were to sleep for the night. We found a fine Sow about 140lb weight at the door of our hut which Shunghee was going to kill for our Supper, with plenty of Common and sweet potatoes. As we had brought with us a sufficient quantity of provisions we requested Shunghee not to kill the Sow, and with some difficulty we prevailed upon him, at that time, to spare her life. From the heavy rain the ground was wet, and we had had some rain on the passage from Ranghee Hoo, together with walking through the wet fern, our Cloaths were wet. Those we took off when we entered the Hut where we were to remain for the night, and had them dried. After taking necessary refreshment, and spending the Evening in pleasant conversation with Shunghee and his People who were in the Hut with us, and about the entrance, we read a Chapter sang an Hymn and returning our grateful thanks to Almighty God for his kind protection of us, and for the safety and comfort we enjoyed, in the very midst of Cannibals, and then laid down in peace to rest, till the morning. The next morning about 3 O’Clock we rose sung an Hymn and offered up our morning sacrifice of Prayer and praise to our Great Creator and preserver, and after breakfasting at 4 OClock, crossed the river, in order to examine the land on the opposite banks. Here we were much gratified with a fine clear Country for Cultivation and of great extent, tho’ the soil in some parts did not appear so rich as the Land we had passed over the preceeding evening. On the whole of the survey we had taken, we were perfectly satisfied, that a more suitable situation cannot be found, in any of the adjacent districts to the Bay of Islands. There is a fine fall of water close to the place where we intend the new town to stand, for a corn mill, saw mill, or any other purpose, without the expence, and risk of making a dam, which is a valuable consideration. At Kiddee Kiddee any quantity of Grain &c may be grown that the settlement may want for years to come, either for victualling the native Children in the Schools, or Europeans belonging to the mission. Before our departure we marked out the Ground, where wished our public store to be built, and requested Shunghee to put up a Temporary Building for the accommodation of the Stores, and the Mechanic’s who had accompanied us from Port Jackson. Shunghee immediately set his people to work. Having now gratified all our wishes, as far as respected the object for which we had visited Kiddee Kiddee, in the evening we returned to Ranghee Hoo, in Shunghees war Canoe, and with much pleasure, he accompanied us back again. Korra Korra remained at Ranghee Hoo with Tooi till we returned, in order that he might know, what prospect there was of our forming a Settlement within his jurisdiction. When we arrived he was anxious to know if we approved of the Land we had seen: and had come to any determination relative to forming a Settlement there. We told him that the land was good at Kiddee Kiddee, and on that account we must form a Settlement there. Korra Korra was much affected, said Shunghee would now cut him and his people off. We replied that Shunghee had promised us he would leave off fighting if we would settle in his district, and would reside himself with the Europeans. Korra Korra replied Shunghee would make fair promises, but we could not see into Shunghees Heart: and gave us to understand, he would not believe a word he said, however fair he spoke, and recited instances how Shunghee had taken advantage of himself, and others, in former times; and contended, what he had done formerly, he was still capable of doing again. We endeavoured to pacify Korra Korra as well as we could, but in vain. He said, he should be perfectly satisfied, if the Europeans, were fairly divided between him and Shunghee but it was too great an affliction for him, for all the Europeans to reside with Shunghee. He made strong appeals to our feelings, and urged his request by every argument he could advance. We all felt much anxiety to relieve his distress. I and Mr Butler promised to accompany him, and Tooi the following day to Parro, where he resided, and examine his land, and if we found a suitable place for a settlement we would build him and Tooi an House, and one or more Europeans should reside with him at present, till more Europeans arrived from England, when his wishes would be complied with, as far as we could. This assurance relieved him a little tho’ not much. The next day I and Mr Butler went with him to Parro: He was tolerably quiet on the Passage. Tooi had not as yet seen his relatives and friends, and therefore he accompanied us, with his Brother Teranghee. After we arrived at Parroa, Korra Korra brought on the subject again of the Settlement on his district where he lived, he told us there was a fine tract of Land called Manououra, which he would give us, and which we should see, the next morning. We endeavoured to convince him, that it was not in our power to form any extensive settlement at present within the Limits of his Jurisdiction. Korra Korra got extremely angry, told us, that he was treated with great ingratitude: That his Brother Tooi had been long absent from him, and his friends: had gone to England: had brought out the white people with him, and after all, he was not to have the advantage of any of them to reside with him. That this was an act of great injustice, and such as we ought not to be guilty of. His brother Teranghee joined him, in his remonstrances with us, and at last both of them got warm. Tooi took our part, and endeavoured to convince Korra Korra, that we had not the means at present, of supplying him with Europeans. He then got extremely angry with Tooi, and Teranghee joined him. Korra Korra told Tooi he might go and live at Ranghee Hoo, or with Shunghee, or where he liked, for he cared nothing about him, as his request could not be complied with relative to the Europeans. Tooi wept, and was much distressed. Mr Butler and myself felt much pain on both their accounts. Tooi told us privately we must make our principal Settlement with Shunghee. He was the most powerful Chief and under His protection, the Missionaries would be safe, and that his brother must wait, till we had it in our power to meet his wishes. After a long conversation, and strong remonstrances from Korra Korra we retired to rest. Mr Butler and myself were convinced we could not avoid doing something for Korra Korra. We also pitied Tooi. He was anxious to live a civil life, and not to conform to the native habits, and dress any more: but he said he could not stand his ground if he had not one or more Europeans to support him. The ridicule of the Natives, if alone, would compel him to conform to their dress, and to live in their manner, which he was greatly averse to do. Tooi is a fine man, well informed, and well disposed, and has a love to our religion, and will do all in his power to second the Views of the Society. His family is of the first respectability, and his brothers influence and authority, extends along the Coast almost to the River Thames: and his friends from the North to the East Cape. We feel much interested in the future welfare of Tooi, and must give him all the support possible. The next morning Korra Korra was more calm, and appeared more reconciled than he had been before. He was very friendly, and expressed his Sorrow for the warmth with which he had spoken to us the preceeding evening. We assured him that we would assist him all in our power. As we had gone down to Korro Korro’s place in the General Gates, where the Master intended to fit out for Sea again, we remained on board all night. Korro Korro had accompanied us with Tooi from Ranghee Hoo. As he knew the Vessel would anchor off one of his Settlements, he had given directions, to his people previous to his visit to us, that none of them should presume to come to the General Gates till the following day. It was dark when we anchored: we were hailed from the Shore by one of Korra Korras Officers, when Teranghee answered and informed the People that Tooi was arrived, and gave directions, that messengers should be immediately sent to the different districts to inform the inhabitants of Tooi’s arrival. A party of Chiefs had arrived a few days before at Whycaddee from the River Thames, by whom one of Tooi’s Cousins had been cut off some time before, and were apprehensive that the Father of the young man, and Korra Korra would revenge his death. Tooi ordered a messenger to be sent immediately to Whycaddee to inform the Chiefs that a general pardon would be granted to them: and that if they thought proper to come and pay their respects to him, their persons would be safe. The next morning the Vessel was Crouded with Chiefs, and their friends, who came to see Tooi; some wept for joy, and all welcomed him home. The Chiefs from the River Thames met us the next day at Ranghee Hoo. After breakfast we set off to Manououra to examine the Ground for a settlement, accompanied by Korra Korra and many of His people. We found a level piece of good land surrounded by Hills, whose soil was generally rich, at the head of a fine harbour. As this was the best situation for timber, water, and good land, we determined upon forming a small Settlement here. The harbour abounds with the finest Fish, the fresh water is good, and safe anchorage for Shipping, and a very convenient place for a public School. Korra Korra was much gratified with our choice. Here Tooi intends to reside. We gave directions for materials to be collected immediately for a temporary building for the Europeans, and afterwards returned in the Evening to Ranghee Hoo. The distance is about 9 Miles between Manououra and Ranghee Hoo. [in pencil - For Mr Wilson] On Friday morning the 20th. we set all the hands on we could muster for our punt, as we could not land the remainder of the Stores till this was completed. We had soon 14 Natives sawing Timber, others cutting Knees, and all the beach exhibited a scene of Happiness and busy Civilization. A more grateful sight could not possibly be seen by a benevolent mind: Our hearts overflowed with joy and gratitude. We viewed the various operations with inexpressible delight, and considered them as the dawn of Civil, and religious liberty, to this land of Superstition, darkness, and Cruelty. On the following day, all our works went on well, and every preparation was made for completing the Punt with all possible dispatch, in order that the stores might be landed, and the settlements formed at Kiddee Kiddee and Manouowra. On the Sabbath we assembled on the beach for public worship, as there was no place sufficient for Divine Service, to hold the people. We were surrounded with the Natives, and a number of Chiefs from different districts, and some from the River Thames. It was very gratifying to our feelings and afforded us a pleasing prospect, to be able to perform the worship of the true God in the open air, without any sensations of fear or danger, when surrounded with Cannibals, with their Spears stuck in the Ground, their pattoo pattoos and daggers concealed under their mats. We could not doubt but the time was at hand, for gathering into the fold of Christ, this noble race of men, whose temporal and Spiritual wants are inconceivably great, and call loudly upon the Christian World for relief. Their misery is extreme, the prince of Darkness, the God of this World, has full dominion over both their bodies and souls. Under the influence of darkness and superstition, many devote themselves to death, and the Chiefs Sacrifice their Slaves as a satisfaction for the Death of any of their friends: so great is the tyranny which Satan exercises over these poor heathen: a tyranny, from which nothing but the Gospel can set them free; and we cannot hope for the Gospel having its full effect, according to the ordinary course of the Divine proceedings, without the united aid of the Christian World. Suitable means must be provided for the Civilization, and Evangelization, of the inhabitants of New Zealand, and if this is done, there can be little doubt, but the important object will be attained. Monday 23d. We this day built a shed for the Carpenters to work in, and in which Divine Service might be performed, while we remained at Ranghee Hoo. The Natives continued to saw Timber and to render us any Service in their power. Thursday 26th. I went with Tooi accompanied by Mr Saml Butler to an Island called Motoodooa belonging to Korra Korra, and where he principally resides. My object was to set the people to work the next day at Manououra. We arrived about 2 oClock and found Korra Korra was on board the General Gates, about 2 Miles distant. The first object that struck my eye, near where we landed, was a mans head stuck on a pole, upon the summit of an Hill close to the Shore, and near the Hut where we were to sleep for the night. I looked at the head, the face appeared beautifully tatooed, or carved. I inquired of Tooi whose head it was: he told me it was the head of a prince, near the East Cape, who had been killed by Shunghees people and purchased by some of Korra Korras people. This sight naturally excited sensations of horror in my breast: and caused me to value, more and more the blessings of Divine Revelation, and the protection of Civil Government. These are blessings that can never be duly estimated, by those who enjoy them, as they respect the life that now is, as well as that wch is to come. As the afternoon was fine, we walked over the Island to the opposite side: When we got upon the Top of the Island, which is very high, we had a full view of Korra Korras Hippah or Castle, which was situated on the top of another Island, less than two miles distant: a number of natives were at work on this Island. I was anxious to visit it, and when we came opposite, I hailed for a Canoe, which was sent. [in pencil - Mr. Wilson] Tooi Mr Butler and myself got into it, and crossed over: we were received with much pleasure by the Natives. We found Korra Korras head wife, or Queen hard at work wth a little wooden Spade digging the Ground for Potatoes, and Teranghees wife, with several more women and men. They were all much rejoiced with our visit to them. The old Queen earnestly requested I would give her an Hoe, and endeavoured to convince me, how hard it was, to turn over the Ground with a stick. I promised to comply with her request. After spending about an hour amongst them, we returned carrying with us a quantity of Fish which they gave us. The land on this Island was rich; part of it was sown with Turnips, and part was already planted with potatoes. The Women turned over the ground with Sticks, about two feet long, and as thick as a broom stick. They wrought hard, but made little progress in Cultivation, for want of proper Tools. When we had reached the beach, Tooi said, one of his Sisters was coming, whom he had not seen since his return, and earnestly requested me to get into the Canoe before she arrived, as he did not wish to have his first meeting with her there. I begged him to wait for her, as she was hastening down the Hill, and not to regard me, but I could not prevail upon him: He leaped into the Canoe, and urged me to follow him. I delayed till she had reached the beach, when I stept in; Tooi ordered the Canoe to put off, but at that moment his Sister sprung into the Canoe, weeping aloud, and past by me. she fell on her Knees grasped Tooi’s knees, he saluted her, when she gave vent to her feelings in tears, and loud lamentations, which she continued for about an hour: when we landed on the opposite Island, she still sat weeping for a long time. Tooi conducted himself with great propriety, he suppressed all the wild feelings of an uncultivated mind, and yet showed all the soft and tender feelings of nature towards his Sister. I could not but view his Conduct with admiration, and told him to indulge his affection for his Sister without any respect to my being present. I saw he was anxious, lest the warmth of his Sisters Affection, and the strong manner in which she manifested it, should overcome his manly fortitude, and cause him to imitate her example, as he had done on a former occasion, when I first visited New Zealand. When we landed we found Korra Korra and a number of his people, who received us with much Kindness. I told him I was come to set the people to clear the land at Manououra, and to set out the house which it was necessary to build for their accommodation. He received this news with much Joy, and said he would accompany me in the morning, and give the necessary directions to his people, to lend their assistance. When he saw the Hoes for breaking up the Ground, he was much pleased. After conversing upon various subjects, we had Supper, sung an Hymn, and committed ourselves to the protection of the Angel of the Everlasting Covenant, and then lay down to rest. A number of the Natives lay round about the Hut, and some within. I slept well till the day returned, being weary with walking, when I lay down. We took our breakfast, and then set off for Manououra, which lay a few Miles distant on the opposite main. On our way we came up with a very large war Canoe. I inquired how many men she carried, and was told 60 fighting men, with their provisions &c when they went out to Sea, to the River Thames, or to the East Cape, and 80 men in smooth water. On examining the Canoe, I observed in the Sterne the Head of a Chief: the features of the face as natural as life: and one of the finest Countenances I ever saw. The Chief must have been previous to his death about 30 years old. The Hair was long, and every lock combed straight, and the whole brought up to the Crown, and tied in a Knot, and ornamented with feathers, according to the custom of the Chiefs, when in full dress: The Hair and Countenance both shining with oil, with which they had been lately dressed. From the beautiful tatooing of the face, the Chief must have been a person of high rank. I inquired whose head it was, and was told, that it was the Head of a prince who had been killed beyond the River Thames by Shunghee.– It is possible, that the death of this Prince, may be revenged, by his Childrens Children, if the tribe to which he belongs, should ever have strength to retaliate upon Shunghee, or his posterity. Hence the foundation is continually laid for new acts of Cruelty and blood, from generation to generation: as the remembrance of these injuries seems never to be forgotten by them. I shall here mention an instance of retaliation some of the circumstances of which came within my own Knowledge. About 15 or 16 years ago a Vessel belonging to the house of Campbell & Co at Port Jackson, called the Venus, was taken by the Convicts at Port Dalrymple. When the pirates had possession of the Venus, they sailed for New Zealand, and toutched at the bay of Islands: from which they took a Chief’s Sister, named Temmarangha, and afterwards sold her at an Island near the East Cape, for some mats. Two of the natives afterwards quarreled about her, in consequence of which she was killed. Sometime after, some Natives arrived from the East Cape at the Bay of Islands, and gave information relative to the fate of Temmaranghas Sister. Temmaranghas Father was alive, and previous to his death, caused Temmarangha to swear that he would revenge the death of his sister. In 1815 Temmarangha accompanied me to Parramatta, and two years after his return, he mustered his tribe, and set off to the East Cape, to perform the oath which he had sworn to his Father. He killed the Chief of the Island where his sister had been murdered, and brought away his Wife a prisoner, and gave her to his brother, with whom he now lives. Mr. Kendall informs me, that there is always some, either remote, or immediate cause, that induces the Chiefs to go to War: and that it is not for the mere motive of plunder and blood, but to obtain satisfaction for some real injury done to them or to their Tribe. In the above Canoe I met with Hooratookie, his two brothers and Uncle, who were all Officers under Korro Korro. Hooratookie was the first New Zealander who was introduced into civil society, about 25 Years ago, he had been landed at Norfolk Island with another of his Countrymen, by some Vessel wch had toutched at New Zealand. The late Governor King had the Command at Norfolk Island at the time. He received these two strangers with great Kindness, they lived at his table, and received from him every attention. After remaining a considerable time with the Governor, the Brittania whaler touched at Norfolk Island, when the Governor agreed with the master to take Hooratooke and his Companion to New Zealand, and accompanied them himself, to see that they were properly treated, and safely landed in their own country. The great Kindness of Governor King towards these New Zealanders, made the most favourable impression upon all the Natives who heard of it, and to the present day they always speak of it with gratitude, and pleasure, and make enquirys after Governor King’s oldest daughter who’s name is Maria, and who was only a few years old when Hooratookie was at Norfolk Island. When he asked me about Maria, I told him she now lived at Parramatta. He said he would go and live with her till he died. Hooratookie was much rejoiced to see me. He left his war Canoe, and some of the Chiefs with him and accompanied us to Manououra. On our landing, I selected a small spot of Ground, to sow a little English flax seed upon, which was immediately cleared, broke up, and afterwards I sew [sic] the seed, and examined the Ground for building upon, and staked out an House about 40 feet by 13 for the work people, and in the Evening returned to Ranghee Hoo. On Saturday all hands were busy either in cutting Timber for the intended new Buildings, or working at the Punt. On the Sabbath Divine Worship was performed in the new shed, where we enjoyed the Administration of Gods word, with little molestation. It was very interesting to see the eager Countenances of the Natives, who surrounded the shed, and to hear them frequently repeat the word as it was delivered, tho’ they could not as yet understand it. After morning Service, myself and the Revd Mr Butler visited the Native Village, and conversed with the Natives. In walking over the Ground, near the Village, I had some conversation with a young woman who lives with a Mr. Hanson, brother in law to Mr. King. On asking if her father was alive she told me, he was killed and eat at the North Cape by Shunghee’s people, and that she was a prisoner of war. And I was informed that it had also been determined to kill her since she was brought to Ranghee Hoo. A few months ago, the brother of the present Chief at Ranghee Hoo died. The people believed that he was killed, by incantation or charm, as he told them before he died, that this was the cause of his death. Towha, the son of the late Tippahee lived with me at the time of this mans death. He had two female slaves which he had left at Ranghee Hoo. When the Chiefs brother died, in order to give satisfaction to his departed Spirit, and to appease his anger, to prevent him coming again, and destroying them, these two young women were killed by the relatives of the departed Chief. They were both belonging to the School under Mr. Kendall at the time. Another relation of the Chief demanded the death of the young woman, who lived with Mr. Hanson as a satisfaction on his part, that the Spirit of the departed Chief might not injure him. And as it was the custom of the Country she delivered herself up to be killed. But the Chief before he died, knowing that some would be sacrificed for him, had given directions that she should not be one of them; and on that account her life was spared. When the Active returned to Port Jackson, the two young men who had been appointed to kill Towha’s female slaves came in her. Towha was with me at the time. Mr Kendall informed me of the above circumstances, fearing that Towha might be angry with them, when he heard of the death of his Servants. The young men when they arrived, appeared alarmed. I spoke to Towha, and told him what had taken place. He was much concerned for the death of his servants, but assured me, he should show no anger to the young men, who had killed them, for he knew better now than to do so: which promise he strictly kept. These incidents will tend to shew the superstition and character of these people. In passing along the Village, we stopt to speak to a man and his wife— There were some Fowls running on the premises, the man told me they had been bred from some Fowls, which I had given Terra the head Chief on the South side of the Harbour, when I was first there. That when Terra died, his wife had taken Terras nephew for her Husband, who succeeded to the authority of his uncle. As this was contrary to the established custom of the Natives, for a Chiefs wife to marry again, a party from Ranghee Hoo went over to punish her for the Violation of their laws, and stript her of what property she possest. The fowls we then saw were part of the plunder, which he had taken at the time. We then returned from the Village, and had Divine Service in the Evening. On Monday the Weather was very stormy, we could do nothing out of doors. After dark in the Evening, I was called out by a Chief named Towhee who informed me that Shunghee had made an attack upon a Village between Whangaroa and the North Cape, and had killed 6 Persons: and told me neither to be angry nor afraid. I expressed my concern for what had happened. Towhee said, the cause of the difference between Shunghee and those people, was the following. His Wifes father had died some years ago: The people had spoiled his Sepulchre, and had taken his bones, and made fish hooks of them, for the express purpose of cruelly and wantonly sporting with the feelings of Shunghee, and his relations, and had put his Scull upon a pole, to provoke him to revenge. Shunghee told me he was not going to fight, when he left Ranghee Hoo, but only to remove the bones of his fathers wife: when he returns we shall learn whether he knew previous to his departure, that the sacred Tomb in which the Bones of his father in law were deposited had been spoiled or not. On Tuesday the 31st about 60 Men, women, and children arrived at Ranghee Hoo from a Village situated on the banks of the River Shukee Hangha distant between 50 and 60 miles. This empties itself into the sea on the west side of the Island, about 100 miles to the south of Cape Van Dieman. They brought with them a few Hogs for Sale, and a large quantity of sweet potatoes, as presents for their friends and relatives at Ranghee Hoo, where many of them reside. The complection of these Natives was fairer than any I had seen. They are a very fine race of People. I told them it was my intention to visit them before I left New Zealand, which gratified them much. The Chief wished to know, how long it would be before I went, and said he would shew me the way, and carry me over the intermediate swamps. I promised to visit them in one moon, if I could. He expressed his fears, that Shunghee would be offended, if I went to Shoukee Hangha, lest any Ship at a future time, when the River and Harbour were known should come to them. I replyed that before he came to Ranghee Hoo, I had formed an intention to visit them, and had already mentioned the circumstance to Shunghee, who approved of my design, and would not be displeased with me, or them, for my visiting the inhabitants on the banks of the river Shukee Hangha. He expressed his satisfaction that Shunghee approved of my going, and that he would supply the settlement with Pigs and Potatoes when formed at Kiddee Kiddee, as it would be nearer to Shukee Hangha. I gave him a Spade and promised his people some fish hooks when I went to their Settlement, which pleased them all. On Wednesday Sep.1. The Revd. Mr. Butler accompanied me on a visit to the Chiefs on the South Side of the harbour. We arrived at Kororareka the residence of the late Chief Terra, who was at all times a kind and warm friend to Europeans. When I first visited New Zealand Terra wept much, for Joy, and both he and his wife shewed us the greatest kindness. Mr Kendall informed me that he died the last November, and expressed his happiness on his dying bed, that no European had ever been killed in his district. We found his successor at home, who has long been known by the name of King George, and Terras former wife, with several of their People. They were overjoyed to see us. Terras widow requested me to sit down by her, which I did. She then told me what troubles she had met, since I was there. That when Terra was alive they had plenty of Hoes, Axes, Spades, Fish Hooks, Tokees, Pork, sweet and common Potatoes, and Fowls from those I had given them, and Cloathing. But that now, they were completely destitute. They had not a nail fish Hook, spade, Axe, or Hoe, and that she had not any cloathes, but the Mat she had on. She wept as she related her misfortunes. Spoke in a very feeling manner. She is naturally a kind tender hearted woman. Many instances of this I saw when first at New Zealand. I told her that I had been informed that she had married King George, since Terras death, which was contrary to the Customs of their Country, which offence against their laws, had furnished her Countrymen with a pretence to plunder her of all she possest at the time of Terras death. She admitted she had consented to marry King George, but as yet, they were not united with the public sanction, nor could they be for some time to come. When Terra died, she wraped up his dead body in mats, performed every other necessary service for the dead, and had the body deposited in the Ahoodoo Pa or Sepulchre, in wch the dead are laid, till their bones are finally removed to the family vaults belonging to their Tribe. She shewed me where Terra was laid, and said she had his bones to remove before she could be married to King George: Which ceremony she would perform in a little time. In consequence of having performed the above services, and what she had still to do for Terras remains, she was polluted; and was compelled to eat, and live, with the common people, and could not enter into King Georges House, nor have any particular intimacy with him, as man and wife: but when Terras bones were removed she would then be received by King George, as his wife, and raised from her present low state. She said that what King George possest, at the time of Terras death, had also been taken from him in consequence of taking her for his wife. King George confirmed what she said, and lamented that he had no pork, nor any thing to give us for our supper but fern root, and also regretted that he had not an English House for us to sleep in. He reminded me how he had been treated when living with me at Parramatta, which favours he could not return— but said we should have the best accommodation he could give us, and should sleep with him, and one of his wives in his own house. We spent the Evening very pleasantly with these poor Heathens. At length King George informed us our lodgings were ready. I went to see where we were to sleep. He had prepared his Hut in the best manner: spread new clean mats upon the Ground for us to sleep upon and a clean mat at the entrance. The Hut might be about 14 feet by 10. He had made a fire in the centre which made it hot like an oven: as there was no vent for the smoke or heat, but at the entrance, which was very small: so small that I could not creep in without taking my coat off. I requested him to have the fire taken out, as we should not be able to bear the heat, which was done. When all was ready we crept into the Hut along with King George, his wife, and nephew, a fine youth named Racow who succeeds King George in his authority should he survive him. Tho’ the fire had been removed, the Hut was extremely hot. We perspired profusely when we lay down, and requested that the door of the Hut might be kept open for a little air, as the Hut was naturally, from its construction as warm as a Bee Hive. The next morning when we awoke we observed Terras widow sitting at the outside of the door, waiting for our rising. Our birth had been very warm tho’ clean; yet we willingly left it on the return of day and crept out to breath [sic] the morning Air. We ordered Teeterree to prepare our breakfast. [in pencil - Mowhee died at Duddington Octr. 1816 Mr Wilson] While it was getting ready Terras widow was sitting on a log with two or three females; she requested me to sit down by them, which I did. The conversation turned upon Terra, and the former time when I was there. A fine young Girl sat by as we conversed together, she burst into a flood of silent tears. They run in streams down her cheeks, upon her mat. She sat, wept, and never spake. Her grief was too excessive. I called the Rev. Mr Butler to witness the scene. It was more than His feelings could support. He was melted into tears. We then turned to King George who was sitting with his Wife, Racow, and Racows mother, and some others. Mr Butler inquired if they knew Mowhee: he did not know at the time, he was speaking to Mowhees relations. The fine Youth was Mowhees first Cousin, and his mother Mowhees mothers sister. When she heard his name, she was greatly agitated, wept bitterly, and also his other relations, and told us his mother was dead. The account Mr Butler gave them of Mowhee, having been at his House &c was very gratifying to them, and they did not know how to express their affection for Mr Butler. Racow is a Tall, fine handsome youth as can be seen in any country. His Countenance is rather fair, and very noble open and placid. I told King George that he must not Tatoo Racow, that it would spoil his countenance, and disfigure his face. King George laughed at my advice, and said, he must be tatooed, that this would give him a noble, masculine, and warlike appearance. He would not be fit for his successor with a smooth face. The New Zealanders would look upon him merely as a woman if he was not tatooed. Poor Racow has much to suffer before his face is carved like his Uncles; And other parts of his body. When we had breakfasted on the provisions we had with us, we prepared to visit another Chief on the opposite side the harbour named Tekokie about 5 miles distant, not knowing at the time that King George had provided any thing for us to eat. When we informed him that we must leave him, he told us his Cook’s had been providing for us, some sweet Potatoes, and we must not depart till they came. We remonstrated with him, for detaining us, but he resolved we should not go, till we had partaken of his hospitality. We had every reason to believe that King George had sent a messenger in the night to Pomarre to procure for us some sweet potatoes for our entertainment, as two of Pomare’s daughters arrived very early, and shortly after their arrival we saw King Georges servants kindling the fires at a distance. In about half an hour six Cooks arrived with a number of baskets of sweet potatoes ready dressed, for ourselves and People. King George said we must take the whole of them, and what we could not eat, we must take in the Canoe, which order was complied with. King George expressed his regret, that there were no Europeans to reside with him; he said he wanted a Carpenter, a Smith and a Clergyman. We promised that he should have an European to live with him, as soon as we could spare one. When we left Kororareka he accompanied us to the opposite side, where we were very kindly received by the Chief and his people who were busy preparing their land for Potatoes. The Chiefs name is Tekoke. He was much rejoiced with our Visit, as well as his wife and People. He told me that since I was there, he had buried four of his Children, and had only one son remaining, and he was gone in the Active on a visit to me. I told him he had arrived safe at Port Jackson and was well, which gave him much satisfaction, and his wife. He expressed a very ardent desire to have some Europeans to live with him pointed out the situation where an European House would stand to great advantage, and be an accommodation to the Ships who came into the Harbour, as they could easily water on his shore, from a stream of fresh water which run into the Cove. We promised to build him an House as soon as we could, on the spot he fixed upon. Tekokee is the Chief of the Timber district. Much Timber will be wanted, for the intended buildings, with which it was necessary to acquaint him. We promised him a few Tools of Agriculture which he was much in want of, as he had only wooden tools to work with. He was much pleased with our promise, and said he would come to Ranghee Hoo for them. After staying about two hours, we set off for Whytanghee where Mr. Hall formerly lived. It lay in our way about 3 Miles from Tekokees. When we landed, and the people observed us, they ran in all directions to inform the Natives of our arrival. They met us with great Joy. The Head Chiefs Wife was much affected. Her Husband was gone to Parramatta on a visit to me. I told her he was well, and would return in the Active, which gave her and the other Natives much satisfaction. They earnestly solicited some Europeans to live with them, but were apprehensive, from what had happened to Mr Hall when there, none would come to them. Their land is rich and the finest fall of water for mills perhaps, that has ever been seen. We were much gratified with these poor Heathens while we remained with them. In the Evening we had a stormy passage to Ranghee Hoo in a small Canoe with six Natives to work it. The water was rough and the wind fresh; we were not without our fears till safe on shore at the Settlement, where we arrived after dark— highly gratified with our visit to the Natives, and very thankful for our preservation, having for some time almost despaired reaching the Shore, as we had about 7 Miles to pass through a rough Sea, the water frequently over the sides of the Canoe. When we arrived I learned Shunghee had returned from his expedition. I inquired what he had done in his absence. He informed me, he had been told some time previous to his present Voyage towards the North Cape, that the inhabitants not far from Wangrohoa had taken the bones of his wifes father from the Sacred Sepulchre, and made fishhooks of them, as already mentioned, but he did not believe the report, but went first to examine the Sepulchre, where he only found a few ribs, and the upper part of the Scull, which was broken. That the Thigh and arm bones, and jaw bones had been all broken and made into fish hooks. Having satisfied himself of the fact, he proceeded to the Village where the people lived, who had committed the above Sacrilege, and went up within gun shot of them in the open day, and informed them, that he was come to punish them for spoiling the Sepulchre, where his wifes fathers bones were deposited and making his bones into fish Hooks. They admitted the Charge, and the justice of his conduct. Shunghee did not enter the Village, but fired upon them, and killed five men. When the party who were attacked requested Shunghee to fire no more: that the death of those who were shot, were was a sufficient atonement for the offence committed. Shunghee answered, he was satisfied, and the business was decided with the mutual consent of both parties, and Shunghee returned after visiting the People who had taken the dead whale coast upon his shores, and breaking the Canoe, in which they had gone. Shunghee appealed to me, wishing to know if we did not consider it an high Crime to rob the Sepulchres of the dead, and to offer such indignities to their remains, and if the people whom he had been to punish, had not merited their punishment by their Crimes. I replied I was sorry that any lives had been taken, at the same time admitted that it was just to punish such offences, but I was apprehensive, that, what he had done would excite the other party to revenge the Deaths of their friends. Shunghee said, they were not able to make war upon him, and therefore would be quiet. On Saturday the 28 Ahoudee O’Gunna the Chief from whom the land had been purchased, where the present settlement stands, informed me, that Mr. Kendall had insulted him and his brother, by turning him out of his house. I assured him that Mr. Kendall had no intention to offend him at the time, as I was there, and saw what past. I was shortly after informed that his brother had gone to Mr. Hall, and stolen two earthern pots. In the afternoon I met Ahoudee OGunna, and his brother, and charged them with the Theft. Ahoudee OGunna replyed his brother had not stolen them, but taken them away with an intention to bring on an explanation respecting Mr. Kendall’s conduct, as he demanded some compensation for the insult, and he should refuse to give up the Pots till the compensation was given. I told him Mr Hall was not to be punished for what Mr Kendall had done: and that the Pots ought to be immediately returned to the owner. Ahoudee OGunna was willing to give them up, but his brother demanded an Axe, not as a favour, but as a reward for them. We conceived that if we complied with his demand, this would open a door for future robberies, and therefore told him, he might keep the pots, for we would not purchase them because they were stolen. Ahoudee OGunna was much hurt at his brother’s conduct. In the course of the following week they differed seriously. Ahoudee OGunna in order to shew his disapprobation set his house on fire, and burnt it, and left Ranghee Hoo, with a determination to return no more to his brother, he was so much ashamed of the Theft, after our kindness to him and his wife. A few days afterwards, the Revd Mr Butler, and I were walking thro’ the Village, and met Ahoudee OGunna’s brother. He told us he had but one pot, which he would give up, the other had been taken by another Native and was gone into the Country. We pointed out to him the evil of stealing, and that it was a Crime we could not reward, whatever we lost. He sent his Son with us with the pot. We gave the boy Six Fish Hooks who soon returned with them, and said his Father would take nothing for the Pot. Thus by firmness we gained our point. We are concerned for Ahoudee OGunna and shall heal his grief and vexation by some act of kindness the first opportunity. Saturday 4th. Our punt not being complete, the master of the General Gates brought up the remaining stores in a large Canoe belonging to Korro Korro. The Casks being chiefly filled with Tools of Agriculture such as Hoes, Axes &c we could not land them without opening, and exposing their Contents to the Natives. A miser never valued Gold so much as they do edge tools. These are a temptation they cannot withstand. We now expected to be robbed more or less, as the Natives could not be kept from the Canoe, and the Casks when opened. We were obliged to employ some of them to carry the Stores, to the public store. When about half of them had been landed, a report was spread that the Natives had stolen some of the Axes Bill Hooks &c. An immediate stop was put to the Natives carrying any of the articles from the Canoe, and several of them were charged with Theft. Which created general tumult and fermentation amongst them. We could not ascertain what they had stolen, but knew that some Axes Sickles &c were missing. We remonstrated with them for their ungrateful conduct, told them that we had come there to do them good— That we wanted nothing that they could give us, as we had plenty in our own country, and as we had no object but to serve them, we could not allow them to rob us of our property. I told them that King George and the Gentlemen in England would be ashamed of them, when they heard of their thefts, and that I could allow no thief to go in the Active to Parramatta, and if they were there, and stole there, Governor Macquarie would hang them: and if any of them should come to Port Jackson in any other Ship, I should then catch them. After a long debate, some recommending the stolen property to be given up, others alledging that it was too valuable to be returned, the honest party prevailed, and ran off in different directions for the Axes &c a number were brought in on Saturday Evening and laid down publickly on the beach, where we were assembled to discuss this important subject. Our object was to convince them of the Injustice and immorality of their conduct; and to check as much as we could their disposition to steal. Before we allowed the Casks to be opened and the Natives to carry the Stores, I asked Mr Kendall publickly if they would not steal them. Mr Kendall said, they would not, for he had never known them steal any thing from him. When they were charged with theft, Towha, Tippahees son, who had resided 12 Months at Parramatta reprobated their conduct, told them that they had covered Mr Kendall with shame, that he had given them a good character for honesty, but their Theft proved that he was a liar, when he said they were honest. At length they said they would return all they had taken excepting one Axe which was the first stolen, and that the man who had taken it should be banished from Ranghee Hoo, and not allowed to return again. The Thief offered to return his Axe, but the other said, if he was allowed to remain, he would steal again, and therefore desired him to leave the place, and take his stolen Axe with him. The remainder of the stores were safely landed, and the Natives promised to return on Monday what property they could not recover on Saturday night: and thus ended the business to our mutual satisfaction. I spoke to Shunghee upon the heinousness of their Crime in stealing the Axes. Shunghee said they were not his people, and that it was very wrong to take so many, and observed with a smile that if they had taken one Axe, he should not have thought much of it, which convinced me Shunghee himself could not have withstood the temptation, had it lain in his way. Sunday 9th. Early this morning arrived King George and Racow Mowhees Cousin with their Relations, and at the same time Pomarree with part of his Tribe. I was walking on the beach when they landed, and told them it was the Sabbath day, and on that account we could not do any business with them. They said they could not stop, as they had brought no provisions. We ordered them what was necessary, and afterwards performed Divine Service in the Shed, where the four great men in New Zealand, Shunghee, King George, and Pomarre, with Racow the young King attended and many other Natives. All behaved with decorum, and we hope, the day is not far distant, when they will know the joyful sound of the Gospel, and have the Lord for their God, in the fullest sense. In the Evening we had Divine Service, and afterwards the Holy Sacrament was administered in this distant Land. The solemnity of which, did not fail to excite in our breasts sensations and feelings corresponding with the peculiar situation in which we were. We had retrospect to the period when this Holy Ordinance was first instituted in Jerusalem in the presence of our Lords disciples, and adverted to the peculiar circumstances under which it was now administered at the very ends of the earth: where a single ray of Divine Revelation had never dawned upon the Inhabitants. Monday 6th this morning the greatest part of the articles stolen on Saturday were returned. We expressed our approbation of their conduct in attending to our remonstrances, recommending them to act honestly in future; and rewarded such has [sic] had given us information of Thefts, or exerted their influence to obtain the stolen property. A good understanding was soon established again between us and the Natives, and they joined their respective work as before, to saw Timber &c. Pomarre paid us an early visit with King George. He told me he was very angry that I had not brought a Black Smith for him. That when he heard there was no Black Smith for him he sat down and wept much, and also his wives. I assured him he should have one as soon as one could be got for him. He replyed it would be of no use to him to send a Blacksmith when he was dead. That he was at present, in the greatest distress. His wooden spades were all broke: that he had not an Axe to make any more. His Canoes were all broke, and he had not a nail or Gimblet to mend them with. That his Potatoe Grounds were uncultivated, and he had not an hoe to break them up with, nor a tool to employ his people; and that for want of Cultivation, he and his people would have nothing to eat. He begged of me to compare the Land of Tippoonah with his, which belonged to the inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo, and Shunghee observing, that their land was already prepared for planting, because there was a Smith there, and they could get hoes &c. I endeavoured to pacify his mind with promises, but he paid little attention to what I said with respect to sending him a Smith at a future period. He was so angry with me for not giving him a Blacksmith, that he had taken 25 Hogs to the Brig General Gates, and brought none for us. I endeavoured to direct his mind from his disappointment in receiving no Smith, and asked him if he should wish to go to England: I asked the question merely to turn his mind from former conversation: Pomare replyed, he should not. And observed he was a little man when at Port Jackson, and should be less in England, but in his own Country he was a great King. We then promised him a few hoes &c which operated like a cordial on his wounded mind. He begged hard for 3 Hoes one Axe, a few nails, and a Gimblet. I told him he should have them. The Revd Mr Butler when he accompanied me to Kororareka had seen the distress King George was in for want of a few Tools: He told us if he did not get an Axe, he would hang himself. We therefore agreed to give these Chiefs 15 Hoes, 2 Spades, 2 Axes, 4 Gimblets a few nails 12 Combs, 2 looking Glasses, 2 Plane Irons, and near 100 fish hooks. They received this present with the greatest joy and gratitude, and returned to their own districts as happy as a King, with the Spoils of war. Tuesday Sep 7— The Revd Mr Butler and Mr Francis Hall accompanied me to Tippoonah, a native settlement about 2 Miles distant from ye residence of the Europeans. The land there is chiefly planted with sweet potatoes which constitute the choicest food of the Natives. The soil generally rich and light and well adapted for the growth of this root. The principal inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo, have their sweet Potatoe Gardens here. We found numbers of them at work, in their respective allotments, some with Spades, and hoes which they had received from us, and others with wooden spades, with long handles to them, the mouth about the same size as an English spade; and such as had got neither Spade nor Hoe, turned up the Ground with small Spatulas, about 3 feet long. The wooden Spades and Spatulas, can only be used where the land is light, and has been previously turned up. They have another wooden Tool about 7 feet long, pointed like an hedge stake, and a piece of wood lashed on abt 2 feet from the Ground, to place the foot upon to aid in thrusting the instrument into the Ground. They call the tool Koko. With their hands they pull up all the weeds, and then cover them over with the Spatula or wooden spade as they proceed in digging. They were overjoyed to see us, and their universal cry was for Hoes, and Spades. We regretted much that it was not in our power to gratify all their laudable wishes. We saw with pain the hard Toil they endured, and the little progress they made in cultivation with their rude instruments: and were convinced by ocular demonstration that the Earth can never be subdued and made to bring forth its increase, to reward the sweat and toil of man without Iron; and that this valuable article, is the only thing in the Creation that can relieve the temporal miseries of this people. In passing over these Potatoe Grounds, we were informed Shunghee had an extensive allotment, and was in his Garden. We went to visit him and found him in the midst of his people, who were all at work preparing the Land for planting. Shunghee received us with great politeness. I observed his Head wife at work with a spatula, and her little daughter between four and five years old, sitting on the bed, which her mother was digging. I knew the age of this little Girl, for she was born at Shunghees Hippah, about 30 Miles from Ranghee Hoo, the very night I slept there, when first at New Zealand. Shunghees wife reminded me of this Circumstance, and said she had called the Child Marsden, from my being with them at the birth. This Woman is about 35 years old, & is quite blind. She lost her sight from an inflammation in her eyes, about 3 years ago. She appeared to dig the Ground, as fast as those who had their sight, and as well. She first pulled up the weeds with her hands, as she went on, then set her feet upon them, that she might know where they were, afterwards dug up the Ground, and covered the weeds wth the mold, with her hands. I told her if she would give me the Kahedu or Spatula we would give her an Hoe. The offer was immediately accepted with joy, and her daughter was sent immediately with the Spatula along with the Revd Mr Butler for the promised Hoe. When we viewed the Head wife of one of the greatest Chiefs in New Zealand, a man possest of a very large, and extensive territory of rich land, and one whose name as a Soldier, strikes terror into all the inhabitants from the north to the east cape, labouring hard, though completely blind, with a wooden spade to gain a scanty subsistence upon Potatoes; this sight naturally excited in our breasts new sensations, and reflections which created both pleasure and pain, and kindled within us, the best feelings of the human heart. We most ardently wished, that the Christian World could see this sight, with all the surrounding scene. The means would then soon be raised to furnish every blind Woman, whether of high or low rank, with an Hoe, or Spade, who were willing to labour for their bread, as well as to afford general relief to all that are in distress for these necessary instruments. We have found in every district we have visited, the body of the inhabitants industrious as far as their means extended; but their industry is universally checked, for want of tools of Agriculture. We need adduce no other proof of their habits of industry than the above. If a woman of the first rank, and at the same time blind, can, from habit, labour in the field, with her Servants and Children; what will not these People rise to, if they can procure the means of improving their Country and bettering their situation. Their temporal situation must be improved by Agriculture, and the simple Arts in order to lay a permanent foundation for the introduction of Christianity. It may be reasonably expected that their moral and religious advancement, will keep pace with the increase of their temporal comforts. They are at present naked and hungry, and if we should say unto them, “Be ye warmed and filled, notwithstanding we give them not those things that be needful for the body, what doth it profit?” I am sure the bowels of the Christian world, would yearn over their temporal and Spiritual miseries, was it possible to make them known. “The God and Saviour of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is loving to every man, and whose tender mercies, are over all his works” is now, blessed be His name, moving the Hearts of his Church and people, to send relief to the poor Heathens, even to the very ends of the Earth; which must cause the Hearts of all who wish well to Zion to rejoice. Wednesday 8th Early this Morning, several Canoes left Ranghee Hoo for Wangarahoa, in consequence of some information that arrived in the night from the people who had been attacked by Shunghee. A number of our Sawyers, we found were gone with them. The report is, that the Natives in these districts are going to muster their tribes, and to demand Satisfaction frm Shunghee for the men he shot in his late attack upon the Village. Shunghee has an Hippah in the Harbour, about 2 Miles from Ranghee Hoo which he is fortifying, and preparing for the Enemy. As they have no regular established Government, all the Crimes apparently are punished, either by an appeal to the Sourd [sic], or by plundering the offender of his little property, and laying waste his Potatoe Grounds. Thursday 9th Last evening Tooi and his brother Teranghee paid us a visit. Tooi informed us that his brother Korro Korro wished him to be tatooed. We told him that it was a very foolish and ridiculous custom, and as he had seen so much of Civil life, he should now lay aside the barbarous customs of his Country, and adopt those of civilized nations. Tooi replied, that he wished to do so himself, but his brother urged him to be tatooed, as he could not support his rank, and character as a Gentleman, amongst his Countrymen, unless he was tatooed: without this mark of distinction, they would consider him timid, and effeminate. At the same time he promised, he would not be tatooed unless compelled by his friends. I understand that in time of war great honour is paid to the head of a warrior, if he is properly tatooed, when killed in battle. His head is taken to the conqueror, and reserved, as the spoils of war, with respect, as a standard when taken from a Regiment is respected by the victor. It is gratifying to the Vanquished to know, that the Heads of their Chiefs are preserved by the enemy: for when the Conqueror wishes to make peace, he takes the Heads of the Chiefs along with him, and exhibits them to their Tribe. If the Tribe, are desirous to put an end to the contest, at the sight of the Heads, of their Chiefs, they cry aloud, and all hostilities terminate. This is the Signal that the conqueror will grant them any terms they may require. If the tribe, do not cry, at the sight of the Heads of their Chiefs, they are determined to renew the Contest and to risk the Issue of another battle. The Head of a Chief, may be considered, as the standard of the Tribe to which he belonged; and ye signal of peace or war. If the conqueror never intends to make peace, he will dispose of the Heads of those Chiefs whom he kills in battle to Ships, or any persons who will buy them. Sometimes they are purchased, by the friends of the Vanquished, from the conqueror, and returned to their surviving relations, who hold them in the highest veneration, and indulge their natural feelings by reviewing them and weeping over them. When a Chief is killed in a regular battle, the victors call aloud, “throw us the man”, as soon as he falls, if he falls within the lines of his party. If the party whose Chief is dead, are intimidated, they immediately comply with the command. As soon as the Victim is received, his head is immediately cut off, and a proclamation Issued for all the Chiefs to attend who belong to the Victorious party to assist in performing the accustomed religious Ceremony, in order to ascertain by auguration, whether their God will prosper them in the present Battle. If the Priest, after the performance of the ceremony, says their God is propitious, this assurance inspires them with fresh Courage, to attack the enemy. If the priest returns an answer, that their God will not be propitious, they will then quit the field of battle in sullen silence. The Head already taken is preserved for the Chief on whose account the war was undertaken, as a satisfaction for the injury he had received, or some one of his Tribe, from the Enemy. When the war is over, and the head properly cured, it is sent round to all the Chiefs friends, as a gratification to them, and to shew them, that Justice had been obtained from the offending party. With respect to the dead body of the Chief, this is cut up into small portions and dressed for those who were in the battle, under the immediate direction of the Chief, who retains the Head; And if he wishes to gratify any of his friends, who were not present, small portions are reserved for them, on the receipt of which, they give thanks to their God, for the Victory obtained over the Enemy. If the flesh should be so putrid, from the length of time before it is received, that it cannot be eat, a substitute is eaten in lieu. They not only eat the flesh of the Chief, but are wont to take the Bones, and distribute them amongst their friends, who make whistles of some of them & fish Hooks of others. These they value and preserve with care, as memorials of the death of their Enemies. It is also customary with them, for a man when he kills another in Battle, to taste the blood of the slain: He imagines he shall then be safe from the wrath of the God of him who is fallen, believing that from the moment he tastes the Blood of the Man he has killed, the dead man becomes a part of himself, and places him under the protection of the Atua or God of the departed Spirit. On one occasion Mr Kendall informed me that Shunghee eat the left Eye of a great Chief, which he killed in Battle at Shokee Hangha. The New Zealanders believe that the left eye, sometime after death, ascends to the Heavens, and becomes a Star in the Firmament. Shunghee eat the Chiefs left Eye from present revenge and the idea of increasing his own future Glory and brightness after death, when his left eye should become a Star. From all that I have been able to learn, relative to the New Zealanders eating human flesh, this custom appears to have its origin in religious Superstition. I could hear of no instance of any man ever killed, merely to gratify the appetite; nor of any killed for the purpose of selling their Heads to the Europeans, or other nations. The Heads which are cured and sold, are the slain in war, and not intended to be returned to their friends. At the same time I am of opinion, that it is not safe, or prudent, for Masters of Vessels nor any of the Crews, to purchase heads from the Natives. For if a Tribe knew, that the Head of their Chief, was on board any Vessel, it is more than probable, they would make an attempt upon the Vessel, in order to obtain the Head, from the high Veneration and Esteem in which they hold these relicts of their departed leaders. Sunday 12th Divine Service was performed this morning upon the beach in the Shed, when some Chiefs from distant districts attended. We met with no molestation from the Natives. They behaved with decorum, and we trust, they will ere long, esteem this day, above all other days, and become true Worshippers of the only true and living God: Then shall this Heathen land in every sense, bring forth its increase, and God will give them his blessing.— 13th This morning Ahoodee OGunna came to take his leave of us; he had been upon the spot where his house stood before he burnt it, to weep with his friends. He had cut and lacerated his face, arms, and other parts of his body very much, to express his grief according to their Custom; and his friends had followed his example. We gave him a spade, Hoe, Axe, Gimblet, looking Glass, file, and two Knives: One for himself, and one for his wife. These presents contributed to heal his distressed mind. He told me he should never return to Ranghee Hoo, but would take up his residence with his Relation Tikokee, and pressed me much to send an European to live at Cowa Cowa, with him and his friends. I promised his wishes should be granted, as soon as we could. When ever he turned his Eyes, upon his presents of tools, his joy was visible in his countenance, and appeared to swallow up all his late sorrows. Ahoudee OGunna is much attatched to the Europeans, and was very serviceable, when I first visited New Zealand. We had also a number of Chiefs to visit us today, from different districts, some arriving last night, and others this morning. Their object was to obtain an Hoe, or Spade: some had come more than 20 Miles. They urged their distresses with every argument in their power. We distributed about 3 Doz Hoes, amongst them, and a few other tools, and regretted much, that it was not in our power [to] give them 300, which number would only be like a drop in the bucket. They danced for joy, when they were presented with these Tools. A number of them will immediately be at work with those Hoes, which will greatly increase the quantity of Corn and Potatoes the next season, as this is the Spring, and the proper time for planting both. By which means their Comforts will be increased, and the settlers more abundantly supplied with pork, Corn and Potatoes. As the Comforts of the native inhabitants increase, so will their civilization be proportionably improved. All they seem to want is, the means of procuring the comforts of civil life. They neither want industry nor natural ability of mind, nor strength of Body. All these they possess perhaps in a superior degree, to any other barbarous nation upon Earth— And as their Climate, and soil, are both favourable, for all the purposes of agriculture, they no doubt will make a very rapid progress in the attainment of the necessary Comforts of Civil life. We this evening had the pleasure, to launch our flat bottomed boat, in the presence of the joyful natives, which is estimated to carry 20 Tons. It is the first Vessel ever built upon the northern island of New Zealand. We may view it merely like a grain of Mustard Seed, if we anticipate the Naval power, and strength which this Country is capable of attaining, from the energy of its native Inhabitants, their bold enterprising Spirit, with their Harbours, Rivers, and naval stores, it was impossible to prevent the human mind, from contemplating with secret pleasure, on viewing the launching of this little bark into the bosom of the great deep, the infinite blessings the Christian world would impart to this nation, by the introduction of the arts of Civilization and the Gospel. It is not possible for persons in civil life, to conceive the wants of those who are in a state of nature; nor can they estimate the blessings they themselves enjoy, when compared with the miseries of a barbarous state. 14th This morning I met Korro Korro at Ranghee Hoo. He informed me, he had been spending the night wth Shunghee at Tippoonah. Knowing the jealousy that existed between these two Chiefs, I wished to know what was the nature of his visit to Shunghee. He said he went to arrange some public matters with Shunghee previous to his own departure for the River Thames, where he was going on an embassy of Peace, and intended to take the greatest part, of the men of His Tribe with him. He was apprehensive Shunghee might take advantage of His absence, and attack his People whom he left behind, unless Shunghee and he came to a good understanding before he went. I inquired if Shunghee and he had settled their difference to their mutual satisfaction. He replied, they had: and Shunghee had engaged not to molest his people, during the period he was frm home, which he expected would be about four months. The object of his present visit to the River Thames, was to make peace, between some of the Chiefs there, and his Uncle Kaipo. Some months ago the son of Kaipo was poisoned, or supposed to be so, by some of the Chiefs at the River Thames, where he was on a visit. For this real or supposed offence Kaipo wanted satisfaction, and Korro Korro was going with all his fighting men, with his Uncle, to settle this business. Not with a view to fight, but to bring the offending party to some honourable terms of settlement, according to their Customs. Korro Korro, is a very brave and sensible man. I have seen no Chief, who has his people under such subjection, and good order as himself: Yet he is tired of war, he wishes there were no fighting at New Zealand, and we have reason to believe, he will prevent war, as much as he can. After conversing with Korro Korro I set off for Kiddee Kiddee with our new Boat, full of Scantling Boards, for the new Settlement, accompanied by Mr Wm Hall, The 3 Carpenters, and Mr Saml Butler. We arrived in the Evening in the midst of a Croud of joyful Natives, who immediately discharged the Boat, and conveyed the timber to the spot where we intended to erect the Public Store, Smiths Shop &c. We set the Natives to work to clear away the brush wood, and clear the Ground. When we marked out three buildings: The Public Store 60 feet. The Smiths House 30 feet, and Shop 20 long by 14 wide. The Revd Mr Butler could not attend us, being confined to his bed, from a fit of the Gout, from a cold caught in consequence of having to sit for some hours in his own wet cloathes when we were visiting some districts. After the boat was discharged, and the ground marked out, I left Mr Hall, and the Carpenters to begin the buildings, and returned with Mr Saml Butler in the Boat to Ranghee Hoo, where we arrived near 11 OClock that night. The Boat will prove of the most essential service to the Settlement, from the burden of Timber, Lime, and Stores, wch she carries. Wednesday 15th This morning, I met some of the people who had returned from Wangharoa, and enquired how they had settled the difference relative to Shunghee having shot some of the People, in his late attack on the village, on account of his Wifes Fathers bones. They informed me, there had been a very large meeting of natives from different parts, and several hundreds from the North Cape. The object of their meeting was, to mourn, and weep with Topira the Chief of Wangharoa, and to comfort him for the loss of his people. One of the Chiefs from Ranghee Hoo informed me Topira wished me to go to Wangharoa and see him. If I could not go he would come to Ranghee Hoo, before I returned to Port Jackson. He wished to obtain an Hoe, Spade, Adze, and a few fish Hooks. Topira is considered as a very mild sensible man, and much averse to war, and greatly respected by his Countrymen, as well as by the settlers. It is not intended to call upon Shunghee for Satisfaction for his attack upon the Village, the inhabitants having given the first offence by spoiling the Sepulchre of the bones of his wifes Father, as already mentioned. In walking thro’ the Village of Ranghee Hoo this Morning, I observed the Chief Towhee tatooing the Son of the great Tippahee, on the seat, and upper part of the Thigh. The operation was very painful. It was performed with a small chisel, made of the wing bone of a Pidgeon, or wild Foul. The instrument was about one quarter of an inch broad, it was fixed upon a little handle 4 inches long, so as to form an acute angle at the head, something like a little pick with one end: with this Chisel, he cut all the straight and Spiral lines, by stricking the head with a stick about one foot long, in the same manner as a farrier opens the vein of an Horse with the fleam. One end of this stick was cut flat like a Knife to scrape off the blood, as it gushed from the cuts. The Chisel seemed to pass thro’ the Skin every stroke, and cut it as a carver cuts a piece of wood. The Chisel was constantly dipped in a liquid made of soot from a particular tree, and afterwards mixed with water, which communicates the blackness, or as they call it, the Amoko. I observed proud flesh rising in some part of the breech, which had been cut almost one month before. The operation is too painful to bear the whole tatooing at one time. They appear to be several years before they are perfectly tatooed. On my return thro’ the Village in company with Mr Kendall, I observed the heads of four chiefs stuck on four poles, at one of the Huts. I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me to the hut, in order that I might ascertain the cause of the death of these Chiefs, and from whence they had been brought. On making my inquiries of the People I received the following account. Some years ago, a vessel from Port Jackson called the Venus, which has been already mentioned, touched at the Bay of Islands, from which the Crew took a Woman belonging to Shunghees tribe, and afterwards landed her, at, or near, the East Cape on the main land. After Temmarangha had heard of the fate of his Sister, which was taken at the same time, he sent spies towards the East Cape to ascertain the particulars, and the situation of the People who had killed her. Temmaranghas spies travelled as traders all along the Coast: when they returned they brought information, what had become of those two women: one had been killed and eat, on an Island, and the other on the main, at a greater distance. Temmarangha set off to revenge the death of his sister as already stated, and Shunghee followed, when he was ready. They both returned without meeting, after taking vengeance on the respective people, who had committed the above murders, and that the Heads I saw, were the Heads of four Chiefs, whom Shunghee had killed in battle. He also brought with him two Chiefs as prisoners and many more heads. Mr Kendall tells me Shunghee was eleven Months on his Voyages, and returned eight months ago, with about 300 prisoners of war, which were shared between him and his subordinate Chiefs, I could not but reflect with pain and grief, and Shame, upon the Crimes of my Countrymen, who, by their wanton atrocities, spread war, misery, and death even amongst the poor heathen nations, who have never done them the smallest injury. What an amazing day that will be, when God shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness. Almost 16 years has now elapsed since the Venus was pirated, at Port Dalrymple, and in consequence of that Piracy, and the Crimes afterwards committed by the Pirates, the heads of the fathers of families, and leaders of tribes, this day exhibited in the Town of Ranghee Hoo, and their wives, Children, and Servants, either slain, or delivered over to Captivity. Previous to closing this days observations I accidentally met with Shunghee and Temmarangha. Wishing to know every particular relative to their late expedition towards the East Cape, I requested them to accompany me to Mr Kendall, that I might with his assistance, examine them very minutely. After a conversation of near two hours, I collected the following particulars, relative to their expedition, and Customs. Temmarangha went mostly to revenge the Death of his sister as already mentioned. He took with him 400 fighting men, and after obtaining his object, he returned with a few prisoners of war. He went on his expedition previous to Shunghee, but they never met on any part of the Coast. Shunghee had two objects in view, the one was, to revenge the murder of the Woman belonging to his tribe, which had been taken away by the Venus, as already stated: The other to assist Houpa’s party, a Chief at the river Thames, to revenge three murders, which had been committed on their Tribe several years before. Houpah had long solicited Shunghee to aid him, to punish the Tribe who had cut of his people. Shunghee left the Bay of Islands on the 7th Feb 1818 with his fighting Men, to join Houpah at the River Thames. When they sailed from the river Thames, their forces amounted to 800 Men. On their arrival at the districts where they intended to make war, such of the natives as were able, fled into the interior leaving their Habitations. Shunghee says they burnt 500 Villages. The inhabitants are very numerous on the Coast, between the river Thames, and the East Cape. Many of them were taken by surprise, and had not time to muster, and therefore were compelled to fly for safety to the Country, as Shunghee advanced. A number of Chiefs were killed, either by surprise, or in defending their Towns and People, and many of their Heads brought away, by the conquering party. The settlers informed me, that about 70 Heads arrived at Ranghee Hoo, in one Canoe. They also took 2000 Prisoners of War which they brought back with them as their Spoils, consisting of men, women, and Children. These prisoners were shared amongst the Chiefs, and their Officers, and made Slaves of. I was anxious to know, whether or not they eat those slain in battle, and therefore requested Shunghee and Temmarangha to inform me, how they acted in the field, when the Enemy met them, and also if they eat their Enemies when killed. In answer to my request, they gave me the following account: and said, when a Chief of the Enemys party is killed, his body is immediately demanded by the assailants, and if the party attacked are intimidated, it is immediately delivered up. If the Chief was a married man, his wife is then called for, and she is also delivered into the hands of the Enemy. She is taken along with the dead body of her husband and killed. If she loved her Husband, she voluntarily resigns herself up, and her Children, and desires the victors to do to her, and her children, as they had done to her husband. If the party refuse to give up the Chiefs wife, they are immediately attacked by the Enemy who will not give up the contest till they obtain her, unless overpowered. When they have got possession of a Chief and his wife, after the woman is killed, their bodies are placed in order before the Chiefs. The Areeke or High priest, then calls out to the Chief, to dress him the body of the Man for his God. The priestess, who is also an Arekee, then gives the Command to the wives of the Chiefs, to dress the Woman for her God. The bodies are then placed on the fires, and roasted by the Chiefs, and their wives: none of the common people being allowed to toutch them, as they are tabooed. When the bodies are dressed, the Arekees take each a piece of the flesh, in a small basket, which they hang upon two sticks stuck into the Ground, as food for their God, to whom they are going to offer up their prayers, and to consult relative to the present contest, in order that their God may partake first of the Sacrifices. While these Ceremonies are performing, all the Chiefs sit in profound silence in a circle, round the dead bodies, with their faces covered with their hands, or mats, as they are not permitted to look on these holy mysteries, during the time the Arekees are praying, and picking small pieces of the flesh from their Sacrifices, which they eat at the same time. These consecrated bodies are only to be eat by the Arekees. When all the Sacred services are completed the Arekees return the answer of their Gods to their prayers, and offerings. If their prayers and offerings are accepted the battle is immediately renewed, as was formerly mentioned, and all in common feed upon the after slain. They eat the slain, not so much an object of food, as a mental Gratification, and to display publickly to the enemy, their bitter revenge. Wishing to know if the Arekees prayed secretly to their Gods, at the time of performing the above sacred ceremonies, I asked them the question, to which they replied, no, but publickly, and with an audible voice, that all might hear what was prayed for, unless the Arekees disapproved of their proceedings, in that case, their prayers were not heard. The New Zealanders, are not only afraid of being killed in battle, if they enter upon war without permission of their God, but they are also afraid of spiritual consequences: that they will either be afterwards killed by the anger of their own God, or the Enemys. They fully believe that a Priest has power to take away their lives by incantation, or charm, and attribute many of their deaths to this cause. I may observe here, that I never discovered that the New Zealanders offered up human Sacrifices to their Gods upon any occasion, before Shunghee and Temmarangha made the above statement. I am now satisfied, they do perform these cruel rites. After we had ended our conversation, I was walking on the beach when I was met by a young woman, of a very interesting countenance, and address. She asked me to give her an Hoe. I inquired who she was, and from whence she came. She told me, she was a Prisoner of war, and had been taken between the East Cape, and the River Thames by Shunghees party, and brought to Ranghee Hoo. That her Aunts name was Heena and a great Queen. I have often heard the natives when at Parramatta, speak of this woman, as possessing a large Territory, and numerous subjects. Mr Kendall has occasionally mentioned her in his correspondence with me. This young woman informed me, Shunghee attacked their settlement by surprise. She was taken prisoner in the Town: Her father mother and 7 Sisters escaped into the Country. None of them were killed. The cause of the attack being made upon them, was, her forefathers had formerly killed three persons belonging to Houpahs Tribe at the river Thames, and they came to revenge their deaths. This account confirmed what Shunghee had just stated. While she was stating these Circumstances, the young man was standing by, who had taken her, in the attack upon the town, and she was part of his spoil. I observed that when the Active returned, I might visit, if I had time, the place she came from. The young man said, if she went in the Active, he would go too, and would allow her to see the place, but not to land, as she would run away. Thursday 16. In consequence of many of the principal inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo, having never been able to obtain either an Axe or an Hoe, since the settlement was formed, we resolved to make a few presents of those articles as far as our means would allow this morning, and for that purpose, we requested ye Settlers to give us the names of those persons, whom they knew to be the most needy and deserving. Our intention was soon known in the Village: when the Natives in great numbers collected about the public School, which at present contains our Stores. When the List was completed, I went to deliver the presents, assisted by Mr Francis Hall & Mr Kendall, the Revd Mr Butler being confined to the House by Sickness. The Croud was so great that I could not get into the School for some time. I told them, I should be obliged to return if they would not make a way for me through the Croud. At length I got in. The School yard was as full of men and women, as a sheep pen, calling out for an Axe, or an Hoe. When no more natives could get in, they got upon the roofs of the School, and out houses. After distributing 23 Hoes & 37 Axes I was obliged to steal away through a back door, as we had not the means to meet all their urgent wants, in order to avoid the painful importunities of those whom we could not relieve. No hungry beggars ever craved more earnestly for a morsel of bread, than those poor needy Heathens did, for an Axe, or an Hoe. Nothing could exceed the gratification of those who were so fortunate as to obtain one. Tho’ many hundreds of Axes, and Hoes, and thousands of Tokees have been distributed amongst these distressed people since ye formation of the Settlement, yet all that have been received hitherto, is only like a single passing shower falling upon some favoured Spot, in a barren and thirsty land. Many years must roll away, before every native in this country is worth an Axe or an Hoe. Notwithstanding the readiness of the Christian world to contribute to their relief. 17th I remained the principal part of this day in the House, in order to avoid the importunities, of those natives to whom we had not the means of giving an Axe or an Hoe. It was not possible to walk without being surrounded by them on all sides, some urging their request with savage rudeness, and others with pleasing civility. Their Universal Cry is, “give me an Hoe Axe or Spade.” In order to move compassion they will shew their Hands, and represent how sore their fingers are with scratching out the Earth, in opening the water furrows, thro’ the Potatoe Grounds. It is exceedingly painful to refuse any of their requests, for their wants are real, and their Toil and suffering great, in Consequence of not being able to procure those necessary implements of Agriculture. When we consider, that all their Country produces, which they can convert into any kind of tools, is wood and shells, alone, we cannot wonder at their distress. With stone Axes they cut all their timber, for making their Huts, fencing in their Potatoe Grounds, forming their wooden Spades, Spatulas, and making their Canoes. Hence it is totally out of their power to build permanent, or even comfortable Huts, or to make fences &c for want of Iron. Little can be done in Cultivation for the same reason. I believe there is ten times more land in Cultivation at the present time, in the districts round the bay of Islands, than there was in 1814 when the Missionary Settlement was first formed. This improvement in cultivation, is wholly owing to the Tools of Agriculture which have been sent out from time to time, by the Church Missionary Society. The mortality amongst the natives was very great the first winter after the settlement was formed, for want of food. It is gratifying to say, there have been for the last two years, very few deaths amongst the natives, in the above districts; which is to be attributed under the Divine Providence to the extensive Cultivation, by which means, the natives have been more abundantly supplied with provisions. Cultivation will most certainly keep pace, and the Temporal comforts of the natives with the means afforded for improving the Agriculture of the Country. Hoes and Spades are the Tools that will be principally wanted, till the Country is supplied with Cattle, and the Plough is set to work. Cattle can easily be supplied from New South Wales, and in a short time, the Plough may be employed in the Cultivation, as the land is generally clear from Timber, excepting small brush wood and fern, which can with little trouble be cut down, and burnt off. Saturday 18th The weather has been very stormy today, the wind easterly, with heavy rain, so that we were not able to leave the House. 19th In consequence of the wet, we had Divine Service both Morning and Evening in Mr Halls House. 20th This morning the Gale abated. We began early to load the punt with boards and scantling for Kiddee Kiddee, for erecting the Houses there. We hope to get one or more buildings up this week, for the present accommodation of the Carpenters &c. A number of natives arrived at a very early hour from remote districts some 20 and others 50 Miles distant. They were ready to tear us to pieces for Hoes and Axes. One of them said his heart would burst, if he did not get an Hoe. We are wearied with their importunities, and exceedingly distressed that our means are so small, that it is totally out of our power to meet their wants, at the present time. I told many of them this Morning that I had written to England for a great number, and as soon, as the Ship arrived, they should have some given them. They replied, many of them would be in their Graves before the Ship could come from England and the Hoes and Axes would be of no advantage to them when dead. They wanted them now. They had no Tools at present but wooden ones, to work their Potatoe Grounds with, and requested we would relieve their present distress. It is exceeding difficult, nay I may add impossible, to convince them by any argument, that we have it not in our power to comply with their wishes. It would take 5000 Hoes and Axes at the present period, to meet the demand, and it is more than probable, that number, when distributed, it would take as many more. The natives are so poor at present, that they have no means to purchase an Hoe, or Axe, if we had them to dispose of: but when we can obtain these Tools in sufficient quantities for general Culture, the produce of their labour, will soon furnish the means to procure these necessary articles. In the evening I walked over to Tippoonah accompanied by Messrs Kendall & Hall to see what progress, the natives were making in preparing their Potatoe Grounds for planting. We found more than 100 in the field, men and women, and most of them at work. Some with the Hoes and Spades, they had received from the Missionary Stores, and others with wooden Tools. Very considerable portions of Land were cleared and broke up in different places, and ready for planting since our last visit. Shunghee has built a small Village here, on the Ground he is cultivating, for the accommodation of his work people. We visited his Village. He was gone to Kiddee Kiddee. We found his Three wives at home. Two of them had been prisoners of war. His head wife who is blind, and has been already mentioned, told us with a smile that Shunghee was not so kind in his attentions to her, since he had taken the two new Wives, who were present. His head wife has a very fine family of Children. In this Village I observed the Heads of Eleven Chiefs stuck up on Poles as Trophies of Victory. On enquiry I learned that they were part of those Shunghee brought with him, in his last expedition to the Southwards. He had cured them all. Their Countenances were very natural, excepting their lips, and teeth, which had all a Ghastly Grin, as if they had been fixed by the last agonies of Death. How painful must these exhibitions be to the Wives Children, and subjects of these departed Chiefs, who are prisoners of War, and labouring upon the same spot, wth these Heads in full View. My mind was filled with Horror and disgust, at the sight of this Golgotha; at the same time, I anticipated with pleasing sensations, that glorious period, when through the influence of the Gospel, the voice of Joy and melody should be heard in these habitations of darkness and Cruelty where nothing now reigns but savage joy on one hand, and weeping and mourning on the other. In returning thro’ the Potatoe Grounds, we met with the Chief Racow, Duaterra’s Father in Law. I wished to visit the sacred grove, which was near, where he died, but as I understood it was tabooed, I should not presume to enter without permission of the Chief. Mr Kendall spoke to him, and told him what I wanted. He came and pointed out the tree, where his daughter, Duaterras Wife hung herself and shewed us the spot where both their bodies were deposited. The sacred spot was enclosed with a fence about three yards square: Here the bodies remained together till the flesh was decayed; when their bones were carefully collected, and carried to their respective family Sepulchres. How mysterious are the ways of God. Duaterra once prided himself in the prospect of raising his Country to the rank of a civilized nation, and was cut down like a flower in his first attempt to put his benevolent intentions into execution. The Ground where he intended the Church and European town to stand is now under cultivation, and divided amongst different families by his successors, while about half an acre is reserved, as sacred to his memory, where no Shrub or Tree is suffered to be cut down, and where apparently, no foot had trod, since the last funeral rites were performed for him and his faithful partner, before ours this Evening. In passing thro’ the Village of Ranghee Hoo on our return I stopt to speak to the Chief Werrie, and observed the head of a Woman upon a sacred ark near the Hut. I inquired who’s head it was formerly. Werrie said it was the head of his wife’s sister: that his wife and her Sister had been brought as prisoners of war by Shunghee to Ranghee Hoo: He obtained them both as his slaves. One of them he took for his wife, and the other for his Servant. That the Servant died a natural Death. At the time of her Death, his wife requested to have her sisters head preserved in order that she might relieve her mind by weeping over it. And it was kept for that purpose. Having never seen anything like the Ark when last at New Zealand, on which the head was placed, I wished to know the origin and use of it.– Mr Kendall and Werrie then informed me, that nearly two years ago the Catterpillars made great ravages amongst the growing Crops of Sweet potatoes. The Natives conceived this public Calamity came upon them by the anger of their God. The Inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo sent to Cowa Cowa, for a great Priest, in order that he might by offering up his prayers, and Ceremonies, avert from them this heavy Judgement. The priest came, and stopt several months— Performed his religious rites, and directed every principal cultivator to make an ark for his God, and to deposit in it sacred food for his God, to feed upon. In compliance with this order of the Priest, this Ark and others were made. It is about 5 feet long, 2 wide and 1 1/2 deep. It is painted and ornamented with Carving and various figures, and within is placed the sacred Provisions. The Catterpillars left their Potatoe Grounds in a short time, and the natives attributed their departure to the influence of the Priest, and not to any natural Cause; and hence they preserve these sacred Arks. Mr Kendall informed me, he had never seen or heard of any Custom of this kind before the above. 23d This morning several Chiefs arrived from the River Thames. When they landed, they all sat down in solemn silence in one Group on the beach. Shortly after the fighting men of Ranghee Hoo came running in a body from the Village quite naked, like so many furies, with their spears fixed in a threatning posture, and making the most horrid noise. They advanced towards the Chiefs on the beach, as if they were going to make an immediate attack; when they came within a few paces they stopt and performed the war dance, distorting their features, in the most frightful manner, and making at the same time, the most horrid yells. When they had gone through all their martial movements, they returned to the Village, when the head Chief Racow, an old man about 80, came forward, and made a speech to the Chiefs. The Chiefs had never moved from their place during these Transactions. I inquired what was the meaning of the fighting men coming so furiously out of the Village, with their spears fixed, on the arrival of the Chiefs from the River Thames. They replied, this was done, as a mark of Military honour and respect, and the oration of the Chief afterwards was to assure them of his cordial friendship. He told them he was glad to see them, and that they had done well to pay him and his people a visit, and that all future hostilities between them and his people should cease. On asking why the Chiefs on their arrival kept at such a distance, they told me, that some time ago, a man had been killed by their Tribe, belonging to a friend of the People at Ranghee Hoo. That the people of Ranghee Hoo had gone to revenge his death, and had killed two Chiefs & two common men. The Chiefs who now arrived were afraid lest the people of Ranghee Hoo should still retain their resentment against them, and would not receive them with proper attention. At length a full explanation took place between them, and mutual confidence was apparently restored. The Chiefs at the River Thames admitted that their Tribe ought to be punished, for the murder of the man they had killed, but contended, that the people of Ranghee Hoo had taken more than ample justice, for they had killed four persons belonging to them, which was more than Justice required, and that they felt themselves the injured party. After all matters were arranged, they went into the Village to feast with the Chief. They afterwards paid us a visit, and requested an Axe or an Hoe, but we could only spare one Axe for the Head Chief, and a Knife for his son. We were much distressed that we had it not in our power to give them the Tools they so much wanted. I promised to visit them when the Active returned if my time would permit. 24th This morning we loaded the Punt, with sawed timber for the new Settlement, when The Revd Mr Butler, Mr Francis Hall, and myself set off in her [to] Kiddee Kiddee. When we had got about half way up the River, the tide turned, when the boat anchored, and Mr Hall accompanied me on shore. We walked upon the beach towards the settlement, with an intention of visiting the Natives on the Shore. We observed in one place a deep Cavern under the Rocks, the mouth of wch was neatly hedged up. We looked into this Cave, and observed a dead body laying on a mat, upon the Ground, with a mat thrown over it. There was also a stage raised about three feet from the Ground, upon which there appeared some human bones. This was the first Sepulchre we had seen, where the dead appear to be finally deposited. This Sepulchre must belong to some neighbouring tribe. A short distance from the Sepulchre we met with a native Village. The inhabitants were overjoyed to see us. They had got some very good Hogs running about. We made them a few presents of Fish Hooks, and past on to another Village, about a mile distant. In this were a number of very fine Children. They had got a tame Cock, which was very familiar with the Children, sat with them, walked with them, and appeared to live entirely with them, without fear. I promised the Chief a hen when he came to the Settlement. They urged us to give them an Axe, or an Hoe, but we had none with us. Opposite this Village in the middle of the river is a very large Cockle Bed, which is dry at low water. Upon this Bed about 100 women were busy collecting Cockles for food. Here we got a Canoe to carry us up to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived at about 5 OClock. About 7 The Punt arrived with Mr Butler. We were much gratified to find that the Carpenters had completed one building 20 ft by 15 where we could be comfortably accommodated for the night. We found the work going on to our satisfaction, and our new Settlement began to put on a civil appearance. Sawpits having been dug, timber lying in different directions, and a new European House built. We read a portion of the Scriptures, sung an hymn, returned thanks to God for all his mercies, in the midst of the wondering natives, and then lay down to rest. 25th This morning we examined more particularly the ground in the neighbourhood, set the natives to clear and burn off the brush wood &c where it is intended the town should stand, and the Gardens to be laid out, we had a small spot of land cleared and broke up, in which I planted about 100 Grape Vines, of different Kinds, brought from Port Jackson. New Zealand promises to be very favourable to the Vine, as far as I can judge at present, of the nature of the Soil and Climate. Should the Vine Succeed, it would prove of vast importance in this part of the Globe; as the Grapes blight so much in New South Wales, there is little prospect that New Holland will become a wine Country. 26th. This day we returned to Ranghee Hoo. Had a very stormy passage with heavy rain. We were about 10 Hours in the Boat, and very wet and Cold. During the residence of the late Duaterra with me at Parramatta, he often mentioned a river called Shokee Hangha, which empties itself into the Sea, on the West side of the Island, and described it, a very fine river, the land rich, the Timber good, and the Inhabitants numerous, on its banks, and neighbourhood. It was my intention, when at New Zealand in 1815 to have visited this river, but my leave of absence being limited, I had not time to gratify my wish in this respect. On my arrival in August last I learned from Messrs Kendall and King, that they had visited Shokee Hangha about a fortnight before, and found that Duaterras information was correct. I had conversed with several Natives of New Zealand at Parramatta relative to the Harbour, wishing to know, if there was any entrance for a Ship. They all were of opinion that no Ship could enter, as there was a bar across the harbour mouth, upon which, the surf broke with such violence, so as to prevent a vessel getting in. Messrs Kendall and King, had not the means to ascertain this point, when they were at the river. I therefore resolved to put my original intention into execution, and to visit Shokee Hangha, and to examine the entrance, and the Harbour, to see how far it would be prudent, at a future period, to make a Missionary Station upon its banks. As Mr William Puckey, whom I had hired in Port Jackson, and brought with me to assist in putting up the necessary buildings at the New Settlement, had commanded a Vessel for several years out of England, and was better versed in ye knowledge of Navigation than any other person at New Zealand, I determined to take him with me, to examine the mouth of the river, and the harbour, in order that he might ascertain, whether or not, the entrance was safe for Shipping, and good anchorage in the river, and requested Mr Kendall to accompany us as he was acquainted with several Chiefs, and could speak the Native language. Accordingly, Tuesday 28 Sep. we took our passage to Kiddee with the Revd John Butler, Messrs Francis & William Hall, and the Carpenters and labourers, who were going to the settlement to forward the Buildings, prepare the ground for sowing such seeds, and planting such fruit trees, as had been brought with us from Port Jackson, where we arrived about 1 O’Clock; and immediately proceeded on our Tour, accompanied by three Chiefs, Shunghees Son, Werree Pork from Ranghee Hoo, and Roda from the river Shokee Hangha, with 6 Natives to carry our Baggage, and more accompanied us, on their own accord— Our whole party of Natives amounting to 17. About 4 Miles from Kiddee Kiddee, we rested, and took some refreshment. Here we met the Daughter of Shunghees brother and her husband with two Servants laded with Potatoes. They immediately put down their baskets, and presented us with a portion for ourselves, and another for the Servants who attended us, and compelled us to receive them. They were much pleased with meeting us, and greeted us, with every mark of attention. About 4 O’Clock we left our present station. The day had been very fine, but now the Clouds began to gather very black, and threatened very heavy rain. We had past over about 4 Miles of very fine land, and fit for the Plough, as soon as the Fern and brush wood is cut and burnt: There is not a single tree, upon some Thousands of Acres of good land, to the right and left of the Path, and in general the Ground very level. We had not walked more than a mile before we came to a swamp, laying upon some rising Ground. The swamp was about one mile across, and our road directly thro’ it. It was covered very thick with Rushes, and other aquatic plants, and the water generally from one to three feet deep. The native Chiefs proposed to carry us over, but the distance was so great, that we should have been more fatigued, by being carried, than by wading thro’. We therefore stript off part of our apparel, and waded thro’. After we had past the Swamp, we came into a very open Country, for many Miles round, covered with Fern. The part thro’ which we walked was gravelly, and not very good in general. The wind increased towards evening, and blew strong from the rainy quarter, so that we had the prospect of a very wet night, without a single Tree to shelter us from the storm, for about 8 Miles from the swamp we had past. At this distance was a wood, thro’ which our road lay; which we were anxious to reach, if possible, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind & rain, under the trees. With this hope, we pushed forward, and arrived at the Edge of the wood, about 9 O’Clock. The rain now began to fall heavy. The natives cut down some branches of fern, and boughs of Trees, and made us a little Shed, under the Trees, to shelter us a little from the wind, and rain. The blackness of the Heavens, the gloomy darkness of the wood, the roaring of the wind amongst the Trees, the sound of the falling rain upon the thick foliage, united with the idea, that we were literally at the ends of the Earth, with relation to our native land, surrounded with Cannibals, whom we knew had fed on human flesh, and wholly in their power; and yet our minds free from fear of danger, excited in my breast such new pleasing, and at the same time, various sensations, as I cannot describe. While I sat musing under the shelter of a lofty Pine, my thoughts were lost in wonder, and surprise, in taking a retrospective view of the wisdom and goodness of Gods providential care, which had attended all my steps to that very hour. If busy imagination inquired what I did there, I had not an answer to seek in wild conjecture. I felt with gratitude, that I had not come by chance, but had been sent, to prepare the way of the Lord, in this weary wilderness, where the Voice of Joy and Gladness, had never been heard; and anticipated, with joyful Hope, the period, when the day star from on high, would dawn upon this dark and heathen land, and cause the very earth on which we then reposed to bring forth its increase, and God himself, would give the poor inhabitants his blessing. After reflecting upon the different Ideas which crouded themselves upon the mind, I wrapt myself up in my great Coat and lay down to sleep. Wednesday 29th. Arose this morning at the dawn of day. The Natives immediately kindled their fires, and prepared for breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our Journey. After walking thro’ the wood, for about a mile, thro’ a very difficult and bad path, partly from the heavy rain, and partly from the roots of the trees which cover the road, we came once more into an open Country. The rain fell very heavy. After walking about Six Miles, we arrived at the edge of another wood, thro’ which we had to pass. Before we entered the wood, the rays of the Sun from under the Edge of a Cloud gilded the side of a distant hill. A New Zealander who was walking by me, called my attention to the spot where the sun shone, and asked me if I saw it. I answered in the affirmative; he replied, that is the Whydua, or Spirit of Shunghees Father. The Chiefs of New Zealand, are full of Pride, and many of them assume to themselves the Attributes of the Deity, while living, and are called Gods, by their people. The Natives will occasionally call Shunghee a God, when he approaches them, in the following terms: Hairemi, Hairemi Atua, come hither, come hither, thou God: These Divine Honours being paid to the Chiefs fills their minds with the most proud and profane notions of their own dignity and consequence. When they die their posterity deify their departed Spirits, and offer up their prayers to them. The above New Zealander compared the Departed Spirit of Shunghees Father to the Glory of the Sun, which evidently shewed what veneration they paid to the manes of their Ancestors, and what Dominion the Prince of this World, hath obtained over their minds. The observations of this Native furnished my mind with serious reflections, on the miserable state of these poor Heathens. As we walked along thro’ this dreary wood, the whole road was the worst I had ever walked over. The Roots of the Trees entwined themselves over the whole path, which made it painful to travel upon, as if we had to walk upon bars of round iron. We were several hours before we got through. Within about a Mile of one of the branches of the Shokee Hangha river, the wood rises to a very high summit, from which there is an extensive view of the river, and the western shore. On the left hand of the Hill, a large plane appears covered with Pine, and various timber. The tops of the Trees below are like a level sea, as far as the eye could reach: but our prospect was in some degree obstructed by the heavy clouds and rain, which fell in Torrents; at the same time, it Thundered aloud. The descent from the Hill into the river, is very difficult from its exceeding steepness. When we arrived upon the banks, we had this branch to wade thro’ several times, before we reached the first Village Ko Raka. As soon as the Inhabitants discovered us, they invited us to visit them, and as a signal of welcome, immediately fired a Musket, which was returned by one of the Chiefs who accompanied us. Our Guide directed us to proceed first, and the Natives to follow us. The Chiefs were seated upon the ground. The old Chief Warree Maddoo, I had seen at the bay of Islands, when I was there the first time, and had made him some small present. His Son Matanghee, and his Son in Law Te-Taw-nuee, I was not acquainted with. Their first inquiry was, to know what was the object of our visit. We informed them, that we had a desire to see the River Shokee Hangha, and to examine the mouth of the Harbour, to see, if a Ship could come in with safety, and at the same time, to visit the Chiefs, and see the different inhabitants. Warree Maddoo, and Te-Taw-nuee, were much pleased, and expressed their earnest wish, that a Ship might visit their River, and some Europeans come to reside with them, to learn them agriculture, and to make good roads. Matanghee who has now the supreme authority, his father being a very old man, apparently 80 years old, told us, we had better go no further at present. We wished to know his reason; He said there was a serious difference between him and a Neighbouring Chief named Moodee Why, and that Moodee Why, had speared a young man in the Thigh, the preceeding day, who was lying upon the Ground, and shewed us where the Spear had entered. He stated that the following was the Cause of their quarrel:— Their lands lay contiguous— Moodee Whys slaves had carried away part of Matanghees fence for fire wood, in consequence of which, Moodee Whys Pigs had got into Matanghees sweet Potatoe grounds, amd he had shot several of them. Moodee Why in retaliation had shot some of his Pigs. They had met the preceeding day, to settle the difference, when the young man mentioned above was speared. We replied we had nothing to do with their quarrels, and should proceed on our Journey.— When they found we were resolved to visit the river, they insisted we should not leave them for two nights. To this demand we agreed, as we were very wet, and weary, having been travelling thro’ bad roads from an early hour till about 4 OClock in the evening. The Chief accommodated us with the best Hut he had, and our People with another: gave us an Hog, and plenty of Common and sweet Potatoes. I presented the Chief with an Axe, & a few trifles, with which he was much gratified. We spent the Evening in conversing on various Subjects, such as Agriculture, Commerce and Religion. Te-Taw-Nuee is a very well informed man. He appeared to have lost no opportunities of gaining instruction— Was very anxious for some European to reside with them; and hoped, we would consider them at some future period, and send a Missionary to them. Matanghee, tho’ very kind to us, seemed deeply involved in thought; and uneasy in his mind, from what had taken place between Moodee Why and him. Before we retired to rest, we read a portion of Scripture, sung an Hymn, and committed ourselves to the protection of him who keepeth Israel. Tuesday 30th – Early this Morning, a Chief arrived to inform Matanghee how Moodee Why was affected towards him, and his people, and how they were resolved to act. We now learned that Moodee Why had been speared in the Arm, but the wound was slight. Soon after this Messenger had given his information, several Chiefs arrived on the same business. One of them began to make an oration, while all the other Chiefs sat on the ground in profound silence. He spake with great force! His action was Warlike, and graceful, and his Weapon of War, which he brandished in his Hand, added emphasis to every expression, and gesture. He exhorted Matanghee to act with Courage, and firmness, and to vindicate his own, and his tribe’s rights. He stated that he was a friend to both parties, and as one had been wounded on both sides, he recommended, the difference should be settled as amicably as they could, consistent with their rights. After this Chief had ended his address, another principal man, belonging to the Village, started up, and taking a long spear in his hands, began to state all the particulars of the present difference: He spake with great feeling, stamped with his foot at every turn— brandished his spear, while warlike indignation fired his Countenance. The whole of his manner and dress, reminded one of what I had read of the Chiefs of the Ancient Britons. I am of opinion, the New Zealand Chief resembles very much the Character of our ancestors. Shortly after this Chief had ended his speech, they all in a moment threw off their Mats, girt up their loins, with their war belts, took their Muskets, Spears, and Pattoos, and left us in the Village, with old Warree Maddoo and his son in law, and run off towards Moodee Whys. In about three Hours the Hostile party returned. We then learned, that the cause of their sudden departure was, in consequence of hearing that Moodee Why, had been killing their pigs, and that Matanghee had gone with his party, to ascertain the truth of the report. They appeared very indignant at the conduct of Moodee Why, and threatened to punish him. In the Evening, old Warree Maddoo threw off his mat, took his spear, and began to address his tribe, and the Chiefs. He made strong appeals to them against the injustice and ingratitude of Moodee Why’s Conduct towards them. He recited many injuries which he and his Tribe had suffered from Moodee Why for a long period: mentioned instances of his bad Conduct at the time his father’s bones were removed from the Ahooda Pa to their family Vault. He also stated acts of kindness which he had shewn to Moodee Why at different times, and said, he had twice saved his Tribe from total ruin. In the present instance, Moodee Why had killed three of His Hogs, one of them was very large and fat, being two Years Old. Every time he mentioned the large Hog, the recollection of his loss seemed to nerve afresh his aged Sinews: he shook his hoary beard, stampt with indignant rage, and poised his quivering spear. He exhorted his tribe to be bold and Courageous, that he would head them in the morning against the enemy, and before he would submit, he would be killed and eaten. All they wanted was firmness, and Courage: he knew well the Enemies they had to meet, their hearts did not lie deep, and if they were resolutely opposed, they would yield. His oration continued nearly an hour: all listened to him with great attention: when he sat down, I requested Mr Kendall to tell him that I was very anxious for a reconciliation to take place between Matanghee and Moodee Why, and proposed to give each of them an Adze, on Condition of Peace being made between them. In reply Matanghee said, his young man had been severely wounded, and Moodee Why only slightly. If Moodee Why had been equally wounded, he would have come to terms of Peace. However we urged our request for peace. In the mean time, the Chief Werree Pork had been to visit some of Moodee Why’s people, and brought us a message from Moodee Why, that he could not visit us, at Matanghee’s, but wished to see us at his Village, in the morning. We therefore informed Matanghee that we should proceed to Moodee Why’s in the Morning, as we had nothing to do with their differences, and were friends to both parties, and wished as far as we could to reconcile them. Matanghee said, he and Moodee Why were to meet in the morning, and we might go with them. If they could not settle their difference without fighting, no injury would happen to us, as they would direct us, how we were to act. After this conversation we retired to rest. Friday 1 Oct. Very early this morning old Warree Maddoo appeared fully armed for battle— His long beard was painted with red Ochre, to show that his mind was thirsting for blood. His loins were girt with a broad war belt, in which he carried his Pattoo, and his Spear in his hand. In a few moments, Matanghee and all his tribe, and friends, were ready. Some armed with Muskets, others with Spears, Patoos, and other warlike weapons. In this feudal clan we marched from Raka towards Moodee Why’s Village, which was situated about 4 Miles distant. We were joined by numbers of men Women, and Children, and Chiefs on the road, amongst whom, was the brother of Moodee Why; which induced us to hope, matters would be accommodated. One Chief spake to me and Mr Kendall, and requested us to make peace, or in their own language to make Matanghee, and Moodee Why both alike inside. This observation struck me as very strong, and worthy of being recorded. When we reached a field about a quarter of a Mile from Moodee Whys Village, the fighting men stopt, and arranged the plan of their future operations. As soon as this was settled, all marched forward till we came near Moodee Whys residence; our party being on one side of the river, that runs thro’ the village, and Moodee Whys on the other. Moodee Whys was ready to meet them. After some parley across the river, our party discharged all their Muskets, and saluted Moodee Why, and afterwards performed the war dance, and then returned into the Ground where the young man and Moodee Why had been wounded. Moodee Why, and his men marched five abreast, all naked, and armed, with him by their side, Mrs Moodee Why marched in front, with a long spear in her hand, and her daughter in the rear waving a white mat as a flag. There appeared 300 of Moodee Whys Tribe in this body. Their spears were very long more than 20 feet. The Men marched in a very close body. Moodee Why with a long spear regulated their movements. When they came opposite to Matanghees Party, Moodee Why, and some of his men plunged into the river. Matanghees party made a sham opposition to their landing, and the whole scene closed with savage shouting, & dancing. Old Warree Maddoo lead on Matanghees party. When the public confusion was a little over, Moodee Why, and the Hoary Warrior rubbed noses, as a token of reconciliation, but Matanghee refused this salutation, and appeared sullen. No sooner were matters adjusted, than old Warree Maddoo with his slaves, began to burn and destroy the fence of the Enclosure belonging to Moodee Why, in which we were assembled. Moodee Why took no notice. I asked Mr Kendall, if he knew the reason, why they destroyed Moodee Whys fence, and burnt it before his face. He told me it was a satisfaction required for the fence, which Moodee Whys Slaves had destroyed in the first instance, and that the New Zealanders, if they make peace, they always demand satisfaction, as an invariable condition: Life for Life – wound for wound – property for property. We now accompanied Moodee Why to his Village called Hoota Koora. It is very populous, and situated in a rich Valley. A navigable branch for large Canoes, of the Shokee Hangha River runs through it. Moodee Why received us with great kindness, and hospitality, gave us an Hog, and abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes for ourselves and attendants. The place was all bustle and Confusion. Nothing was to be seen in all directions, but weapons of War. Several Chiefs from other districts were assembled, on account of the difference between Moodee Why and Matanghee, who were all eagar to gain information of our object in coming to Shokee Hangha, and were much gratified when we told them, as they hoped at some period to see a Ship in their River. In about half an hour after our arrival, while talking with Moodee Why, and his friend, a sudden noise and tumult started up in the Village, on the opposite side of the river. All flew to their Arms, threw of their Mats, and rushed like Furies into the River in a moment, and Moodee Why amongst them, leaving us without taking time to tell us the cause. There was nothing to be seen or heard but noise and spears. We inquired the reason, and was told that a Married Woman had been acting improperly; The natives continued tearing and pulling one another about the hair of the head, for about an hour, and some got a few blows. After this business was settled, a Chief came to salute me with his bloody nose, having got part of the skin knocked off in the battle. I laughed at him presenting his bloody nose for me to rub with mine, and pointed to the wound he had received, he smiled and said it was New Zealand fashion. When Moodee Why returned, we asked him if the woman had been guilty of Adultery, he replied no, but had been seen playing wantonly with another man. We spent the afternoon very pleasantly in conversing upon various important subjects; such as the education of their Children, the advantages of Commerce and Agriculture, and the richness of the Soil around their Villages. The number of Children in the Village is great, and of a proper age to be taught the English language. Moodee Why was very urgent for a Missionary to reside with him, and begged we would send him one soon, as he wd be of no use to him if he came after his death. I never saw a finer race of men, than in this Village, nor finer Children. Hoota Koora would be an important Missionary Station, as an easy communication would be had with all the inhabitants upon the banks of the river of Shokee Hangha for 40 Miles. After the noise of the Day, we read a Chapter, praised God, and committed ourselves to his gracious Keeping. Saturday 2d Oct. This morning we requested Moodee Why to accommodate us with a Canoe, to visit the different Chiefs on the banks of the River wch he readily granted, and said he would accompany us. He, his Wife, daughter, and two small Children, with some of his Slaves were immediately ready to embark in his war Canoe, which measured 63 feet and very safe and commodious for ourselves and Servants— At the Top of the Tide, about 7 OClock in the morning we left Hoota Kura. On the Eve of our departure a priest performed certain religious ceremonies praying for our Success, and that we might accomplish the object of our visit. The war Canoe, with the Tide, and more than 20 Natives to paddle, went swiftly down the stream. About 10 Miles from the Village, in the middle of the River is a little Island, little more than half an Acre. This Island is formed by the meeting at a certain point of the Tide from two rivers: The main river Shokee Hangha, and a River that falls into it on the North East side. On this Island stands a little village full of inhabitants. The Chief is a very old man, we stopped to speak to him. He appeared to have his Children, and his Childrens Children around him. He was much pleased to see us. I presented him with a plane Iron: he would not let us leave the Shore till he had presented us without about 300lbs of Potatoes, for the present he had received. It is more than probable he esteemed the plane Iron far the greatest present he had ever received. I was anxious to reach the heads of the river, as soon as possible, as the weather was now fine, and therefore left the Venerable Chief. When we had gone about three miles further we came opposite to a Village called We-te-wha-hetee situated upon an hill, as soon as they saw us they waved a mat as a flag, and called aloud for us to visit them. The fighting men came running down with Muskets, Spears &c. They fired their Muskets and danced the war dance, in order to pay us Military Honors, according to their Custom. We stopt to speak to them, we told them we could not visit them on our way down the River, but promised, when we returned, to spend a night with them. I gave the Chief a Plane Iron, and we past on. About 4 O’Clock, we got within a mile of our Journeys end. Our Servants were hungry and tired and wished to go on shore to cook some provisions. We therefore landed, near the residence of the Chief who had accompanied us from Ranghee Hoo. He immediately caught an Hog, killed it, and our Servants dressed it for themselves in a short time. While we were here taking some refreshments, the Inhabitants of the Village nearest the Heads, called Weedeea had observed us, and immediately a great priest named Ta- man-hena, who is priest of the Heads of Shokee Hangha, and supposed to have absolute Command of the Winds and waves, came to visit us, and to invite us into the Village, to the Chief Mow Enna who is the Head Chief of the River. When we had dined we proceeded to the Village where we were cordially received by the Joyful Inhabitants, Mow Enna had heard of our coming to see him, and had prepared a good shed for us. We spent the Evening in conversation with the priest, and the Chiefs, upon the works of Creation, the being and Attributes of God, on the institution of the Sabbath Day, and the resurrection of the dead. The Priest was a very sensible man, as far as the law of nature could direct him. He spake of having communication with the Atua of New Zealand, that he answered him, when he prayed unto him. I told him that I had never heard the Atua of New Zealand, nor could I believe, he had, unless I could hear him myself, and I wished him to pray, that I might hear him, while I was with him. He replied, when he came to see me at Ranghee Hoo I should hear him. He believed all the New Zealand Chiefs, went to a place of Happiness when they died. The power of their Chiefs, the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, and the Glory of war, are the grand Subject of their Conversation. Their memories are very strong, and they shew a great anxiety to increase their Knowledge. They are very great and enterprising travellers in their own Country: many of them are absent on their Journeys ten, and twelve months at a time. We learned from them a more particular account of a River called Why-coto about the Centre of the island, where the great body of the inhabitants appear to reside. They describe them as innumerable. The Chiefs and Priest wished to know what our business was— we informed them, our first object was to examine the mouth of the Harbour to see if any Vessel could get in. They asked us, if we had mentioned our coming to see them to Shunghee, for they feared the Chiefs on the East side, would not be pleased, if any Ship should visit them. I told them I had acquainted Shunghee with our intention, and he had sent his Son to shew us the way. They were much pleased at this information, and remarked, as we had come on our own accord, without invitation, the Chiefs had no ground to be offended with them. The Priest then stated the situation of the entrance of the river, described the Rocks on each side, and a sand bank on the right hand out at Sea, as we got out of the mouth of the River. He stated how many fathom of water there was on the bank, and in the Channel, and said he would accompany us in the Morning to examine the entrance, and sound the Depth of water. We told him we could not go in the morning, for Tomorrow was sacred, a day appointed for us to pray to our God; but the Morning after, we should wish him to go with us, if the weather would permit. He said he was Priest of the winds and waves, and would Command them to be still. After talking upon various subjects, till a late hour, we sung an Hymn as usual, and thanked our God for the blessings we enjoyed in a Heathen Land, and then lay down to rest. Our place was very full of Natives, who remained with us all night, and the Priest never left us an hour, night or day, till we arrived at Ranghee Hoo. Sunday 3d. Being the Sabbath after breakfast I read the Church Service, and made a few observations on the 11 Chap Romans. The Chiefs and their People behaved with great propriety. The Head Chief ordered all the Children away lest they should disturb us. Great numbers of men and women crowded round our Shed. The Priest said he wished to learn to pray as we did, but he did not understand the reason, why we prayed to our God, when we appeared not to want his assistance. He said he never prayed, but at those times when he wanted the aid of the Atua. We endeavoured to explain to him, that our God made every thing, that he was always present with us, and continually took care of us, and heard and saw all that we did or said. The Chief wished an European would come to teach them, and said he would give him a farm, and he should live near him. Mow Enna and his people live in a rich and fertile Valley. Here are a great number of fine Children, and a very important station might be established in this Valley for Missionaries, and I cannot doubt, but they would be kindly received. We had much Conversation on this Subject, with the Priest and Mow-Enna who appeared a very mild man. After dinner, in order to relieve ourselves from the pressure of the People, we took a walk upon the beach. The natives followed us in Crouds, we desired them to return, as we wished to be more alone. They immediately Complied with our request. We returned in a few hours, and spent the Evening in useful Conversation. Monday 4 Oct. We rose early this Morning, with an intention to examine the entrance into the River. It blew very fresh. The Priest said we should have his War Canoe, and he would accompany us, and prevent the winds and waves from rising. As soon as breakfast was over, the Priest, Mr. Willm Puckey, and a very fine Crew of native young men, launched the Canoe, and we set off for the Heads, which were about 4 Miles distant. Ta-mang-hena told me not to be afraid, he would not allow the winds and waves to rise. There are two large Rocks at the Heads, in which, the Gods of the Sea reside, according to the opinion of the Priest, and the inhabitants on the banks of the river. The Priest said he would command the Gods to be still, and not to disturb the Sea, till we had made our examination, and sounded the Shoal and Channel. We were no sooner in the Canoe than the Priest began to exert all his powers to still the Gods, the winds and waves. He spake in an angry commanding tone, however, I did not perceive either the winds, or waves to yield to his authority, and when we reached the heads I requested to go on shore, till the Priest and Mr Puckey went out to sea, to sound the sand bank, as the water was rough. I landed near the sacred rock, and one Chief with me, who expressed great alarm, lest I should tread, on the consecrated Ground, and said the God would kill him, if he suffered me to do so, and he frequently laid hold of me in great agitation when he thought I approached too near. I was obliged to take advantage of every retiring wave, and run on the beach, till I had past the residence of this imaginary Deity. After Mr Puckey had taken the necessary bearings and soundings, I was returned again to the Village, and prepared for leaving our Hospitable Chief, who had supplied us, and our followers with the greatest abundance of Potatoes, and such provisions as he had, and about 7 O’Clock the Chief, his brother, and many of the People with the Priest, were determined to accompany us in our visit to the other Chiefs, till we finally left the River. The Canoes were immediately got ready and we set off for the next Village called Weedenakke about 18 or 20 Miles distant where we arrived about 12 O’Clock that Evening. When we landed, I felt very cold, having sat in the Canoe for about 5 Hours. One of the Chiefs of Weedenakke was waiting to receive us. This Village is situated literally in a very dark corner of the earth, behind some lofty Hills which are mentioned by Captain Cook. It stands at the head of a large salt water Creek, which runs up from the main river about 10 Miles, and is there met by a very beautiful fresh water stream, which comes down from the Neighbouring Hills, and passes thro’ an extensive Valley of rich Land. When we arrived, there were very few inhabitants in this Village, the Chief informed us, the body of the people were living in the Valley with the head Chief, preparing their Grounds for planting their sweet Potatoes, and that we should visit them in the Morning. He then conducted us into a very close Hut, where we were to remain till the return of day. The entrance was just sufficient for a man to creep into. Being very cold, we were glad to occupy such a warm birth. I judged the Hut to be about 8 feet wide, and 12 Long, with a fire in the Centre, and no vent either for the smoke or heat. The Chiefs who were with us threw off all their Mats, and laid down close together, in a perfect state of nudity. I had not been many minutes in this oven, before I experienced the Heat and smoke above, below, and on every side, insufferable. The Heat under the Roof of the Hut was excessive. Tho’ the night was cold, Mr Kendall and myself were compelled to quit our Habitation. I crept out of the Hut, walked in the Village, to see if I could meet with a shed, that would keep me from the damp air till the return of day. I found one empty, into which I entered. I had not been long, under my present cover, before I observed a Chief, who had come with us from the last Village, come out of the Hut I had left perfectly naked. The moon shone very bright. I saw him run from Hut to Hut till at length he found me under my Shed, and urged me to return— I told him, I could not bear the Heat, and requested him to allow me to remain where I was— At length he consented with reluctance. I was surprised to see how little effect either heat, or cold, seemed to have upon him. He had come out of the Heat, smoking like an hot loaf drawn from the Oven; walked about till he found me, and then sat down to converse for some time, without any Cloathing, tho’ the night was Cold. Mr Kendall remained sitting under his mat, in the open air till morning. Tuesday 5th. As soon as the day dawned, we heard the distant sound of native music thro’ the woods, and in a short time observed men, women, and children peeping thro’ the Trees, most of the Men, armed with spears. Many of them slowly advanced towards us. We were preparing to proceed to the Village, where the Head Chief resided. At the moment we were ready to walk, a messenger arrived to say, that we were to remain at our present station for further orders, as the Chief and his people, were not quite ready, to receive us. This information was not very welcome, as we had had no rest all night we wished to get to our Journeys end. At length another messenger came to inform us, they were ready. We then proceeded. Our party now consisted of about 100 persons. When we came within about a quarter of a mile of the Chiefs residence, the natives began to salute us, with the discharge of Muskets & continued to fire till we came up to the Head Chief, who was seated with his subordinate Chiefs at the entrance of a very commodious Shed, which had been expressly prepared for us. A Chief who had attended us where we spent the night walked before us, and introduced us, to the Head Chief. This Village is situated in a very rich and extensive Valley, which rung with the welcome salutations of the Inhabitants. The Chiefs expressed their Joy at our visit. After breakfast I walked with him thro’ his cultivated Grounds— The land is very good and produces great Crops of Common and Sweet potatoes. A fine stream of fresh water runs thro’ the Village. Here we found a greater population, than in any other part we had visited. One Hundred Children of a proper age, might be taken at once into a School. They have also plenty of Provisions, and their land is fit for all the purposes of agriculture, or Gardening. Many hundreds of Acres of land are here that would repay the labours of the Husbandman. I walked to the head of the Valley, and followed the stream of fresh water, which descends from the Hills, till I met with a fine situation for a water mill, where the natural fall, appeared to be not less than 20 feet, which at a future period, may be of infinite service in grinding grain, when the growing of Corn is generally introduced amongst the inhabitants. The inhabitants of this Valley appeared to live in peace and plenty, and quietly to enjoy the fruits of their industry. Whether their security depended upon the strength of their Tribe, or the secluded situation, I cannot say. The Chief presented us with 2 large fat Hogs, each about 200lbs. weight, one of which we had killed for ourselves and people, and also many hundred weight of Potatoes. There was nothing but feasting and rejoicing, all that and the following day, till we took our departure. There were more than 200 Baskets of Potatoes dressed at one time. I had never seen such heaps of sweet, and common Potatoes before. A certain number of baskets are dressed for every Chief, his friends, and his Servants, and every party sit in a Circle, round their provisions by themselves, when they eat. After feasting and dancing and Conversing all day, in the Evening before they retired to rest, the Cooks heated their Ovens in the Ground, in wch they put Pork, Potatoes, and Greens all in heaps, in large quantitys sufficient for 200 or 300 Persons, and covered them up, leaving them till morning to roast. At the early dawn, the New Zealanders were up. The Cooks opened their ovens, and served all their seperate portions. The Chief of this Tribe appeared a very mild man. He expressed an ardent desire, for some Europeans to reside with him, to instruct his People. He gave each of us, a farm, all ready for planting; we thanked him for his kindness, but it was of no use for us to accept, as we could not attend to their Cultivation. This Valley would be an excellent Station for Missionaries, from its Population, the Richness of the Soil, and from its apparent tranquility. It enjoys many advantages, as a Missionary Post, which time will not allow me to point out at present. While we remained here, we had long conversations upon the advantages of education, agriculture, commerce, Navigation &c &c. The Chiefs are in general very sensible men, and wish for information upon all subjects. They are accustomed to public discussions, from their infancy. The Chiefs take their Children from their Mothers breast, to all their public Assemblies: They hear all that is said upon Politics, Religion, War &c by the oldest men. Children will frequently ask questions in public Conversation, and are answered by the Chiefs. I have often been surprised, to see the Sons of the Chiefs at the age of 4 or 5 years sitting amongst the Chiefs, and paying such close attention to what was said. The Children never appear under any embarrassment, when they address a stranger, whom they never saw. In every Village, the Children, as soon as they learned any of our names, came up to us, and spake to us with the greatest familiarity. At the age of 8 or 10 years they appear to be initiated, into all the Customs and manners of their ancestors, by being the constant Companions of their Fathers, and attending them in all their public Councils, and in the field of Military Glory. In this Village the number of Children is very great, and ready for instruction. While we remained in this Village we found much pleasure, in the Conversation of the Priest of the Heads of Shokee Hangha. I on one occasion asked him, if the winds and waves would not take advantage of his absence, and do much injury to the Heads of the river.— He replied, he should prevent them, by his prayers till he returned. I observed, he was so great a man, that some of the Chiefs would wish him dead, in order that they might succeed to his Dignity. He then pointed to his Son who was sitting by him, he was preparing him for the Sacred office, and that he was to succeed him in the Command over the winds and waves. Thursday 7 Oct After Breakfast this morning, we intended to take our departure, but the Chief wished to detain us, till the middle of the day, in order, that he might give another great feast. About 8 O’Clock, numbers of Slaves arrived laden with Potatoes, and some large Snappers just caught. They were preceded by a Company Dancing, and Shouting. As soon as they had laid down their Baskets, all the Cooks went to work immediately, and as soon as the Potatoes were dressed, each party sat down to their portion. When the feast was ended, a Musket was fired, all the fighting men flew to their Arms in a moment. Some armed with Muskets, others with Spears, Clubs &c— and entertained us with a sham fight, and war dance, which closed the Scene. We now packed up our Baggage, and walked about a mile to our Canoes, where we were to embark, attended by more than 200 Natives. In our large Canoe we estimated the Pork and Potatoes at more than three Ton, which the Chiefs of the former Villages, and this, had laded us with. Besides our Provisions and Baggage we had 36 persons. We took our leave of this friendly Chief, and his people, about one O’Clock, thanking him for his attentions, and expressing our highest approbation of the Conduct of his People, while we remained with them; which gratified him much. We now proceeded to the Village on the banks of the main river, which was distant about 20 Miles, called We-Te-wha-Hetee, and where we had promised to spend a night, on our return. We arrived about 6 OClock in the Evening. Ta-Ra-whe-ka the Chief had built a neat shed for us 10 feet wide, by 24 feet long. It was very clean and neat. And also a convenient place for the sake of decency, in a retired Situation, sufficient for the accommodation, of at least Ten persons, about 40 yards from our Shed, and had made a clean walk to it. He received us with great kindness, I went with him to the Summit of the Hill, where his Castle, or Hippah is situated: his Village is built on the lowest side. From the top of the Hill, there is a very extensive prospect of the River Shokee Hangha, and the surrounding Country. As we past along I observed a Chief’s wife making loud lamentations, and mourning. On inquiring the cause of her deep distress she informed me, that since our passing down the river, she had lost her two Sons, and one Child belonging to the Village with them. The Children had been sent to gather Cockles, in a Canoe on a sand bank in the River, which is dry at low water. The wind rose on the flow of the Tide, and carried away the Canoe, leaving the Children upon the bank: when the tide rose it swept them all away. She added, that her husband was also lately dead. She was a young Woman. Her mother was sitting besides her mourning and weeping with her. They had cut themselves after their manner for their dead. I felt for her affliction, and would gladly have relieved her distress. I had nothing to give her, but a few fish Hooks, and my Pocket Knife, with which I presented her, and which she thankfully received. This Chief, like the rest, presented us with large quantities of Potatoes— giving a certain number of baskets to us, and then to the Chiefs and their Servants: and also to our party of Common People, with a good Hog. Ta-Ra-Whe-Ka is a very stout man, and very modest, with Little of the appearance of a Savage about Him. His people also were well behaved. We told him, we wished to visit the river Ho-poo-nakkee-terre, but the Crew of our Canoe were very tired and were not able without a day’s rest to go with us. He offered his services, and said he would supply us with a Crew in the morning, and accompany us himself. We thankfully accepted his Kind offer. We spent the Evening as usual, in conversing upon various subjects, and in gaining all the information we could, relative to the Rivers in New Zealand. The number of Inhabitants upon their banks, upon what they lived, and the mode of communication which they had with distant parts of the Island. We could seldom ask them a question, but before they answered it, they would inquire our reason for asking. If we asked how far any mountain or river was off, they would say, “What do you want to know for? Are you going there?” When we had satisfied them, they would give us every information we required. When we had conversed till late in the Evening, we performed our Evening Service of Prayer and Praise and then lay down to rest. Friday 8th— This morning we prepared early to visit, according to our intention, some Villages on the Banks of a river called Poo-nak-ke-Terre laying on the south side of Shokee Hangha, in two Canoes, accompanied by about 50 persons. As we went up the River we saw several Villages wh we had not time to visit. The inhabitants fired their Muskets, and hailed us as we passed. Our wish was, to go as far up the river as we could, with a strong tide in our favour, so as to return in the Evening. The River is very beautiful, and will be very Convenient for ye Navigation of small Vessels, should this Country ever become a Commercial nation. About one O’Clock we came to two Villages situated near to each other, upon the high bank on the south side of the River. One of these Villages, [was] under the authority of an old woman a Chiefs wife, The Chief being dead. Many of these People had never seen a white person. They received us with a war dance, presented us with several baskets of Potatoes, which were immediately dressed— While the Cooks were doing their duty we walked into the Villages, and conversed with the people, and made the principals presents of a few fish Hooks. One of these Villages is called Otaheite: Ranghee-Wakka-Takka is the name of the other. These Villages stand at the Head of a most beautiful Valley into which a small creek navigable for Canoes runs from the river. In this Valley, we observed several small Villages, and a large portion of land cultivated with Potatoes. In this part there is a large quantity of good land, that never has been in Cultivation, and would make a beautiful settlement. There appeared a great number of People here, in this very retired nook. As I passed along the Village, I observed a young man lying, and a Chief tatowing or carving his breech. The operation appears to be painful: he cut deep every stroke, and continually wiped away the flowing blood. This is a very barbarous custom. After remaining a few Hours, we left these Villages, with the return of the Tide. An old Chief with a very long beard and his face Tatowed all over, had accompanied us from where we slept last night. He wanted an Axe very much. At last he said, if we would give him an Axe he would give us his Head. Nothing is held so much in veneration by the Natives as the Head of their Chief. I asked him who should have the Axe, when I had got his head. He replied, I might give it to his son. At length he said, perhaps you will trust me a little time, and when I die you shall have my head. I promised him he should have an Axe, and he gave me two Matts, in order to secure one. I told him I had not one left, they were all at Ranghee Hoo— He said he would send a man for it, which he did, when we finally left the River. We hastened back as fast as possible, and arrived at our lodgings about 6 OClock, having gone by estimation little less than 40 Miles by water. The war Canoes go at a great rate when well manned. We told the Chief Ta-ra-whe-ka that we must leave him in the morning. He provided us with his presents of Potatoes, and two Hogs to take with us. The Priest of the Heads was our constant companion: as he was so well informed, upon all subjects relative to his Country, and Religion, I wished to learn from him, who was the first man, at New Zealand. He answered, that the first man who visited New Zealand, from whence all originated, was named Mowhee. That he had left his own Country with his followers, on account of public troubles, and was afterwards conducted by the God of Thunder to Showrakkee, or what we call the River Thames. That Ta-urekke the God of Thunder sat at the Head of His Canoe, and brought him safe to Land. His name is held in great Veneration, and he is worshiped as a Deity. For several miles on the south west side of the river, the beach is covered with round stones of various descriptions, from 5 feet to one in Diameter. I asked the Priest whence they came, as I had seen nothing like them in any part; he said Mowhee dug them out of the bed of the River at the time he made the Channel. They attribute to Mowhee many of the natural productions in the Island. After conversing with them on the motion of the earth, the relative situation of other Countries to their own, the Number of Moons a Ship would be sailing to different parts, what Countries produced Iron, Coal, Wheat, Wine, Spirits, Tea Sugar, Rice &c and what Articles their own country was capable of producing, when once they had the means to grow them; all these subjects gratifyed them very much: and during the conversation, they often made many judicious observations, expressing their ardent desire that they might only be able to try what their Country wd do, we closed the day with reading a portion of Scripture, singing a Hymn and Prayer. At day break this morning we heard the Lamentations of the poor Widow on the Summit of the Hill, weeping for her children. Her Affliction of mind was very heavy. She was left wholly to the feelings of nature, which appeared to be intolerable. The consolations of Religion, could not pour the oil of Joy into her wounded Spirit. She knew not God, and evidently had no refuge to fly for relief. In the fullest sense of the Apostle’s meaning, she was without hope, and without God in the World: Her Situation will apply to the whole of her Country, when under any Affliction. I am informed they will sit for Months, night and day, mourning in a similar manner; for the loss of their dearest relations. What infinite blessing Divine Revelation communicates to the whole body of a nation who are favoured with it, can never be estimated. The Knowledge of the only true God, spreads its genial influences to the King on the Throne, and thro’ all the different ranks of his subjects, down to the condemned Felon in his Cell. The wickedness of man, however great in a Christian Country, cannot prevent Divine Revelation from imparting its common blessings to them, any more than the barren soil can prevent the sun from imparting its genial rays. I have been accustomed to attend for more than 20 years condemned Criminals, and I never met with an instance, however great the Guilt of the Felon might be, but his mind was relieved, from the common Knowledge of God, when under the prospect of a speedy execution. He would plead God was merciful, and upon that Attribute he built his Hope, and that Hope, would support his mind, more or less, till he was launched into Eternity. In a Christian Country to whom do ungodly persons, in the day of trouble fly for relief, when they are deprived of their Children or friends by Death— but to the Wisdom, and Righteous Government of God, and console their minds with the hope that their dearest connections, are in a better world, and whatever the living have lost, the dead have gained. But the Widow, and the Fatherless, in a Heathen Country, have none of those sources of Consolation. Their wounds, are only healed by the hand of time, and if this fails, their last recourse is suicide, which is common amongst the New Zealanders. The Knowledge of the true God, who made, and still governs the world, is the only remedy, that can relieve the immortal mind in this respect. Tho’ no comparison can be drawn in a moral point of view between the better part of Society in New Zealand, and the worst in a Civilized Christian Country— Yet, the latter have greatly the advantage, in this world, over the former, in as much as they derive Consolations in the day of trouble from Divine Revelation, which the poor Heathen, from his total Ignorance of the True God cannot do. I have been led to make the above observations, from what I have repeatedly seen, not only in this afflicted Widow, but also in others under distress of mind. By reflecting upon the infinite blessings bestowed upon a Nation who is favored with the Knowledge of Divine Revelation, we may see the force and Justice of our Saviour’s declaration, when he said, that it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of Judgement, than for those who are favoured with the Gospel, and despise its Gracious Invitations. After commiserating the Affliction of the above poor Widow, I returned to breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our departure, to a Village about 18 or 20 Miles distant up the River, called Te Pappa. Our company now was large. We left Ta-wha-Heetee in five Canoes, all laden more or less with provisions, and with several live Hogs. On our passage up the river we were joined by the Brother of Poro, and his son. Poro is a great Chief, not far from the North Cape. None of the men in the Canoe belonging to Poro were Tatooed. I made inquiries after his brother, tho’ I had never seen him. About Three years ago, he had sent one of his People over to Port Jackson in the Active, when I sent him a few presents. I gave him a Plane Iron, and a Pocket Knife, having nothing more left, and promised to give him an Axe. He said he would go to Ranghee Hoo with us for it. As this would be a great and laborious Journey, I told him, I would send him one to Moodee Whys, with which he was satisfied. Poro and Moodee Why were friends. Poro had heard of the difference between Moodee Why, and Matanghee, and had sent his Son, and brother, to know the particulars, and to offer his assistance if wanted. I wished to know how they had come from their own place, whether by sea or land, as the distance must be very considerable. They replied by Land. I wished to know if there were no rivers to obstruct them— They answered, none, but such as they could easily swim across. When he came to the branch of the river that led to Hoota Koora, Moodee Whys Village, he left us, and we proceeded towards Ta Pappa where we intended to rest for the night— The Chiefs name of this Valley is Patu-ona. We arrived at Ta-pappa in the Afternoon. Patu-ona had made every preparation for our reception— He had constructed a new and commodious Hut for us, and was greatly rejoiced to see us. Our party was large. Patu-ona is one of the most pleasant Chiefs I had met with. He has a fine open countenance, in which the greatest kindness, and good nature is expressed. He told me, he had a great desire to visit Port Jackson in the Active, and would be glad to go over in the capacity of a Cook, which is one of the meanest situations their Slaves are placed in, and added, if I considered him a Gentleman, he would then go as my Friend. I promised him his wish should be granted when an opportunity offered. He made inquiry about the growth of Grain. He had a small patch of wheat growing from seed he had received from the Missionary Settlement. Patu-ona was very anxious to improve his Countrymen and to better their situation. Should he ever visit Port Jackson, he will derive the greatest advantage from seeing the Comforts of civil life, and the improvements going on there, in Buildings, Agriculture, &c.— Moodee Why was very urgent with me to send him a Red flannel Shirt, Night Cap, and a Pair of Spectacles: observing if he could only get those articles, he should be a great man. We had not long been with Pat-ona before a messenger arrived and informed Moodee Why that Matanghee had been removing the bones of his ancestors, from the Sepulchre where they had been deposited, which greatly wounded Moodee Whys feelings, and roused his indignation: When he received the information of the Circumstance, he was greatly distressed. The news pierced his very heart. He said, if it was not for the respect he had for us, he would go that night and kill Matanghee. He further observed that it was his intention to have visited Port Jackson in the Active, but now, his distress would be so great, and of long continuance, that he could not go. He had no prospect of relieving his mind but by travelling from place to place, in his own Country, and amongst his friends. He wished to know our opinion, whether he should go immediately and kill Matanghee or not, we told him we could not interfere with the Customs of their Country, but in England great men did nothing hastily, but always took time to deliberate, and we thought he had better not be in too much haste to punish the offence. Moodee Why never recovered his Spirits while we staid. His mind was gloomy and oppressed. Matanghee and he were near relatives, or there would not have been that forbearance in either party. They would soon have settled their difference by an appeal to arms. But family connections prevented them from indulging their natural feelings, and their Love of war. Shunghee had punished with Death, five men for Sacrilege since my arrival, as already mentioned, and no doubt but Moodee Why from the same influence of Superstition upon his mind wd, to relieve his own distress, and as a satisfaction to the spirits of his departed ancestors, act in the same way, was it in his power to do so. Patu-ona was a relation and friend to both parties. He was concerned for the quarrel, but said they were both wrong. Matanghee was wrong, in shooting Moodee Whys Pigs, and Moodee Why was equally wrong in shooting Matanghees. Patu-ona said if Matanghee had shot his pigs, he would not have retaliated upon him, by shooting Matanghees, but would have had no connection with him in future: he would have considered him to have acted so unlike a Chief. But observed, that his brother who was by, would have acted as Moodee Why did. How they will accommodate their difference we cannot say. We were obliged to them for suppressing their mutual resentments while we were with them. This was an attention we could not have expected from Savages. We spent some time at this Village very pleasantly, our accommodations were comparatively good, and our companions were very entertaining particularly the Priest of the Winds and waves. Saturday. This morning we prepared for our final departure from The river Shukee Hangha, we had left several Villages, and Chiefs, whom for want of time, we could not visit, tho’ they had provided for us. We were now to part with Moodee Why, and Mow-Enna the Head Chief of the River, who had never left us since we met. He wept at our departure, directed the Priest to accompany us to Ranghee Hoo, and to learn if the Active had arrived, and whether there was any prospect of her visiting their River, in order that they might prepare the Timber for her. It would have been impossible for any Civilized nation to have paid us more attention, as far as their means and Knowledge extended, than those poor Heathen did. When we left Patu-onas Village, we were more than 50 in Company, the most of them were going for an Axe, or Hoe or some small edge tool. They would have to travel by land and water, from 100 to 140 Miles, thro’ some of the worst paths, thro’ woods, that can be conceived— and to carry their provisions for their Journey. A Chiefs wife came with us all the way, and I believe her load could not be less than 100lb, and many carried much more than that weight. We had to travel upon the banks of the upper part of the river Shukee Hangha. Patu-ona took myself Messrs Kendall & Puckey in his Canoe for some miles up the river, till we came to a fall, when we landed in a wood, about the middle of the day. We estimated our distance from the Heads to be between 40 and 50 Miles, or upwards. The body of our party had gone on. We had now to travel thro’ a very thick wood on the banks, and at particular points had to wade the River. Some very fine young Men went before us, and cleared the way as well as they could, by treading and breaking down the brush, and branches of trees. It was very fatiguing, to walk in this wood, and from the very heavy rain, that fell in the Morning, very wet and dreary. Near dusk in the evening we came to the last station on the banks of the River, where we put up for the night, under a little shed, open both to the wind and rain. The party with us, made a Shed for themselves. The night was Cold, we were very wet and weary. Our Servants kindled the fires, dressed some Pork and Potatoes, on which we dined. The Chiefs had sent nine Hogs with us, and many hundred weights of Potatoes. One Hog we killed, and dressed this Evening. All had now returned, who did not intend to accompany us to the end of our Journey. We still mustered in our little camp between 50 and 60 Persons. This was a very solitary station, on the banks of a River, in a very deep Valley, surrounded with lofty Timber, of various kinds, and a Days Journey from any native Village, or farm— Our only Companions men in a state of nature, some of them having never seen a Vessel, or ever visited the Missionary Settlement. We arose early this Morning, after a very cold and uncomfortable night, and prepared for our Journey in hopes of reaching Kiddee Kiddee in the Evening, which we estimated to be 26 Miles from our Station. We had still a very difficult part of the wood to pass. After walking for almost two hours, we reached the open Ground, near which stands a large stump of a Pine, the remains of a Tree cut down by the great Tippahee for his Canoe. The Chips still remain round the place, where he made the Canoe. I sat down upon the stump, and reflected upon the conversations I had had with Tippahee 14 years before, and the Scenes that had since occurred, relative to his Country. How would he have rejoiced, had he now been alive, to have seen the present opening prospect, for the benefit of his native land. I may here observe, he just planted the Acorn, but died before the sturdy oak appeared above the surface of the Ground. When Tippahee had completed the Canoe, he had more than 20 Miles to carry it over land, by mere muscular strength. When we left this wood, we had a clear open Country before us, thro’ which our road lay for more than 20 Miles. Some of the soil good, some gravelly, and others swampy. Some of the Swamps we past may be easily drained— as there appeared sufficient fall. Our road was very good excepting the Swamps, and in general level. We found it easy and pleasant to travel, compared with what we had past the preceeding day. After walking very hard till about 6 O’Clock in the Evening, with only resting once for a short period, we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee, very tired and weary. When we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee we found Shunghee there. The Revd Mr Butler and Carpenters were at Ranghee Hoo. I immediately laid down to rest in the only building yet completed. Shunghee informed me, two days before, a Chief, Tenana had killed his wife for Adultery. She had been caught in the fact, and acknowledged her guilt, when her Husband knocked her on the Head with a Pattoo. The Punishment he said was just. Her brother had been and taken away the dead body, which was conveyed to the sepulchre of her friends. She was a Woman of rank. Her friends would not punish the surviving Husband, as he had acted according to the established Customs of their Country, further than taking away a few baskets of Potatoes as a satisfaction for the Death of the woman. A man will sometimes put away his wife for Adultery, but he may put her to death, when the fact is fully proved, if he wishes to do so. And his conduct will meet the approbation of the public. After conversing with Shunghee, we read a portion of Gods word, sung an Hymn, returned our grateful thanks to God, who had preserved our going out, and coming in, and had prospered us in our Journey, and brought us in Health to our resting place. Shunghee and several of the Natives remained with us, while we paid our praise and Thanksgiving to God. I pointed out to Shunghee that it was our duty to pray to our God, to thank Him, for keeping us by night and by day; that His Eye was over us, and his ear heard us, when we prayed, and that He did us good at all times. Shunghee behaved with much propriety, and said it was right we should pray. We then lay down and enjoyed a good nights rest. This morning we intended to return to Ranghee Hoo after breakfast. Shunghee had a quantity of Sweet Potatoes dressed for us, and our friends. I was much gratified, with the progress that had been made in our new Settlement. During our absence a considerable quantity of Ground had been broken up, and part planted with maize. A number of seeds had been sown in the Garden, which had been brought from England to port Jackson, and were up. The vines were many of them in leaf. The fruit trees had also been planted, and the whole Settlement began to put on the appearance of Civilization, than which nothing could be more gratifying to the mind. A building had also been erected for the accommodation of the labouring Natives. From what I saw, I was convinced, all hands had been very busy, and much done in a short time, with the small means that Mr Butler and his Colleagues can command. About 9 OClock we left Kiddee Kiddee, and in our way down the river, we called at a Village, on the south side of the River called Moo-too-e-tee belonging to a Chief named Showrakkee, whom I had promised to visit. We found him at home, with several Chiefs from other parts. He was much pleased with our calling to see him. While we stopt, the wind rose very strong, and it began to rain heavy. After waiting till Evening without any prospect of the weather Clearing up, and the waters being rough I resolved to remain till the next day. Shourakke told me, it was not safe for me to venture in the Canoe, as it would be in great danger of upsetting and recommended us to stay till morning. Mr Kendall was very anxious to get home, and therefore I left him to act as he pleased; when he embarked for Ranghee Hoo, having about 7 Miles to pass through a very open and rough sea— leaving me with the Chiefs, where I remained all night. I here met with Moyanger a Chief who had visited England about 12 years ago with Mr Savage. He made particular inquiries after the Queen, whom he had seen, said she was an old Woman, and wished to know if she was alive. I told him she died about 8 Moons before. He wished to know if the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and the other parts of the Royal family were well. He gave the surrounding Chiefs a particular account of what He had seen in England, mentioned London Bridge, and the water works there: told them how the water was conveyed by pipes, into the different Houses in the City, and many other particulars relative to our mode of living; Houses, Carriages, Shipping, Churches, Roads, Agriculture &c. And how the Cooks dressed the food for the Gentlemens Tables.— That they never eat it but only tasted it in the kitchen before it was served up. They heard him with great attention. There was an old Chief called Tee Kopedee, who was a Cripple in both his legs, and a man as proud of his Consequence and dignity, as I had ever seen. He informed me that his Land and Subjects extended from Shokee Hangha to the Why-Coto near 150 Miles: and that he had heard King George, was so great a man, that he never went on board a Ship— and that he was equally as great in New Zealand, and for that Reason he never went on board any Vessel. They talked nearly the whole night upon various subjects relative to civil life— and were very anxious I should visit the very long River Why Coto on the banks of which, according to all the statements of the Natives, there is a very great population. I promised to go if my time would admit, and the Chiefs agreed to accompany me. On the return of Day Tee Kopedee ordered his large Canoe, when himself, Moyanger, and some of his people accompanied me to Ranghee Hoo, where I found Mr Kendall arrived in safety. The Chiefs of Shokee Hangha who accompanied us on our return, were waiting for my arrival, in order to receive those presents which we had promised to them. They all assembled at the Store, where we gave them 21 Axes— 17 Hoes— 15 flat Tokees— 2 Doz Plane Irons— 2 Adzes— and a quantity of fish Hooks— with a few Pocket Knives & Jews Harps— Ta Manghenna, the priest of the winds and waves, was in the Number— He promised when he came to Ranghee Hoo, that I should hear his God speak to him; as I told him, I could not believe he ever did converse with him, unless I heard him myself. I now called upon him, for the fulfilment of his promise, as I wished to hear his God. Ta-Manghenna replied, his God was not at Ranghee Hoo at that time, and therefore that I could not hear him. I smiled at him, and told him, I believed he never heard himself. When they had all received their presents they returned much gratified with our visit and conduct to them. On my return to the Settlement Mr Butler informed me, that a Chief from Ti-Ami had been very turbulent and troublesome, when he was up at Kiddee Kiddee, by going to the House of Mr Wm Hall in a very threatening manner, demanding an Axe. On Mr Butlers return, he renewed his application, when Mr Butler gave him two Hoes, and an Axe. He came again on the Thursday following, bringing along with him 2 Hogs for sale, which were purchased from him. He was still dissatisfied, and wanted another Axe. There were several Chiefs with him, who remained upon the beach, belonging to his tribe. Tho’ they did not appear to countenance his violent Conduct, yet they took no steps to check him. We could not but infer, from their silence, that what he did, was with their consent, and if he could not obtain by fair means, the Articles he wanted, they did not disapprove of him trying what threatening would do. We remonstrated wth them on the impropriety of his Conduct, and told them, that the Europeans would not remain in New Zealand, if they were not protected from insult. We came for their good, and not for our own. They expressed their regard for us, and pretended to be displeased with the Conduct of the Chief, which was so extremely violent. At length I told them, Mr Kendall, and myself would visit their district, and hear what the different Chiefs had to say; and if they had any Complaints to make, we would hear them, and redress them, as far as we had the means to do so. With this assurance, they were well satisfied: and the following Monday was fixed upon, for our departure from Ranghee Hoo to Ti-Ami. On Saturday five of the principal Chiefs, came to conduct us, with their Slaves to carry our provisions. On Monday we were prevented by heavy rain from leaving the Settlement. On Tuesday Morning the 19th Oct. we prepared for our departure. When we had got our boxes all ready for the Canoes, an old Chief took them up in order to examine their weight. From their lightness he suspected there were no Axes in the Boxes. His countenance lowered immediately, and he kicked the Boxes away from him with indignation. I remonstrated with the Chiefs, and told them, that if they behaved in that disrespectful manner, I would not go amongst them. When they found, that we were not likely to visit them, they became very earnest in their intreaties. As they had now been anxiously waiting for us three days, I was as anxious to meet their wishes, as they were: at the same time I was determined, we would not go, till all matters were finally arranged, relative to our visit. What we should pay for the Canoes, for the Slaves to carry our baggage, and what presents the Chiefs belonging to the different Villages would expect us to make them. These were all finally settled before we embarked to prevent any disputes when we returned. After every arrangement was made, to our mutual satisfaction, we left Ranghee Hoo, about 11 O’Clock in the Morning, in two Canoes. On our passage up the River Kiddee Kiddee a Canoe very beautifully carved, from the River Thames passed us. Those Canoes are well made, will live in a rough Sea, and go very fast. In our Canoes were several young slaves, from the Southward, and one from near the East Cape. I inquired what price the Chief had paid for them: For one, a fine Youth, he had given 20 Baskets of Sweet Potatoes, and an Axe for another; the others I believe were prisoners of war. We arrived at the Village O. Koora of the Head Chief Why-Tarow about 6 OClock, where we landed, where we were to sleep for the night. The Chief had got one of the neatest Huts, I had seen in New Zealand. At each corner stands a Carved Wooden Image one representing a man, the other a Woman painted red, both naked. They are placed there to perpetuate two Victories, which the Chief obtained over two Islands in the Bay of Plenty; and are named after these Islands. The Chief himself has assumed the name also, or one of them. After we had taken some refreshment, and the darkness of the Evening had closed upon us, the Chief ordered a fire to be made, around which, we all sat down. We then desired the Chiefs to state the Grounds of their grievances. They then began by saying that they had no private complaints to make & that their grievances were of a public nature. They stated, that when the Europeans first came to New Zealand, they all settled with Duaterra, and Shunghee: by this means, the power and wealth of Shunghee were greatly increased— That when the last Europeans came, they expected to have got one, to reside with them: but these also were appropriated to Shunghee, which threw all the trade into his hands. They alledged that they could not go to trade with the Missionaries, within Shunghee’s Jurisdiction: on the one hand, this would lower their dignity: and, on the other, Shunghee’s people would not allow them, as this was contrary to the Custom of their Country, for one Chief to interfere in matters of trade with another, within his own district. What they wanted was, an equal advantage of Trade, which they could not enjoy without the residence of a Missionary amongst them, to whom they could dispose of their property, without any of these degrading restraints which they were now under. What they have to sell is a few Potatoes, and Hogs, these are their principal commodities. They further alledged that people had cast reflections upon them; and charged some of their people with Theft, which had made them very angry. They did not attempt to deny, that some of their Tribe had, with or without their knowledge, taken some trifling things from the Europeans; but that Shunghee’s people had been more guilty in this respect. They asked us, who had put up the Boys to steal our Chisels &c when we landed the stores; intimating that this had been done privately, either by Shunghee himself, or his Secret agents. They thought it hard, that they should be equally blamed with Shunghee’s People for Theft, without deriving any of those profits from trade, which Shunghee’s People enjoyed. They conceived, that they had not been treated with that respect and attention, which their rank and power in New Zealand, entitled them to— That the Europeans were equally indebted to them, as they were to Shunghee, for their protection;— That their Tribe was equally as powerful and respectable as his, and their lands more extensive— and also that they had the same right to the harbour, where the Ships Anchored, and the Shores where the Boats landed. They said they were not offended, that we had made a new Settlement at Kiddee Kiddee, where Shunghee resided: all that they wished was, that Shunghee should not monopolize the whole of the Trade, by having all the Europeans living under his authority; as this made him, and his people, assume more consequence than they were entitled to, and tended to lower their Tribe in the public opinion. The principal articles of Trade are Spades, Hoes, Axes &c which are missionary Stores, and the articles they are so urgent for. These and many other strong arguments they urged to convince us, that they had sufficient public grounds to be dissatisfied. I could not but admit the justness of their reasoning, and regretted much that they should have any just cause of complaint, and in answer to their statements, I wished to lay before them the real reason of this apparent partiality: at the same time I assured them, that we were equally anxious to administer to their wants, and to the wants of all their Countrymen, as we were to Shunghees, as far as we had the means to do so. In the first place I stated the cause why we paid our attentions to Shunghee. That Tippahee was a near relation to Shunghee, and the first New Zealand Chief, I had seen at Port Jackson, and with whom I had formed a particular intimacy. That when I returned from England, I brought Messrs Hall and King with me, with the intention to send them immediately to New Zealand, to Tippahee, to teach his people. But when I arrived at Port Jackson, I was informed, that the Boyd had been cut off by the People of Wangharoa, and all her Crew killed and eat, and soon afterwards Tippahee died, and a number of his People were killed by the Europeans, in Consequence of the destruction of the Boyd. Shortly after these events, the New Zealanders killed and eat three men, belonging to the Ship called the New Zealander a Whaler. These dreadful crimes, which their Countrymen had been guilty of, struck the Europeans with Horror. I was afraid to send Messrs Hall and King, lest they should kill, and eat them, also. After they had waited more than four years in Port Jackson, Mr Kendall came from England with the intention of coming to teach them, and after he had remained for some time at Port Jackson, I then sent him, and Mr Hall to visit Duaterra to know if they wished any of the Europeans to come to live with them. If they did, I wished him, and two or three Chiefs, to come over with Messrs Kendall and Hall to Port Jackson, for their Families. Duaterra returned, and Shunghee, and Korra Korra accompanied him, with Messrs Kendall and Hall. Tippahee being dead, and Shunghee promising with Duaterra that he would take care of the Missionaries, they came, and were placed under their protection by me. I told them, I should have come the first time the Active came, if Governor Macquarrie wd have allowed me: but he would not give his permission, fearing they would kill me, and eat me, as they had done the Crew of the Boyd. We further stated to them that their Crimes were viewed with Horror by all Europeans, which made them afraid, to come amongst them. That if they wished for any Europeans to live in their Country, they must shew great Kindness to those, who are now with them, in order to remove the bad impressions from the minds of the Europeans, which their past Conduct had made. In answer to the above they said it was right that the first settlers should come to Shunghee, and they did not wish to have any of the Missionaries, who lived under his protection: But they were very desirous to have one at least of those that had lately come. I replied, the number were so few, I could not divide them, if I did we should not be able to shew them the advantages of a farm, and other improvements which we intended to make, but assured them, if they behaved well to the Missionaries in the Island at present, I would, as soon as I could, get them one, or more, to live in their District: but I could not make them a full promise, adding, if one should come, he might be unwilling to live with them. They answered, they would not wish to compel a Missionary against his will, to live with them, but if he was sent for their benefit, and did not, they should request, that he might be sent back again to Port Jackson, and not permitted to live with Shunghee. Temmarangha who is one of the Principal Chiefs, and had lived with me a short time at Parramatta, said he wanted a man who could preach, teach Children to read, and write, administer medicine when they were sick, and shew them how to cultivate their land. With regard to the charges of cruelty against them, they stated, that the Europeans had killed many of their Country men, upon the most trivial occasions, and some instances they mentioned, where they had been shot without committing any offence. They had also often defrauded them of their property, and ill treated their Women. The Boyd was cut off, in consequence of the Chief being flogged by the Captain. And with respect to the Ship New Zealander, they said, a Chief, a near relation to Tippahee named Tarria, stole a Musket from the People who were wooding upon his land, as a satisfaction for the Europeans storming Tippahees Island and killing his people. When the men returned to the Vessel and informed the Captain, he sent two armed boats who fell in with a party belonging to the Chiefs [sic] who was giving us this account. They informed the Sailors that they were not the people who had stolen the Musket but the Sailors either thro’ Ignorance, of the language, or wantonness, fired upon the innocent party twice, when the Natives attacked them; and two of the white People were killed. Afterwards the sailors shot Tarreas Uncle, in which fray an European was killed. The Chiefs on the South Side of the Harbour, as three white men had been killed, and only one New Zealander, demanded satisfaction, according to the law of Retaliation for the death of two Europeans, when two New Zealanders were killed by themselves, belonging to the Tribe who had killed the two Europeans, and afterwards their dead bodies, were taken in a Canoe along side the Ship, to shew the Master that they had done Justice to his Crew, by punishing with Death, their own Countrymen, for the Murder of his men. They mentioned instances, where their own people had been shot, and no satisfaction made for their lives by the Europeans: and that a great number had been killed by Captain Hovel, who commanded a vessel out of Port Jackson, in an Harbour between the river Thames, and Mercury Bay, and intimated, that those people would take satisfaction at some future period for the lives of their relatives when oppertunity [sic] offered. I told them that a law had been passed in England for the Punishment of any European who should wantonly kill a New Zealander, and that if any of the New Zealanders killed an European, if they came to port Jackson afterwards, they would be Hung. They were much gratified with this information. I told them that King George wished to protect them from Violence, as well as his own People, and that he would punish the guilty, whenever they could be caught, whether they were Englishmen or New Zealanders. They said if any European, should kill a New Zealander, they should wish to see him executed. After conversing till a late hour upon all these subjects, in which we received mutual satisfaction, we lay down in our cloathes to rest. We rose early this Morning, and prepared for our Journey to Ti-Ami where we arrived in the Evening, about half past five OClock very weary with our walk. The distance we estimated at more than 20 Miles. In our way lay several swamps, thro’ some of which we waded, and thro’ others we were carried: one of them is about one mile thro’. we past thro’ only two small woods. The Country very open. Some of the Land exceeding good, and others either Gravelly, stony or swampy. The swamps in most places, might be drained. The land in general pretty level. It is well watered in all directions, and fine falls of water for Mills of any Kind. The whole country, thro’ which we past belonged to the Chiefs who accompanied us. About 5 Miles before we came to any of the Villages in the district of Ti Ami, we past thro’ a very fine plain, where the Soil appeared very rich tho’ stony. The whole from the Grass that was upon it, appeared to have been in Cultivation, at some former period, and there were evident Traces of a large population. We past the ruins of two Villages, on the edge of this plain. They are now wholy uninhabited. A few Potatoes I observed growing upon the sides of the Hills on which they stood: They had been strongly fortified at no very distant period. The Chief informed us, they belonged to him, and his friends, and at one time contained 1000 Inhabitants: but the Inhabitants had been besieged and were compelled at length to yield to the Enemy, and to quit their strong hold. The Hills are very high upon which the Villages stood, and so strong by nature, that they could not be easily taken, unless the Inhabitants were starved out, for want of water and provisions. When we arrived at the first Village, we were introduced to the old Chief, who appeared to be more than 80 years old, he was all life and spirits: He danced for Joy, when we gave him a Chisel. He expressed the greatest satisfaction at our Visit. From his hands, he appeared to have just returned from labour, in the Potatoe Grounds, and informed us, that he remained upon the farm to attend to its cultivation, but that he would come to Ranghee Hoo to see us. He told us he had seen three Generations, and was in the middle of life when the first Ship came to New Zealand. The Captains’ name he said was Stivers. Two other Ships came afterwards, before Captain Cooke. The Captain of the two Ships, before the arrival of Captain Cooke was killed by the Natives near Cape Bret. Before their death they had killed many of the Natives and destroyed one whole Village, in the bay of Islands. This old Chief appeared in perfect health. This Village stands in a fertile spot sheltered by lofty pines, and watered by many beautiful small streams sufficient to turn a mill. Here we spent the Evening, in conversing upon Agriculture, and other useful Arts, the Laws and Customs of other Countries. The New Zealanders are eagar to gain instruction, have a quick conception, and a very retentive memory. The object of the Missionaries, in coming to live amongst them, the manner in which they should treat them, if they expected others to come to live in their Country, and the advantages they would derive from the richness of their soil, when once wheat and barley were introduced amongst them. We told them, it was not the Custom in England, for Gentlemens wives to cultivate the Land, whereas their wives, were working from Morning to Night in the field. That Gentlemen in England had only one wife, while some of them had ten, that so many wives created much trouble, and quarrels. They observed, what we said was very true, that such a number of Wives, caused great disputes amongst them, that it often happened, the women, in those quarrels would go, and hang themselves: but they alledged notwithstanding those evils, they could not dispense with their number of wives, for they had no money to pay for the Cultivation of their land, and without the assistance of their Wives either as labourers or overseers, they could not Cultivate their lands at all. If they had the same means, that the Gentlemen had in England of cultivating their land with Cattle, their wives should be Employed in a different way: But they could not alter their present plan, till they could get the means. We told them, that we hoped in time, they would have those advantages: but much would depend upon their own conduct towards the Europeans. If they behaved well to them, others would be encouraged to come to live amongst them, if ill, those that were now in New Zealand would return to their own Country. They only wished for an oppertunity to shew their attention, by having two or three with them. We conversed till a late hour, when we sung an Hymn, returned thanks to God for his goodness, and committed ourselves to his gracious protection for the Night. Thursday. We rose early this Morning, and afterwards walked over the Potatoe Grounds, with the Chiefs [sic], where his people, were at work, some were planting maize, but did not understand, how that grain was planted. They put the grains near together, which would prevent the growth of the plant. I shewed them how we planted our Maize, by planting some. The Chief saw immediately the advantage of giving the Plant sufficient room, and directed his people to follow the instructions I had given them. The Chief had treated us with every mark of attention in his power. On our arrival, he addressed his People, with much warmth, commanded them not to steal the smallest article from us on any account, that if they did, Shunghee’s people would hear of it, and they would be disgraced. He said if they behaved well to us, I perhaps should send an European to live amongst them. He would not say I should, but perhaps I might. If they did not behave well, they would have no hope of ever having any Europeans in their district.— After breakfast our next visit was to the Village of the Chief, who had been so sulky and shoved the boxes about at the settlement, previous to our setting off on our Journey. This old Chief made an apology for his Conduct, said he was not angry, but he had heard of our generosity, and had come to see if we would bestow an Axe upon him; thinking there were none in the boxes, his mind was hurt, as he was afraid of being disappointed. He now shewed his anxiety to do all he could, to make our visit to him pleasant. We were attended by a large number of Natives. He gave us an Hog, which we ordered to be killed, for our attendants, an abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes, were dressed for all present. He prepared a clean shed for us to sleep in, and exerted all his ability to make us comfortable. After dinner I went to see an hot spring in a wood about 4 Miles distant. The water was warm, and very offensive, it sent forth a continual steam. There was a thick scum upon the surface like yellow Ochre, which the natives paint themselves with. It has rather a redder cast than common yellow Ochre. The water has a strong Sulphurous smell. I brought away with me some of the stone about it, which is hard and flinty. The natives informed me there was another spring, about 6 Miles from the Village, where the water was white and very offensive: no wild ducks or fouls, were ever seen on this water. After returning to the Village, and performing our Evening devotions, we conversed with the Chiefs on various subjects till a late hour. The night was cold and dark, and our shed open on three sides, and no Roof, which made our accommodations, very uncomfortable. The New Zealanders laid down, men, women & Children, round about the shed; like Cattle in a farm yard, and apparently as unconcerned about the rain and cold. Friday 22. After breakfast I visited the white spring. It is a small lake about half a mile round. At a distance it appears like white milk, but not quite so white, when at the edge of the lake. About a Mile before I came to this lake, I fell in with a lake of clear water upon which were a number of wild ducks. A quantity of brimstone was lying upon the Ground in different directions, specimens of which I brought away with me. The whole surface of the Country for miles appears, as if there had been some Volcanic eruption. Swamps lakes, and barren soil. It appears, as if there had been a wood of pines, which is now all burnt, not so much as one tree remaining. There is here and there the root of a pine which has been burnt into the surface of the Ground, and pieces of Rosin, which have come from the pine Tree lying on the Ground, in all directions. The soil is extremely poor, spungy and wet, of a white nature like pipe Clay. The Natives told me, as we walked along, where there were other springs of a similar nature, not far distant. A quantity of Rosin lies upon the Banks of the white lake, and in various parts of the lake, there is a froth upon the surface like yeast upon new beer, when working in the Vat. I brought a bottle of the water with me, with an intention to take it to Port Jackson, perhaps it may be analyzed there. The stony Creek thro’ which the water from the lake continually runs, appears as if it was covered with Lime, from the sediment left by the water, in its course thro’ the Rocks, and all the stone in the Creek was hard as flint: specimens also of which I brought with me. Before we left this Village for the next I took a fire stick, into a shed, where our boxes stood, with our provisions, and laid a little brimstone upon it, to see what effect the fire would have. As soon as the Chiefs saw the smoke they were all dreadfully alarmed, and called aloud to me, to take the fire out of the shed. I asked them why they were so afraid. They replied their God would kill them all, for there were provisions in our boxes, in the Shed, and if fire was taken into the Shed, where there were Provisions, they would all die. To allay their fears, I threw the fire stick down, and then endeavoured to convince them, that all their fears were Groundless, and that their Tabooing their provisions, the Vessels they eat out of, their Houses &c were all a delusion— That there was no such thing in Europe.— That I was not afraid to eat any thing, nor to sleep in any house, nor to have fire and provisions in the same house. They said if they did not pay very particular attention to all that their Priests told them, they would die. If they went to battle, and neglected any Ceremony, relative to their food &c and a Spear toutched [sic] them they would die immediately. But if they observed the Ceremonies, and a Spear should go through their body they would not die. I told them that the observance of those things, would have no effect in preserving their lives in battle: They contended warmly it would, and one of the Chiefs came forward, and shewed where a Spear had past through his lungs, and both his blood, and his breath came thro’ the orifice of the wound, and yet he recovered, because he paid attention to the Injunctions of the priest. In answer to this I said that I had seen, a large barbed spear taken out of the body of a white man at Parramatta, which had been thrown at him by a Native, and had wounded the intestines so much, that the food which he eat for a considerable time came thro’ the wound, which the spear had made, and yet he recovered, and was alive and well when I left Parramatta, tho’ he had never been Tabooed, nor his food, nor his house. They expressed their astonishment at this, that he should recover from such a wound without attending to similar Ceremonies with themselves, upon the observance of which, they believed the issue of life or death depends. I further told them that Instances had occurred where Soldiers in battle had been shot thro the Lungs, with a ball, as the Chief had been speared, and nevertheless had recovered, and yet they were not Tabooed. I asked them, if the Chief had been speared thro’ the heart, or thro’ the temples of the Head, whether he would have recovered, or not, admitting he had been Tabooed: he replied he would not. I then wanted to know of what use their Tabooing was, as Europeans recovered from similar wounds without tabooing. They said that some time ago one of their Tribe went on board a Ship, where he eat some provisions, contrary to their customs, when their God in his anger slew a great many of them. I inquired in what manner those who died were affected. They represented their tongues to be foul, and their whole bodies in a burning heat. The Natives supposing the heat they experienced to proceed from a secret fire within them, they threw off all their Mats, drank cold water, bathed themselves in Cold water, and exposed themselves as much as they could to cold, under the idea that the Cold would quench the Heat they felt. We informed them that this was the way to increase the heat, and to kill them and that instead of exposing themselves to Cold, and going naked, and lying naked in the open air, in the nights, they should have kept themselves warm in order to make them perspire, as the perspiration would carry off the burning heat, from their bodies, and not cold air and water. They laughed at this idea, and supposed that this would increase their Complaint. I then asked them if they remembered any time when they perspired freely, feeling that burning heat in their bodies, which they mentioned. After some reflection, and Consultation together they thought, from what they felt, when they perspired freely, we might be right in our opinion. They then asked me how Duaterra came to die. I told them by great exertions, and lying out, he had got a violent Cold, which brought on that burning heat which they spake of, and a violent complaint in his bowels. The Priest then Tabood him, would let him have nothing to eat, or drink for 5 Days, and would not let me see him, for fear their God would kill him, and them— That Duaterra had been accustomed to eat our bread, Rice, Sugar, and drink Tea and wine, and when he was ill, the priest would not allow him to have any of these articles which he had been accustomed to, and might have relieved him. On account of the Tabboo, and for want of proper Nourishment, it was not possible for him to live: and that many of their Countrymen like Duaterra, died in consequence of the Taboo, and by lying in the wet, and cold, when they felt that burning heat. These arguments had some weight with them, and appeared to convince them, that they were mistaken. We further told them, that Pomarree King of Otaheite, some time ago, thought as they did: He Tabooed his houses, his provisions, and was continually under fear, lest his God should kill him, and his People. But since the Missionaries have lived at Otaheite, and he and his People had been taught the meaning of Gods Book, he had abolished all Tabooing, eat any thing, slept any where, like the Europeans, and was under no fears of being killed by his former Gods. They were much surprised at this information, and inquired how long it was since Pomaree had ceased to taboo. We told them, that it was more than three years ago, since Pomarree had embraced our Religion. The Chiefs then replied, if we would send Missionaries to instruct them, and to convince them that their Religion was wrong, and to prevent their Gods from killing them, they would think, and act, as we did. Several of them expressed an ardent desire to visit Port Jackson, as they wished to see how we lived. I promised them, that some of them should be permitted to go, when oppertunity [sic] offered.— After dinner we left this Village in order to visit another about 4 Miles distant, at the foot of a very high Hill, called Pooka Newee. During our walk we past thro’ some of the richest land I had ever seen in this Island, free from Timber, and fit for all the purposes of Agriculture. We arrived about sun set when an old Venerable Chief, upright as a Column, and teeth as white as Ivory, came forward, with a long Spear in his hand, and stood at a distance, where he offered up an oration, and prayer, according to the New Zealand Custom in receiving Strangers, bidding us welcome, and intreating that his Gods would be propitious during our interview, meaning the departed manes of his ancestors. He invoked the Heavens above, and the Earth below, to render our visit advantageous to his people, and agreeable to us; and that no harm might happen to us, whom he esteemed as God of another Country. We heard the profane adulations with silent Grief, and could not but wish most ardently, for the light of Divine Truth to shine upon such a dark and superstitious mind. As we could say nothing at that moment to the profanation which shocked our feelings, Mr Kendall took an oppertunity in the course of Conversation, afterwards, to explain to them, as we made a practice to do at all times, that there was only one God, Jehovah, who made, and upheld all things, and whom we acknowledged, and that we were but Men, looking for happiness in him; in consequence of what His Son Jesus Christ had suffered for us, and that after death, we were not considered as Gods, as they considered their departed friends, but merely as his Creatures in a state of Happiness, and that we did not cut ourselves for the dead, as they did, nor mourn without hope, but went quietly into the Grave in the assurance of meeting our friends again. In the Course of the Evening Mr Kendall had a long Conversation with the Chiefs Too-Hoo, Temmarangha and Why Parrow in consequence of the two latter Chiefs speaking to Too-Hoo on the different subjects that had been discussed the preceding Evening, as they had accompanied us from Ranghee Hoo, and had been with us all the time: when they informed him what we had said of the burning heat in their bodies, and how they should act under it, he said we were Gods. Amongst other things, they had ignorantly supposed, that I had it in my power to command Europeans to live amongst them; Mr Kendall fully explained to them, that this was not the case. That I, Mr Kendall and my colleagues, were only members of a general body. The Chiefs of which resided in England, and their united Numbers consisted of some thousands, who were influenced by motives of gratitude to their God, for the blessings which had been conferred upon us, and them, and our ancestors, who were formerly in the same situation that they were at present, to impart unto them that Knowledge which had been so productive of their Happiness, both in this world, and in the next. Mr Kendall further told them, that the Society in England had never thought upon them till after I had seen Tippahee : when I informed the Society, what situation they were in, and stated that they were men of strong understandings, and capable of improvement, and earnestly solicited the society, to send out some of their members to instruct them, and that in consequence of my application to the society, in their behalf, an inquiry was made, and persons were asked, who would go into this foreign Country to instruct them. Mr Kendall stated further, that there was a doubt, amongst the members of the society, whether or not any European could safely live amongst a people who were in the Habit of eating Human flesh, which caused a general fear and Hesitation. At length however Messrs Hall, and King, offered their voluntary services, as none are compelled to come without their free consent. They accordingly accompanied me to Port Jackson. When they arrived there, they were under considerable distress of mind, on account of the destruction of the Boyd, and waited 4 years untill Mr Kendall’s arrival’, as has been already stated: When I purchased the Active, and sent Mr Kendall and Mr Hall over to see whether or not, they dared to venture to live amongst them. After Messrs Kendall and Hall had visited them, they resolved to come, with their families; whether they were killed and eaten, or not killed and eaten. Accordingly they came along with me. After remaining a short time, and observing the conduct of their Countrymen, they wrote to England for more Europeans. But Masters of Ships and other persons who were prejudiced against them, from the reports of their savageness, and eating human flesh, wrote against them, which intimidated the Society, and tended to discredit all that Mr Kendall and I could say, in their favour. It was not until the Missionaries had resided in New Zealand more than three years, that the Society ventured to send any more from England, and if they wished those Missionaries to remain in the Island, they must be kind to them, and not alarm them, and make them uneasy by tedious applications for Axes, and Hoes &c lest they should retire quietly from them, as the Missionaries had formerly done from Otaheite, with an intention never to return, had not Pomare from time to time solicited them to return. In answer to the above, the Chiefs said, that they had never understood the object of the Missionaries so clearly before, and with respect to the main ground of the Europeans’ fears of being killed and eaten, they contended that this was altogether on our part groundless; that it was absurd to suppose that they would act so contrary to their own Interest as to kill and eat people who came to live quietly amongst them, and introduced so many articles of real value. Besides they said we lived here under the approbation and protection of all the Chiefs and if one Chief was against us, he could only trouble us by his vexatious applications, he would dread the power of the other Chiefs, and durst not do any further injury, but if all the Chiefs or the major part of them, were against us we could not live. They further remarked, as we had done them no injury, they had no satisfaction to demand from us, and no just feelings of retaliation to gratify: and observed with a smile, if they naturally craved after human flesh, we might make ourselves easy on that head, as the flesh of New Zealanders was much sweeter than an European, in consequence of the white people eating so much salt. At length the Conversation led to the origin of eating human flesh. They first alledged that it originated from the largest fishes of the Sea, eating other fishes: and that some even eat their own kind, and that large fish eat small ones— small fish eat insects— Dogs will eat men, and men will eat dogs, and dogs devour each other. The Birds of the Air, also, devour one another. The louse that sucks the blood of man, that man will eat as a just retaliation. And one God will devour another God. I should not have understood how the Gods could eat one another, unless Shunghee had informed me, when he was to the Southward, and had killed a number of People, he was afraid their God would kill him in retaliation, esteeming himself a God, but he caught their God, being a reptile, and eat part of it, and reserved the other part for his friends, as this was sacred food, and by that means he rested satisfied, that they were all secure from his resentment. With respect to their tedious importunities for Axes &c They said that their anger was merely feigned, and that they were urged to their importunities, by their pressing necessities for those things, that they had tried every method in their power to get an Axe or Hoe. When they had means to pay for an Axe &c they were always ready to do so, and said we could scarcely bring forward a single instance where a man had troubled us for an article, when he was able to purchase what he wanted. They then stated the general satisfaction it would give the Chiefs if two Missionaries were sent to each district, as this would prevent all jealousies, and tend to make the Missionaries more comfortable. As for their Children, they had no objections for them to be taught, either in reading or writing. From all the information we could collect on our tour, we were fully satisfied that Missionaries would be kindly Received amongst them, and that it was only the want of them, that has created any discontent amongst the Chiefs. Saturday. we rose early this morning, in order to prepare for our return, as we wished if possible to reach the settlement before the Sabbath. About 6 O’Clock while I was set taking my Breakfast, on a sudden I heard the loudest lamentations. On turning to the Place from whence they came, I observed several women crying aloud and the blood streaming down their countenances. On inquiry I learned that the Chiefs wife, who had accompanied us had buried a Child, a short time before, and these women were come to mourn, and weep, with her on this account. They held all their faces together, mingled their blood with their Tears, and cryed aloud, cutting themselves at the same time with pieces of flinty stone. I was much shocked at the sight of the blood and cuts. The Chief came to me, and asked me, if I was afraid. I answered I was not afraid, but I was much grieved to see them cut themselves in such a manner. That this custom did not prevail in any nation of Europe, and that it was a very bad one. The Chief replied the New Zealanders loved their Children very much, and could not show it sufficiently without shedding their blood. I replied to weep was very good, but not to cut themselves. This is a very barbarous Custom and universally prevails amongst the natives of this Island. As soon as we had finished our breakfast, we were presented with a large Hog, and a few Bushels of Potatoes, and then took our leave of this fine old Chief. Nothing material occurred during our return, and after a tedious Journey by Land and water we arrived at the Settlement about 12 OClock at night, very weary. The Chiefs and their Servants attended us home, and on Monday Morning we paid the Porters who had carried our Baggages, and all returned much satisfied to their respective Homes: and we were equally satisfied with the whole of their Conduct towards us, and happy that the object of our Journey, which was that of Conciliating the good will of the rival Chiefs, of those districts, and convincing them that our good wishes were general, and not partial towards them, and their Countrymen, had been accomplished. Ti–Ami is a very rich part of the Country, and only wants a Population, to improve its natural soil, which at present is burdened with luxurious weeds, and Pines, and other Timber of various kinds. The Chiefs informed us, that they had a large number of People, one days Journey further, who were cultivating a rich soil with sweet and common Potatoes. I should estimate the extent of their Territory from what I walked over, and to where they pointed to the Land belonging to them, at not less than 50 Miles in extent. On Sunday the 7th November I preached, administered the Sacrament and Christened nine Children belonging to the Settlers, born in the Settlement; I trust the Divine Word and Ordinances will now continue in that land of Darkness to the end of time. I have no doubt but the Lord has a people which he will prepare for himself in New Zealand. He never fed any Nation with Manna from Heaven but the Israelites and as he has now sent the Manna of his Word amongst the Heathen we may fairly infer that he will provide Israelites in that Wilderness to feed upon it. His promises are sure and Known unto him are all his works from the beginning. No permanent Missions could have been established in New Zealand, nor in any other Islands of the South Seas, unless his overruling Providence had led the British Nation to establish a Colony at New South Wales. Thro the medium of the British Nation he has sent his Gospel now to the very ends of the earth, and the Gospel Trumpet has been sounded from Pole to Pole— what means has Infinite Wisdom adopted to accomplish the divine Purposes. Did God send an army of Pious Christians to prepare his way in this Wilderness? Did he establish a Colony in New South Wales for the advancement of his Glory and the Salvation of the Heathen Nations in these distant parts of the Globe from Men of character and Principal. On the contrary he takes Men from the dregs of Society the sweepings of Gaols, Hulks, and Prisons, men who had forfeited their lives to the Laws of their Country he gives them their lives for a prey and sends them forth to make a way for his Chosen— for them that should bring glad tidings, that should publish Peace to the Heathen World, that should say unto them, in the Name of the Lord— look unto me and be ye saved all the ends of the Earth for I am God, and there is none else” – Well may we exclaim with the Apostle “How unsearchable are his Judgments, and his ways past finding out.” I cannot help combining the Colony in New South Wales in the grand chain of Divine Providence with all the Missions to these Islands as they could not have been carried on without this Settlement. Monday— It was my intention to have sailed today for Port Jackson, but having returned late on Saturday Evg from the interior I had many secular affairs to arrange previous to my departure for the future Government of the Settlement; this occupied me all the Day. The Active weigh’d Anchor and cross’d over to the opposite side of the Bay in order that she might be ready to put to Sea the moment I embarked. Tuesday, this morning I prepared at an early hour to leave Ranghee Hoo, the Natives flocked together from various parts to take their leave, or to accompany us on board— Some wept much and wished to go with us to Port Jackson— Others fired their Muskets as a mark of Respect when the Boat left the shore. It had been determined that Mr Samuel Butler and Mr William Halls Son should proceed to N S Wales in the Active. The former to instruct some Native Youths Sons of Chiefs at Parramatta, and the latter in order that he might be Educated at some of the Schools in the Colony. We took our leave of our friends at Ranghee-Hoo with mutual affection and respect, when I arrived at the Active, which lay off about 7 Miles, I found her crowded with Natives, and surrounded with Canoes. It was pleasing to see the rival Chiefs from the North Cape to the River Thames meet on board the Active in the most friendly manner as a common Rendezvous, not armed with their Patooes and spears as formerly but as Men forming one Civil Body. They all claim an interest in the Vessel and therefore they are under no restraints in their visits. Their friendly meetings will tend much to their mutual confidence and friendship. The Chiefs pressed me to take their Sons with me to Port Jackson. As the wind was against us, and wishing to visit a district up the River Cowa Cowa, I ordered the Boat, and the Revd Mr Butler accompanied me. When we arrived at the Native Settlement about 10 miles up the river we found the Chief whom I wished to see was from home. The Natives in the Village gave us the most cordial welcome. Here we met with some of Mowhee’s relations, when they knew Mr Butler had seen him they were much affected and Mr Butler and the Natives wept together while he gave them an account of Mowhee they expressed the greatest affection for Mr Butler and he was equally affected towards them, he promised to visit them again – we stopt and dined at the Village as there were plenty of fine fish and we left the hospitable Natives deeply affected with joy and sorrow when we departed, they rejoiced to see us, and mourned and wept at the remembrance of Mowhee— We returned to the Active in the Evening, after the Sun had gone down. The wind became fair, we weighed anchor and got underway. The Chiefs still remained on Board with their Sons. I had promised to take some of them, but was compelled to refuse others. The Chiefs took leave of their Sons with much firmness and dignity in the Cabin; on the deck the Mothers and Sisters of the boys were cutting themselves after their manner and mingling their blood with their tears. Shunghee the head Chief parted with his favourite Son in the Cabin without a tear, I afterwards heard him on deck giving vent to his feelings with the loudest bursts of weeping. I now ordered the Active to be searched, and all the Natives to be turned into the Canoes who had no permission to go to Port Jackson. I promised some of the Chiefs who were very urgent for me to take their Sons to Port Jackson than [sic] their Sons should come at a future time; with promises and threats I got the Active cleared with much difficulty and Mr Butler and his Colleagues left us in the mouth of the Harbour about an hour after dark and returned to the Settlement, and in a short time we were clear of the Heads. From the time of my arrival in New Zealand to my departure I had spent about three months in the Island and regretted much that my time was so limited. I wished very anxiously to have visited Why Kotto a river to the Southward and Westward of the River Thames. A number of the Chiefs urged me very much to see this River, they informed me it was of a very great length that they were four months in going up it, and that the population were very numerous upon its banks, that there was no part of New Zealand where there was so many inhabitants. This River empties itself into the west side of the Island; it is here that all the fine Mats are made. The Natives also mention two Rivers of great extent which run into another at a great distance from the Sea whether it is navigable for Ships or not remains to be ascertained but that the population is very great in this part of the island there can be no doubt. With respect to the origin of the Natives of these Islands we are still in the dark— I could not learn that they had any traditions amongst them from whence they came. Such information as I was enabled to obtain with the assistance of Mr Kendall or any of the Chiefs of the Island I have stated in my Journal. I am inclined to think that they have sprung from some dispersed Jews, at some period or other from their religious Superstitions and Customs, and have by some means got into the Island from Asia. They have like the Jews a great natural turn for traffic; they will buy and sell any thing they have got; when they go to War the Priest always accompanies them, and when they draw near to the Enemy he addresses them in similar language to that which the Jewish High Priest adressed [sic] to the Jews of old as recorded in the 22 chapter of Deut[eronom]y verses 2.3.4. “And it shall be when ye are come nigh unto the Battle, that the Priest shall approach and speak unto the people and shall say unto them Hear O Israel ye approach this day unto Battle against your enemies: let not your hearts faint, fear not, and do not tremble neither be ye terrified because of them: for the Lord your God is he that goeth with you to fight for you against your enemies to save you.” When a Chief falls in Battle they cut off his head and preserve it as a trophy of Victory, as David cut off the head of Goliath and took it to Jerusalem. The conquering Chief at New Zealand carries the heads of the Chiefs he kills into his own Village where they are exhibited to public view; the conqueror also burns the bodies of the Chiefs he kills in Battle, and the dead body when the head is cut off can only be handled by the Chiefs, no common person is permitted to touch it but it is placed on the Fire by the Chiefs – we find a similar custom mentioned in the 31 Chapter of the 1 Book of Sam[ue]l respecting the bodies of Saul and his Sons when they were killed by the Philistines Verses 11.12. “And when the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead heard of that which the Philistines had done to Saul; and all the valiant men arose, and went all night, and took the body of Saul and the bodies of his Sons from the wall of Bethshan and came to Jabesh, and burnt them there.” When a Chief is killed in Battle and his body roasted by the Chief who slew him, it is consecrated by the Priest and no common person is permitted to taste it.— The Priest takes a portion of the flesh and sets it apart for his God, he then takes a portion for himself which he eats, and also tastes the blood. The Chief follows his example. The New Zealanders believe that the Soul of a Chief when departed from the body becomes a God, and has the power of life and death. They also believe that by eating the Flesh, and drinking the blood of the departed Chief his System becomes incorporated into their System and by that means they are secured from all danger from the departed ghost of the dead Chief, and that his Spirit will then take up its residence in their bodies as being part of its former habitation— This is a singular idea and one would be led to think that it had been derived from divine revelation. Our Saviour told the Jews “He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood dwelleth in me and I in him”. Their eating human flesh is a part of their religion. The New Zealanders cutting off the heads of the Chiefs their enemies, and collecting them together, is similar to what was done to Ahabs sons when Jehu rebelled against him— They are also very particular in preserving the bones of their Ancestors from generation to generation— to spoil the sepulchre of the dead by carrying away any of their bones, is a very serious crime, and often punished with death, five men were killed when I was in New Zealand in August last for robbing the Sepulchre of a Chiefs bones, as already mentioned in my Journal. The Israelites were very particular about their bones— when Joseph gave commandment concerning his bones before his death, and four hundred years afterwards when the Children of Israel departed from Egypt they took the bones of Joseph with them, that they might perform the oath which Joseph had made them swear unto him before he died. I now submit the preceding observations to your Candour and Judgment, you will make what use of them you please, I will vouch for their correctness in point of fact; for my object has been to relate simple facts as they occurred and to communicate as much information relative to these interesting people as my limitted [sic] time and various other objects, that called for my attention would allow; when I was in the different districts, and wished to note any thing down that appeared to me worthy of notice I had to steal away into the Thicket and conceal myself as well as I could from the eyes of the Natives while I minuted down any circumstance or conversation that tended to throw any light upon their Customs, Manners, or Religion but it was seldom that I could steal away unobserved, and on that account was obliged often to write in the midst of a croud what I wished to record. You will I am sure Sir make due allowances for any tautology or want of arrangement you may meet with in these sheets, as these observations were not studied but merely originated from daily occurrences. Should they [these observations] induce any Friends to the Heathen to cast their mite in aid of Society’s Funds, and soften the prejudices of the civilized World towards the New Zealanders my wishes will then be fully gratified. I am convinced that the wants of these poor Heathens have only to be made known to the Christian world and then they will be relieved: Their Country which is now only an uncultivated Wilderness will then stand thick with Corn, and the voice of Joy and gladness will then be heard in these dreary regions of darkness Superstition and Cruelty. Samuel Marsden Revd J. Pratt Secretary to C. M. S.Rev. Sam Marsden’s Journal from Feb 13/20 to Novr 15/20— Recd July 20/21 On the Arrival of His Majesty's Ship Dromedary at Port Jackson in Feby last I was informed that the British Government had given directions to the Commander Richd Skinner Esqr after discharging the Convicts which the Dromedary brought out, to proceed to New Zealand for Spars; and that the Corramandel was on her passage, and her Commander had received similar Instructions. I considered this an important measure, and that the success of the Mission would be more or less involved in those transactions which would unavoidably take place in the intercourse between the Natives and the Companies of these Ships during the time each Vessel was procuring her Cargo of Spars. I was apprehensive if any misunderstanding should take place between the Natives and the Europeans some unpleasant consequences might follow. I also conceived if these Ships accomplished the object of their Voyage, His Majesty's Ministers might adopt some public measures that would second the views of the Society and promote the general benefit of the inhabitants— In order to prevent any unfortunate Event, and to promote the good of the public Service as far as my Knowledge Experience and influence would extend, I felt anxious to accompany the Ships; and for this purpose solicited permission from his Excellency Govr Macquarie, which he was kind enough to grant— I immediately prepared for my Voyage and we sailed on the 13th. I took with me 16 Head of cattle, 15 females and one Male, two Mares, and an entire Horse, with sundry stores for the Settlement— I was unwilling to lose so good an opportunity of introducing a few more Cattle into New Zealand, as Capt Skinner was so kind as to afford every accommodation for them. We had a pretty good passage over, and I was fortunate enough to take all of the Stock safe— We anchored in the Bay of Islands on Sunday Evening the 27th and shortly after the Missionaries came on board all well— Monday and the following days during the week were spent by myself and several Officers in examining the Timber in the different districts in the neighbourhood of the bay of Islands, but what we met with was not considered of the best Quality for duration which determined Capt Skinner to send over the second Master Mr Morley and the carpenter Mr Mart to Shockee Hanga River in order to examine the Spars upon the banks of that River, and the entrance into the Harbour— I accompanied them along with Mr Wm Hall, and we left the Missionary Settlement on Monday March the fifth for the above River on the west side of New Zealand, and in one fortnight returned to the Dromedary. Messrs Morley, and Mart the carpenter made their seperate reports to Capt Skinner— Mr Morley gave it as his opinion that the Dromedary could cross the Bar, and Mr Mart was very much satisfied with the Spars, as to their dimensions and Quality. On their reports Capt Skinner determined to go round to Shockee Hanga River with the Dromedary. And has [sic] soon as all the necessary arrangements were made we sailed from the Bay of Islands— When we came off the mouth of the mouth of the River Shockee Hanga, Capt Skinner, and his Officers examined the bank [Hocken - bar] as well as the Harbour for four days, and at the end of that time Capt Skinner did not think it prudent to venture the taking in of so large a Ship as the Dromedary, and we returned again to the Bay of Islands— I have already given you some account of this River, and the Inhabitants upon its Banks when I returned from thence after my former visit, and therefore shall refer you to what I then stated— After our return to the Bay of Islands from Shockee Hanga I determined to take a tour into the Interior for a short time— and On Monday May 1st I left the Dromedary with an intention of visiting several districts in the interior to the South West. Lieut McCrae of the 84th Regt and a Mr Clark (who was Sealing Master on board the General Gates at the time that Vessel was taken possession of by his Majesty's Ship Dromedary and sent to Port Jackson) accompanied me. On leaving the Dromedary we proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived the same evening and remained for the night— The Missionaries were busy preparing ground for Wheat &c assisted by several of the Natives, and the Carpenters were working at the Public buildings— I spent the evening in conversation with the Revd J. Butler and his Colleagues on the general affairs of the Mission. Tuesday May 2d This Morning I paid a visit to O Kolo to see how Mr Shepherd was going on, and give him some directions relative to his future operations— I found him at home, with the Chief Wyeterrow, who is a near relation to Temmaranga and a powerful Chief. He had two Sons with me at Parramatta, one died there, the other returned with me in the Dromedary, and is now very ill and not likely to recover— Wyeterrow was very much rejoiced to see me— He requested I would allow him to return with me to Port Jackson for his Sons bones, that he might deposite them in their Family Sepulchre. He was uncommonly fond of this Boy, he was the son of his head wife, and he considered him his Heir— He wept much when he thought of him and told me he was sprung from one of the first Families in New Zealand— He had a fine boy sitting besides him a younger Son— I pointed to him and endeavoured to console his mind by observing that this Son would be his Heir. He remarked that the Mother of this boy was not of that noble Family that the Mother of the boy was who was dead, and on that account he regretted his death— I felt much for his affliction for he wept sore. He said he had made a new Canoe for his boy that was dead and wished me to see it. I went with him. This Canoe was very small would carry about three boys, and in every respect fitted up like a war Canoe, painted and ornamented with feathers— He told me I must take it to Parramatta and keep it as a memorial of his Son. His other Son who was sick was a young man about 17 years old— I saw he was too far gone to entertain any hopes of his recovery, when I conversed with him, he said "my eyes will soon be dark in death— I can live no longer in New Zealand, it is a bad Country, I do not like [it] the chiefs are always fighting and distressing one another— it is a Country also where there there is no Tea, Sugar, Rice, or Bread— I cannot eat fern root, I shall soon sleep in the ground." I never heard any person speak with more feeling than this young Man, he mourned over the degraded state of his Country and appeared to have little wish to live any longer. I seldom ever visited Wyeterrow, or he me but the Death of his Boy was the subject of his conversation, and at all times he expressed a wish to have his bones conveyed to New Zealand and if he could not go himself for them, as he was then very poorly, that I would allow his Wife to go. I promised that when I returned he should have them sent, if no Person went for them. Every where the New Zealanders are very particular about the bones of their departed Friends. After conversing some time with Wyeterrow and his Son I went with Mr Shepherd to examine what he had done. I found he had got Peas, Beans turnips &c &c growing and a quantity of fruit trees planted. I hope from this little spot, he will be able in a short time to furnish most of the Principal Chiefs with Fruit trees and seeds and plants of vegatables: I now returned to Kiddee Kiddee for the night intending to set off the next morning on our tour. Wednesday May 3d This morning we prepared for our Journey, but before we started I had the gratification to see the Plough for the first time at New Zealand enter the ground, and make the first furrow— I could not but anticipate the day when these vallies and hills will stand thick with corn, and the wilderness blossom like the rose. The districts I intended we should visit before we set off were the following, Wyematte Pooka nuee Tiami— Wyematte lies about 12 or 14 miles west of Kiddee Kiddee— we set off for this settlement first— On our road we met a number of Natives who enquired whither we were going— when we told them they immediately informed us that there was the Attua at Wyemattee— I could not comprehend what they meant as they all seemed much interested about the Attua, I thought some chief man was either dead or near Death, as they told us there were a great number of persons at Wyemattee— We arrived there about Sunset, at a Farm belonging to a Chief named Terria— Here we met the largest assemblage of Natives I had ever seen. Terria received us very cordially— furnished us with a good Hut and plenty of potatoes for ourselves and porters— Here were some of the heads of tribes with their fighting men from Shockee Hanga on the west side of N Zealand to Bream Head on the East— We walked round the different groups as they assembled in seperate bodies— we found a number of Chiefs sitting in a circle in deep consultation— we understood that the heads of the different tribes had met to settle some War expedition, and that each tribe had to furnish a certain number of men— The concourse of People and the bustle occasioned thereby resembled more a country Fair than any thing else I can compare it to. I inquired what had occasioned so very large a meeting of the Chiefs from such distant parts, and was informed that previous to the destruction of the Boyd, which happened about ten years ago, Shungee and his tribe had made war against the inhabitants of Kiperro where he had been defeated and had lost a number of his Officers and Men and amongst the number were two of his brothers. That the heads of Shungees tribe had called this meeting to arrange an expedition against Kiperro in order to revenge the death of those who fell in the above war— I was also informed that Shungee had been collecting ammunition ever since his defeat to enable him to renew the war with the people of Kiperro, and that he had left instructions with his officers to do so in a few Months after his departure for England— We spent the evening in conversation with the different groups— they appeared all very chearful and happy— There was great feasting in their way, some hundreds of baskets of sweet and common potatoes with Fish were eaten, and the bustle continued more or less during the night— When we retired at a late hour we left the assembly of the chiefs sitting in a circle were [sic] we first found them carrying on their deliberations— ever since our arrival we heard loud lamentation from a distant farm which appeared to be near a mile off— when we inquired the cause the natives told us the Attua was there and that was all we could learn. These lamentations continued without interruption, and we determined to visit the Attua next morning in order to know what it was that interested almost every one we spoke to— Thursday May 4th This Morning we rose at the dawn of day, and walked thro the camp again. We found the Chiefs sitting still in a circle from whence they appeared never to have moved from the time we arrived the preceeding day to the present. After walking round and taking leave of the Chiefs, we left this extraordinary assembly, intending to breakfast with Shungee's Son, who had lived with me at Parramatta, and whose village was near at hand, purposing afterwards to visit the Attua as the lamentations continued with increased cries— When we arrived we found him at Home his Mother and Sisters in the midst of their people, Mrs Shungee gave us a very hearty welcome, and ordered some provision to be got ready immediately, while we were sitting talking with them, a number of armed Men appeared on the hedge [sic] of the wood close to a field of potatoes which lay between them and us. The Armed Men were naked, and put themselves into a posture of defence, as soon as Shungees Son, and daughters observed them they instantly flew to Arms, at the first I was not certain whether we were going to have a real or a sham fight but when I observed that Shungees daughters only charged their muskets with powder I was convinced they were only going to make a sham fight— When both parties were ready and drawn up in Military order, which was done very quick they began the fight— The Women loaded and fired their Muskets with much Military Spirit and appeared to be very fond of the sport and I could not doubt but they would be equally active and brave in a real battle— The Men fought with Spears, and Pattoes, in their contest they threw one another down, took what prisoners of war they could and carried them off the field of battle— After they had amused themselves in this way for some time they closed the whole with a war dance and we then took our breakfast. The party who appeared in the wood belonged to Shockee Hanga, and had come to this general Congress. We now took our leave of Mrs Shungee, and went to see the Attua, the lamentations still continuing. On our arrival we found a dead Chief seated in great state, His Hair was dressed according to their custom, and ornamented with feathers, and a garland of green leaves— His countenance was bright and clear having been recently anointed with oil, and retained its natural colour— whether there was a body or not we could not tell, as the Mats covered the whole up to the chin; he had the appearance of a living Man, sitting upright in his chair— I had seen one some time before whose head was dressed in a similar way, and the body had been dried and preserved, as well as the head. This Chief had been a young Man when he died apparently about thirty years old— His Mother Wife and Children were seated before him and the skulls and other human bones belonging to his family and Ancestors were placed in a row on his left hand— I inquired where he died, and was told he was killed in battle beyond the River Thames some months ago. This Chief was called the Attua of whom we had heard so much the preceding day— The New Zealanders appear to entertain an idea that the Deity resides in the head of a Chief, as they always pay the most sacred veneration to the head— If they worship any Idol it is the head of their Chiefs as far as I am able to form an opinion of their worship— On the present mournful occasion a great number of persons had assembled together from a great distance to comfort the mourners, and to pay their respects to the remains of the departed Chief his relatives cut themselves according to their custom till the blood streamed from their faces arms, and breasts— The more they wound their bodies, the more they believe they shew their love for their departed friends. When I told them that the Europeans did not cut themselves in such a manner for their dead, but only wept, they replied the Europeans did not love their friends as the New Zealanders did, or they would do so to [sic], to hear their loud lamentations night and day for the loss of a relative, shews what a state of darkness and ignorance they are in— They sorrow as Men without hope— Reason can find no sufficient remedy to relieve the human mind in the day of trouble, it wants a more solid consolation than Reason can give— It wants a divine Revelation to enable the surviving Husband, Wife or Father to say with David "I shall go to him but he shall not return to me"—After we had visited the Attua, and Mourners, we proceeded on our journey, and met as we passed along the Natives coming from different parts to see the Attua, we also fell in with Kiterra a chief of Tiami, and his wife, Kiterra had lived with me at Parramatta. I informed him that it was my intention to visit him before I returned— He wished to accompany us but he could not leave the mourning at that time, but said he would follow us during the day, and that his wife should return the following morning— We now left Wymattee this settlement is very extensive— The land rich and well adapted for cultivation, there appeared to have been more than an hundred acres in sweet and common potatoes this season, part were dug, and part were not— some hundreds of baskets were heaped up one upon another when we were there, and a number of slaves were busy in drying the sweet potatoes which were spread upon Hurdles raised about three feet from the ground with small fires under them, when dry they take up little room, will keep a long time, are easily carried from one place to another and retain their sweet liquorice lickerish taste which is very grateful to the Natives palate. They consider the sweet potatoe whether dried or not their richest food, and prefer this root to all other kinds of provisions— on leaving Wymattee we proceeded to a Settlement called Pooka Nuee thro' some rich land, and arrived in the Evening at the house of a Chief belonging to the place— He pressed us to stay all night with him— we very readily accepted his invitation as the Evening was threatening for rain— His daughter I had often seen before at the Missionary Settlement she was much rejoiced to see us, and ordered some provisions to be got ready, for our supper they wished to kill an hog, but we would not consent to this, as it was our intention to leave them early in the morning— Shortly after our arrival several Natives came to see us from the neighbouring Farms, with whom we spent the evening. The following circumstance occurred while we were in conversation which created a little bustle. Lieut McCrae had seated himself on the stump of a tree, with his boat Cloak thrown over his shoulders, where he was closely surrounded by the natives when he got up he found the buttons cut off his cloak, and the clasp from the Collar which some one of the Natives had carried off, he immediately told the Chief, he had been robbed, and shewed were the buttons had been cut off— A Boy whom we had observed in the Company was accused of the theft, but upon examination he could not be found, which confirmed the suspicion— Persons were immediately dispatched to apprehend the boy; in about half an hour he was brought before us, and examined— the boy denied the charge, with a great deal of spirit— The Chiefs' daughter insisted that he had committed the theft another stout woman warmly vindicated the boy's character when she was as warmly opposed by a third Woman— The altercation got to such a pitch; that in a short time they came to blows with their hands, and at length they armed themselves with thick sticks I now interfered and laid hold of the Woman who was the most violent and who contended that the boy had stolen the buttons, to prevent her from striking the other woman who advocated the boys' cause— The Chiefs daughter was very much vexed that the theft had been committed there, and desired me to let the woman [sic] alone and allow them to fight for she was sure the boy had stolen the buttons, and no person ought to defend him— I however thought it more prudend [sic] to prevent any more blows passing between these Ladies and put an immediate stop to the quarrel— I had never seen any fighting amongst the New Zealanders before, it is not common for them to strike one another— The Chiefs daughter and the other woman belonging to the family were very indignant indeed that any insult should have been given to us while we were at their residence. The Chief was equally hurt that any thing should have occurred to give us offence, and said he would endeavour to have the stolen things returned, and thus the business ended for the night— Before day-light the next morning the clasp and buttons were brought back but we never could learn who had actually stolen them, The Chief informed us that the boy who had been accused was innocent. Pooka Nuee is a very fine district— the land very fertile and capable of great improvement— This settlement is called Pooka Nuee, from a very high hill on which part of the houses stand. The Land is rich to the very summit of the Hill, tho' stoney, and the sides of the Hill cultivated with potatoes we went to the very Top, from whence there is a very extensive prospect over a great part of the interior, and also of the neighbouring Ocean. It is situated about 35 Miles from the entrance of the Harbour of the Bay of Islands to the south west— On leaving Pooka Nuee, we proceeded thro' a very fine Country to Tiami. Kiterra the Chief of Tiami had joined us the preceeding day, and now conducted us to his residence— Here we found a young Man named Ari (who had lived some time with me at Parramatta) very ill, passed all hope of recovery. He was much gratified when he saw me, and requested me to pray with him— He had only returned in the Dromedary from Port Jackson, he was a fine healthy young Man when we arrived at New Zealand, but was now reduced to a mere skeleton; he was affected with a bowel complaint probably occasioned from a change in his food and lodging, as he was compelled to adopt his former mode of living— Three of the young Men who lived with me at Parramatta, and returned in the Dromedary have died, two of them were strong and healthy young Men— Ari was possest of three Mats at the time of his death which he directed his father to send to me after he was dead, these I received with the news of his death, at the Bay of Islands,— 7 have died this year who were living with me at the beginning of it 4 at New South Wales and 3 at New Zealand, these young persons belonged to the first families in the Bay of Islands! How mysterious are the ways of God they are past finding out, I had fondly imagined that some of these youths who are now no more, would upon their return to their Native Country have promoted the general welfare of their Countrymen, and forwarded by their superior knowledge of civil life their civilization, but God's ways are not as Man's ways neither are his thoughts as man's thoughts— When I have conversed with the Parents of these youths, I have been much struck with their patient resignation of some of them to the afflictive dispensation— One of the principal One of the principal Chiefs when he heard that his Son was dead at Parramatta came on board the Dromedary with his Wife— They both wept much— He was a fine Youth and their only Son— He requested me not to fret for his Son, observing as he was dead he was happy he had died at Parramatta for he was sure he would want for nothing in his sickness, that would do him good; his Wife said she was childless now, that they had large possessions of Lands but no heir, and requested me to send them one of my children, whom they would adopt as their own, and should succeed to their lands— They both ardently wished to have their Son’s bones conveyed to New Zealand in order that they might be deposited in their Family sepulchre, and requested that one or both of them might be allowed to go to New South Wales for them— The death of the above Youths seemed to have attached the New Zealanders more than ever to the Europeans tho' I cannot account why this should be the case— I should have thought it would have had an opposite effect,— notwithstanding the death of so many of the Chiefs' Sons, yet others are urgent to send their children to Port Jackson— When I have told them I was afraid to allow them to go lest they should die, they replied "They would run the risque of their death if I would only permit them to go— Koro Koro Tui's brother has a very fine boy about eight years old which he has pressed me very much to take with me to Port Jackson when I told him, "I was afraid to take him he would most probably die" he replied "I will pray for my Son during his absence” as I did for Tui and then he will not die." Tho' the New Zealanders have no idea of a God of Mercy, such a God as divine Revelation exhibits, yet they have a strong belief that they can appease the Anger and avert the judgments of their God, by their prayers— Notwithstanding the above mysterious dispensation, I have no doubt but the time is at hand for these poor heathens to receive the Gospel; but how or by what means God will accomplish his gracious purposes I am unable to comprehend, as clouds and darkness are round about his footsteps. From finding Ari near death on our arrival at Tiami, I have been led to make the above digression— My opinion is that if half the New Zealanders were to die in their attempt to force themselves into Civil Life, the other half would not be deterred from making a similar effort, so anxious do they seem to introduce themselves into Civil Society. I shall now return to my narrative. We arrived at Tiami on Saturday Evening— Kiterra accommodated us with a good Hut, with two rooms— he told me he had built this hut, after the Form he had seen when at Port Jackson. The door places were about the same height as the Europeans build their huts at New South Wales and the whole building was much more commodious for us than the low huts of the Natives— On the Sabbath we rested— A number of Natives came to visit us, to whom I explained the institution of the Sabbath, and conversed with them upon the works of the Creator, and of the Power, Wisdom and Goodness of God, as visible in his works— Kiterra was very anxious to accommodate us in the best manner he could, and supplied us with Pork and potatoes, both of which were excellent in this district— The Land is very dry and rich & produces the finest potatoes— The fern root upon which the hogs feed is, on account of the goodness of the soil very fattening— The fern upon the cultivated land in some places is 12 feet high, and the roots very good to eat. Kiterra has got some Peach trees, and vegatables growing very fine which had originally come from N[ew] S[outh] W[ales].— He was very urgent for some Europeans to live in his district and promised he would give them some of the best of the Land— On Monday I went with Kiterra over his cultivated Ground where his slaves were preparing the soil for planting. I also fixed upon a place for the Missionaries to settle upon if any should at a future period come out for that purpose— The Situation com= mands wood, Water, and good Land, wood for the purpose of building Water for domestic use, and a mill if necessary, and land for cultivation. There is also grass upon an extensive plain for Cattle— A circumstance occurred today which annoyed me very much— Lieut McCrae Mr Clark and myself had agreed to visit a hot Spring about 3 Miles distant from the Settlement and several of the Natives were to accompany us. An European who had been transported to Port Jackson, a Gardener by profession, had come over in the Dromedary to collect seeds and plants; for this purpose he left the Dromedary with us, as he would have an opportunity in our tour to add to his collection, in passing thro the woods and forests which had never been visited by any European— He set off with us to the hot spring— In our way we past several potatoe fields where the people were at work. One of the Chiefs called to me as we passed along I turned out of the path to speak to him, while the rest of the party walked on— The Gardener took this opportunity unobserved by me to skulk behind; after I had left the chief and walked on a little distance after the party who had got now ahead, I heard a great noise behind me and turning round saw some of the Natives running after me, and calling aloud for me to return which I immediately did. I soon met a chief named Evey in a most violent rage with the Gardener in charge accompanied by several more Natives— when he came up he stated that the Gardener had stopt behind me and had violently dragged his Wife into the bush, and committed an Assault upon her person, at the same time stopping her mouth to prevent her cries from being heard, and that he himself had taken the Gardener in the very act of committing the Assault, and would instantly have put him to death if I had not been there. He had struck the Gardener one blow with the musket, which he had in his hand when he caught him. I observed the Gardener had received a blow upon the mouth— I felt very indignant at the conduct of the Gardener— The Evidence was so clear against him that there was no room left to doubt his guilt— All he could say in his own justification was that the woman was not a virtuous character in his opinion. Evey had lived with me at Parramatta which induced him to forbear inflicting that punishment which he otherwise would have done— I have no doubt if we had all been strangers but that the Gardener would have been immediately put to death, and if he had, the cause of his death would probably never have been satisfactorily ascertained, and might have been attributed solely to the Savage disposition of the Natives— I expressed my approbation of Evey's conduct, [Hocken - May 8] and assured him that I would report the bad behaviour of the Gardener and I had no doubt but he would be punished. Evey's wife was a young Woman apparently about twenty— I had past her in the field and spoke to her about a quarter of an hour before the assault was committed.— It is much to be lamented that the Gospel with all its attendant blessings cannot be introduced into any heathen Nations, without the introduction of the crimes, and diseases, which obtain in civil Society— Men of vicious principles and corrupt habits will always find their way into every State, and N Zealand must suffer much from her intercourse with Europeans, before they become a Civilized Nation, as well as afterwards— After I had got Evey and the Natives who were with him pacified, we proceeded to the warm spring— It is situated in a Wood, on the bank of a small fresh water Stream— There are two warm Springs opposite each other, one on each bank of the Stream, about 10 feet above the level of the fresh water, which runs between them— The warm water is offensive and possesses something of a sulpherous taste— They are both running Springs and the surface where the water lodges in small quantities is covered with a brown yellowish scum, which the Natives use in painting themselves— The Wood thro which we past contained very fine Timber, and all the land about is very good but stoney— In the Evening we returned to Kiterra's residence where we remained until the next morning [May 9] — The Natives informed us that there were several Places, a few miles distant where the water was very offensive which we determined to visit— On our arrival at one of these places we found several Hot Springs— and in some of them the Water was boiling hot— as we walked over the ground, it shook under us, and in some parts it was not able to bear our weight. The Volcano was burning under ground, and not very far from us the surface of the ground was hot. Some of it had been thrown up in small heaps, and sent up a steam like boiling water— we removed some of the tops of these little hillocks, and found them to be hollow within, in the cavities of which the sulphur was forming in the most beautiful Pyramids, as close together as an Honey Comb— When we looked into these cavities the little spires of Sulphur shone with the most Sparkling lustre that can be imagined— The Sulphur was hot and under the hillock the water was boiling and burst out in several places— There was one spring where the water was almost as thick as Batter Pudding, and nearly as white as Flour and Water— I went as near as I could to examine it, but the Ground would not support my weight but gave way with me when within a few feet— and I sunk with both feet about one foot into this thick white Batter, and found some difficulty in returning, as the ground shook every step and the surface brake— The whole surface of the neighbouring grounds had the appearance of Volcanic Erruption. There was one Spring where the water was boiling hot, and another where the water was cold— The land for some Miles is full of springs, and swamps, very barren, composed principally of white sand, Pipe Clay, and Peat— Here and there I observed small quantities of Sulphur in the roots of trees which had been burnt at some former period, but I saw no appearance of Coal, Iron, or Free stone in any part of this district— We visited a small white lake, which I have mentioned in a former account, and then returned to our lodgings, with Kiterra— The Land at Tiami is very good, well wooded, and abundance of fine water— Kiterra is very anxious for some Europeans to reside in his district; he treated us with every attention while we remained with him— After we had accomplished the object of our tour into the interior we returned to the Missionary Settlement. [May 10] During our absence Capt Skinner had been cutting Spars on the banks of the Cowa Cowa River— This Timber was not considered of a good quality, which determined Capt Skinner to visit the River Thames— On the Dromedary's return from Shockee Hanga to the Bay of Islands Capt Skinner purposed to take in some spars of the Kikaitea and afterwards to examine the River Thames or some other part of New Zealand for Timber, as he was anxious if possible to get Kowree Spars, as that Wood was deemed of a much superior quality to the Kikaitea. Shortly after our return I met with George the Chief of Wangaroa, and inquired of him, if there were any Spars of Kowree at his land— he informed me there was, I promised to go over to see them and know whether his brother and he would consent to the Dromedary taking a Cargo from there provided they would answer, and the following day Mr Hall took George on board the Dromedary in order that Capt Skinner might converse with him on the subject— After this interview with George it was determined that Messrs Mart and Hall should go round to Wangaroa in a boat and I resolved to walk across the country from Kidee Kidee a distance of about 23 miles— [May 16] On the following Tuesday we set off— I arrived at George's Settlement the same evening, and remained with he and his Brother all night— They were much pleased with my visit— The next morning [May 29 17 Monday] Messrs Mart and Hall arrived. When the woods were examined and the Timber approved of by Mr Mart, and all matters arranged with the two Chiefs to the satisfaction of all parties, we left Georges Village in the Boat in order to return by Sea— About 10 OClock we went on shore, and lay on the beach till towards morning, when we proceeded down the River, and reached the heads of the Harbour before Sunrise—[May 30] The Morning was very fine, when we first put to Sea, but the weather soon changed, and the wind blew very strong, with a high Sea, which compelled us to make for the Shore when we left the boat in charge of the Native Crew, having determined to walk to Ranghee Hoo—For this purpose we took two native Guides and set off on our journey— we had a very laborious days walk, as the road was very bad, and the afternoon very rainy and stormy— We arrived at a Native Village just at dark very wet where we took up our lodgings for the night, during the whole of which the Storm continued—[May 31st] The next Morning it rained hard, and blew a very heavy gale, which continued the whole day. We proceeded on our route early, but met with many difficulties, from the Creeks, and Rivers being filled by the Rains, several of which we had to ford. [June 1st] About seven OClock in the Evening we reached Ranghee Hoo— This was one of the severest days journey's I ever remember to have travelled, occasioned by the badness of the road, the heavy Wind and Rain— During our absence the Coromandel had arrived in the Bay— [June 2nd] Mr Mart and myself remained at Ranghee Hoo the following day to rest and the next morning [June 3rd] returned on board the Dromedary being the third of June where I found some of the Officers belonging to the Corromandel who informed me that Capt Downie intended in a day or two to proceed to the River Thames. On Mr Mart's report of the Spars at Wangaroa to Capt Skinner and all matters now being arranged with George and his brother Tippoohee by our visit, Capt Skinner determined upon taking the Dromedary round to that Harbour and load her with Spars at that place. As I conceived Capt Skinner would find no difficulty in procuring his Spars at Wangaroa from the assurances the Chiefs there had given me, I now wished to accompany the Corromandel to the River Thames, in order to prevent any misunderstanding between the Natives of the Thames, and the Officers and Crew on board the Corromandel. June 5— 1820— I went on board of His Majesty's Ship Coromandel, and was politely received by Captain Downie. We had some conversation respecting the Spars he wanted. I gave him what information I was possest of respecting the Timber I had seen in different places which I had visited. He informed me it was his intention to go to the river Thames, and see what Spars he could meet with there, as Captn Skinner had determined to take in his cargo at the bay of Islands and Wangaroa; and expressed a wish I would accompany him. I told him I should have no objection after stating the circumstances to Captain Skinner, as it was my intention to have gone with him if the Dromedary had proceeded to that river. On my return to the Dromedary I mentioned the substance of our Conversation. Captain Skinner approved of my going in the Coromandel as the Chiefs at the bay of Islands and Wangaroa were fully acquainted with Capt Skinners intention to take his cargo from them, and a good understanding existing at the time between all parties, my presence was no longer necessary on board the Dromedary. The following day I went again on board the Coromandel with Captain Skinner when it was settled for me to embark the next morning. I wished to take with me Tooi, Temmaranga and a Chief named A-akkee belonging to the Thames who happened to be at the Bay of Islands at the time. Tooi I knew could be of great service as an interpreter to Capt Downie from his knowledge of the English language and his attatchment to the Europeans, and Temmaranga also from the rank he has in New Zealand and from his firm friendship to the English. Temmaranga had lived with me some time at Parramatta, I knew his character well, and that he was a man that every confidence might be placed in. On the 7th in the morning I left the Dromedary and imbarked on board the Coromandel which was then under sail in the mouth of the Harbour standing out to Sea— The morning was exceeding pleasant, and all was calm and serene, and the Sea as smooth as Glass, and continued during the day, so that our progress was very small. For the five following days our Passage to the Thames was rough and stormy and the wind generally strong against us, so that we did not reach the Entrance of the Thames till the Evening of the 12th [June 12th] when we came to Anchor under the Head of Cape Colvile. The next morning [13th] I accompanied Mr Anderson Second Master in the Boat along the South side of the Harbour to see if there were any Spars in that quarter. We entered several of the Coves in which a number of inhabitants had lately resided, but we saw none. Their Hippahs were all in ruins, had been lately burnt or destroyed in their wars. We observed some remains of the slain. Tooi pointed out one beach that he said was covered with dead bodies like a Butchers Shop only a few months before. That one tribe had been wholly cut off within two or three individuals who were fortunate enough to escape. Heard his brother Koro Koro was engaged in this destructive war. The alledged cause was, a near relation of Koro Koro's, had been poisoned when on a visit at the Thames. He was the Son of Kipo, who is better known to the Europeans who visit the bay of Islands by the name of old Benny. The young man did not die at the Thames, but was taken ill there; when Tooi was sent from the bay of Islands for him, and he died in the Canoe before he reached Home. Kipo offered up afterwards several Human Sacrifices for him, and then commenced war against the suspected Tribe at the Thames. Nothing will ever relieve these people from their public calamities but the knowledge of Divine Revelation. They find themselves bound by the Chains of Superstition to revenge the Death of their relatives, whether they are killed in war, or are supposed to have died by poison or incantation. After we had examined the different coves, and found no Timber that would answer, we returned on board thro' a very heavy sea, and reached the Ship about 9 OClock, the wind blowing very strong. [June 14] Early the next morning Capn Downie weighed Anchor and stood up the Thames and in the Afternoon Anchored again on or very near the ground, where Captain Cook anchored when he was in the River. The river here is about 10 Miles wide, and very open and exposed to the Sea. The night was very dark and stormy with a very heavy Sea, which made the Ship pitch very much. The Captain deemed it necessary to lower the main yards, and to relieve the Ship as much as possible to prevent her from driving.—[June 15] 15th This morning the weather moderated, but in Consequence [1820 June 15] of the roughness of the water no Canoe had ventured off to the Ship, which lay about 6 or 7 miles from that part of the River where it begins to narrow, and into which the fresh water river falls. Captain Downie wished me to take one of the small boats, and go up the River to see if I could fall in with any of the Natives, and gain any information there relative to the Timber, and he would send Mr Anderson after me in the Launch in order that we might go up the fresh water River and Examine that part of the Country for Spars. I accordingly left the Coramandel and pulled up the River, after we had gone about four miles we were opposite a native Village, and stood in. The Natives came crouding to the beach inviting us to land, but the Surf was so high, and the Sea and wind that we were afraid to venture near the Shore, lest the Boat should be stove. I called to the Natives and informed them I wanted a Pilot, and that I could not come on Shore for the Surf. One of the principal men of the Village waded thro' the Surf and came into the boat, when we stood from the Land. I now observed the Launch was following us, and fearing she would not be able to find the Channel, as it is very difficult, I got into a Canoe, and sent the Pilot in the Boat to meet the Launch, which was in some danger, as the wind was very strong, the Sea high, and the water shallow except in the Channel which Mr Anderson did not know. I now proceeded up the River in the Canoe to the first Village where I could conveniently land, in order to wait for the Launch. The Village belonged to one of the principal Chiefs named Tippoohee whom I had formerly known— I found him at Home. He was very much rejoiced to see me. [in pencil - C] I told him the object of my Voyage to the Thames. That I had come in a large Ship belonging to King George for Spars and wished to know if he could inform me where they were to be met with, and by what means they could be got to the Ship, and that the Ships boat was coming up the River to see if any could be found— He said there were a great quantity of Spars growing upon his land, which we might have if they would answer, and that he would go with us up the River and shew them to us. He told me he was in great trouble. That the Chiefs on the west side of the Thames, who are distinguished by the name of Howppas Tribe had lately made war upon him, killed a number of his people amongst whom was his Brother, and that he expected they would renew their attack upon him in a short time; that most of his Hogs had been killed, and his Potatoes destroyed, and himself and People reduced to great want. I expressed my concern for his calamities, and felt much distressed for him and his people: and promised that I would see the Chiefs on the west side, and use my influence with them to bring about a reconciliation between them. He observed they were too powerful for him, as their friends in the Bay of Islands furnished them with arms and ammunition, that he was not able to meet them; and that he believed it was their determination to dispossess him of his Land, and to drive him away altogether, and he thought nothing short of this would satisfy them. While we were conversing upon these subjects Mr Anderson arrived in the Launch when Tippoohee and I got into her, and we proceeded up to the next village which belonged to another Chief Towretta. Mr Anderson Anchored the Launch opposite the Village and we all went on Shore for the night. Towretta I had also known before; and he gave us a very cordial reception— These are the Two principal Chiefs on the fresh water river; both of them very tall fine handsome men—[June 16] The following morning we proceeded up the River in the Launch with a fair wind and Tide: The two Chiefs accompanied us, and about 50 of their people in Canoes— Mr Hume Surgeon of The Corromandel— the Carpenter and the Captains Clerk were also of the Party. We had a very fine day, and arrived in the Evening at a Settlement called Rowpah situated at the junction of the two fresh water rivers, who's united streams form the Thames.— On a point of high Land where the two streams meet, and by which it is nearly surrounded stands the Hippah of the Head Chief or Arekee as the natives call him. The Hippah was very full of People who welcomed us on shore with loud acclamations. And conducted us to the Arekee who was seated in the midst of his Family. He was an old man apparently not far from 70 years of age, well made, and of great muscular strength. His mother was still alive with Three Generations by her. The native houses here were much larger, and better built, than any I had seen in New Zealand. The Arekee appropriated one for us— which accommodated us with lodgings, and about 50 natives who had attended the Launch up the River. [June 17th] 17th This day being the Sabbath we rested in the Hippah and I spent part of it in conversing with the Natives upon the works of Creation, and the institution of the Christian Sabbath. Temmarangha acting as my interpreter upon all occasions when I could not make myself understood. This settlement would be an eligible situation for a Missionary station at some future period, should God be Gracious to this dreary land where there is no light, and visit this people with his Salvation. [June 18] On the following Morning Mr Anderson went to examine the Spars in the Neighbourhood, and I got a Canoe with some natives and proceeded up the left River. The Land upon its banks was very rich and here and there adorned with lofty pines. Some small Farms were cultivated with Potatoes upon which the poor Slaves were at work. The Tide runs up a few Miles in this river. When we had proceeded about 10 or 12 Miles in which the River had been close confined with thick woods or lofty banks it opened into a plain, and became shallow, and as night was coming on I returned to the Hippah— On my arrival which was just at Dark I found the Launch was returned— and immediately hired another Canoe, and proceeded down the River, and in about two hours found her at Anchor and the Crew and Officers in their tents on shore, where I landed and joined them for the night. [June 19] The next day we proceeded down the River, and in the evening after dark we anchored again opposite Towrettas Village, where we went on shore, and remained till daylight [June 20] when we returned to the Corromandel after Six days absence. On the banks and near them, there are Spars of all dimensions and convenient for Carriage, but the quality of the Timber is not considered good enough for masts, especially a species of Cyprus, which composes the principal Forrests and is called by the Natives Kikatea— It is a light wood, some of it white, and others of a Red Tinge, and more proper for Planks than Masts— many of the trees are from eighty to One Hundred feet without a branch and from two to six feet in Diameter, and some much more. I believe it is Captain Downies intention to bring a few of them as specimens. The Timber already examined not being approved of it became necessary to look for it elsewhere— Towretta and the Arekee informed us that there were some fine Timber called by the Natives Kowree on the East side of the salt water River. Mr Anderson was therefore sent in the Launch to examine the Woods in these parts. [June 21] The following day Captain Downie weighed and followed the Launch in hopes of finding a more commodious and Secure Harbour to Anchor in. In this he succeeded to his wishes and found a most excellent harbour about 16 Miles from our first Anchorage where Captain Cooks ship lay on the East side of the Thames behind two small Islands. This Harbour is perfectly safe for Ships of any Burden, being completely sheltered from the Sea. When Mr Anderson returned, and the Ships Carpenter who accompanied him, they reported that they had met with some Spars that would answer for masts. We were all rejoiced at this information and the following day [June 22] arrangements were made with the Natives and part of the Ships Company for cutting some of them down, and preparing them for Shipping. As Captn Downie had now determined to take what Spars he could procure in the Neighbouring woods, and all the Natives upon the most friendly terms with the Europeans: I felt my time now at my own disposal, at least in a great measure; which I spent principally amongst the Natives in the Different bays and in examining the Creeks Woods and natural productions for about 3 Weeks. [July] At this time I told Towretta I wished to visit Wye Kotto a river in the interior where the population is very great. He dispatched a Messenger to inform some of the Chiefs of my intention, when a number of them came in order to conduct me to their Settlement. At this time the weather was very Stormy; and a deal of heavy rain fell; however I was determined if I possibly could to visit Wye-Kotto. The rout to this Settlement lays on the West side of the Thames; and it was not practicable at this time from the boisterous state of the Weather to cross the river in a Canoe, which was about 15 Miles over. Mr Anderson had been on a Cruise for about 10 Days on the East and West shores of the Thames looking for Spars: on his return he reported there were some that would Answer for Masts on the East shore about 17 Miles from where the Coromandel lay in a wood belonging to Tippoohee, who would assist to get them down to the River. This determined Capn Downie to send a Midshipman, and some of the Ships Company to cut down and prepare this Timber: and the 12 July was the day appointed for the men to leave the Coromandel to go and Cut down these Spars. As Mr Anderson intended also after landing this party with their provisions and Tools to proceed to the West side of the River again, I determined to take a passage in the Launch across the River, and from thence to Wye Kotto as the people from that Settlement had been waiting to conduct me there for some days. [July 12] On the 12th at 4 OClock in the morning I arose to prepare for my Journey. The wind had blown hard during the Night attended with heavy rain; and the morning was very threatening. The Launch was got ready, and at day light we sailed from the Coromandel with a fair wind, and arrived at the place where the Spars grew about 12 O'Clock. We found a number of Natives upon the beach ready to receive us— as they knew of our coming— amongst whom were several from Wyekotto. [1820 July 12] Immediately on our arrival all hands were busily employed in erecting two Huts, one for the Officers who had charge of the party and the other for the men. Before Evening one Hut was completed; and two Tents which were in the Launch pitched in one of which I took up my lodging for the Night. The whole day had been unpleasant; attended with Thunder and rain, which continued during the Night, and beat thro' the Hut, which made it very wet and Cold— I laid down in my Cloths, but had little rest. The following day we were visited by a Chief from Mercury bay Towrangha attended by his son and Daughter. The old man was much astonished at the sight of Europeans as he had never seen any white people before. I paid him a little attention, and made him a small present, which he thankfully received, and in the evening he returned. One Chief arrived also from Wyekotto with a fine Hog to sell. He offered it to Mr Anderson for an Axe— Mr Anderson had no Axe to give him. He had only a small Tomahawk which he offered him for it which he refused, observing he could not cut down his large Trees upon his farm with so small a Tool, and requested Temmaranga to speak to me to give him an Axe. Temmaranga immediately told me his wishes. I informed him I had no use for the Hog, and therefore I did not wish to purchase it. The poor man seemed much distressed— said he had come a long way with the Hog, and felt a great pain in his heart for the want of an Axe; which I relieved by giving him one— And the Hog was given to the work people— 14th last night was extremely cold, and wet. The rain fell very heavy, and the morning threatened for bad weather. The Natives who had come as my Guides from Wyekotto, informed me I could not return with them; as I should not be able to pass the Rivers and Creeks upon the road, They would be too deep for me to ford— This was a great disappointment to both parties, as I had long had a wish to visit that part of the Country. I therefore took my leave of them, and they returned. I now inquired if it was possible for me to go to Kiperro a Settlement on the West side of New Zealand, which I had often heard mentioned. The Natives informed me I might: that there were no Rivers in my way to prevent me. I therefore now changed my intention, and determined to visit Kiperro, and to take my passage in the Launch with Mr Anderson to the west side of the Thames, where he intended to proceed as soon as he had settled all his arrangements with the workmen. 15th The stormy weather with heavy rain continued the whole of the night, and this morning the Sea is very rough, with a strong wind from the western shore, which will prevent the Launch this day from crossing the river. Mr Anderson now determined if Possible to return to the Coromandel. I had sent my baggage on board with an intention to accompany him; but before I could get on board, the Surff broke so high upon the beach that I could not reach the small boat without wading thro' the Breakers, as she could not approach near the shore, and as there was no prospect that the Launch could possibly reach the Ship that night, I thought it more prudent to remain on Shore, than to lay exposed in the open boat to the wind and rain all night in my wet cloaths. I requested Mr Anderson to put my Baggage in the small Boat, and the Natives waded thro' the Surff and brought it on Shore again. I now took up my Lodgings with Mr Emery who had the Charge of the workmen, in one of the newly built Huts, thro' which both the wind and rain penetrated. My prospect now of visiting either Wyekotto or Kiperro was for the present at an end. I was aware the Launch would not return again to Mr Emery in less than a week and therefore resolved to take a trip to Mercury bay [sic] by the Head of the Thames. In order to gain correct Information with respect to the Route I should take I examined several natives, amongst whom was the Chief Tippoohee; who informed me that by going up to Rowpah a Settlement already mentioned where the Arekee resides I could get across the Country to Mercury Bay Towrangha. I now made up my mind to take this Journey as soon as the weather moderated. 16th Last night was very stormy. I had little rest from the open state of the Hut being extremely cold. [July 16] In the morning a Native informed me that the Launch had not been able to get down the River, and was lying at Anchor round the point not far from us. Tho my Birth had been bad, it was much better than what I could have had on board the Launch, which was some little consolation, to think I might have been worse.— The wind and rain still continued. As it was the Sabbath I explained to the Natives the Institution of this sacred Day with the Assistance of Temmaranga as my interpreter when I had occasion for him. He told them that many of their public Calamities, such as wars and Famines, from both of which they greatly suffer, were owing to their Ignorance, and neglect of this day; and that he had learned from the white people, that there was but one God, and that the God of the Europeans was the God of the New Zealanders also, which caused them to ask many questions about our God. After I had finished my Conversation with the Natives I explained to [sic] Commandments of God to the Sailors for about an hour. This class of our fellow subjects are exceedingly to be pitied both officers and men, as far as concerns their religious edification. The want of the due administration of the sacred ordinances of Religion [1820 July 16] to these people is a great Calamity. Wherever the Sabbaths are neglected and forgotten, there God is neglected and forgotten also. These men fight our battles, defend our Country, expose themselves to every hardship, and support our Church and State against all foreign Enemies, yet no adequate provision is made to administer to them the bread of Life; but they are left to perish for lack of Knowledge. I have felt much pained in reflecting upon their state while I have been in the present service. [July 17] 17th We have had another stormy night, but towards morning the weather began to moderate. I now determined to set off on my Route to Mercury Bay Towrangha. Temmaranga and his Nephew agreed to accompany me, but there were no Canoes at the place we were, sufficiently large to venture up the Thames during the present turbulent state of the Water from the late Gales. The Natives informed me I could get a large Canoe at a Village about two Miles up the River. After dinner I engaged two Natives to carry my Baggage to the above Village, where we arrived about two O'Clock, and were kindly received by the Natives. I informed the Chief where I was going, and requested him to furnish me with a good Canoe and Crew to take [me] up to Rowpah a distance we estimated at more than fifty miles. He told me I should have one, and ordered a Canoe to be got ready and manned immediately. A subordinate Chief offered to go with me to Mercury Bay Towrangha and take his Servant with him to assist in carrying my Baggage for an Axe, which I readily consented to give him. We immediately embarked but were soon compelled to return to Shore again from the Violence of the wind and waves, as the Natives were apprehensive the Canoe would be upset. They recommended me to walk to the next Village, where the River would be much narrower and consequently less Sea, and I could there procure a Canoe— we relanded— and set off to the next Village, where we arrived a little after dark. The Natives received us kindly; made us a large fire, and gave some provisions to my Companions, and accommodated me with a Good Hut. We spent the Evening in useful conversation and then lay down to rest for the night. After committing myself and Associates to the care of Him who numbereth the Hairs of our Heads, and felt myself as secure as if I had been resting in the Bosom of my Family. [July 18] 18th In the morning the stormy weather returned with great violence. There was no venturing on the river from the Village in a Canoe; and our only alternative was to walk up the banks of the River, till it became narrow, and shut in by the Land on both sides. With this view we left the Village: and past thro' four more Villages upon the banks of the River, when we stopt to breakfast. [July 18] The Chiefs Wife of the Village was very attentive, she made her little Hut as comfortable as she could— laid down a new Mat for me to sit upon, and by every little act of kindness shewed her anxiety to please. During our stay here, the rain fell very heavy and the wind blew a Gale. In about an Hour the storm moderated, and we proceeded, and past three more Villages, when we arrived at the Hippah of the Head Chief Tippookee. This Hippah is situated at the mouth of the fresh water river, on a beautiful eminence which commands the River Thames both above and below— The prospect is very extensive. There is a large flat of Good Land both above and below and in the rear of this Hippah, well adapted for the growth of Grain. A Creek of Salt water about One Hundred Yards wide runs from the main River round to the rear of the Hippah till it meets a fresh water stream. The Creek was navigable for small craft where I crossed it. A battle had been fought upon its Banks a few Months ago: when one Chief was shot. They shewed me the Spot where he was standing and the bush behind which the Enemy lay concealed when he was shot. When we arrived at the Hippah it was too late to proceed up the Thames. After taking some refreshment in the evening I got a Canoe and went up the fresh water stream, which flowed down between some high Hills from the Interior. A large body of water comes down this Creek occasionally. The Land upon its banks exceeding rich and could easily be cultivated with the Plough. In the Valley thro' which it runs I met a number of Natives returning from their work, and walked back with them to the Hippah. In the Hippah there was a Brother of Tippookees, and several other Chiefs. Tippookee was not there. I spent the evening with them in Conversation upon the ruinous consequences of war, the advantages of civil government, agriculture and Commerce. Tippookees Brother appeared a very mild sensible man, and expressed his disapprobation of the conduct of many of the Chiefs who were always fighting, and brought great distress upon the Inhabitants. The last Year their Tribe had been attacked both by the People at the Bay of Islands and also by the Tribes on the west side, and had suffered much, and expected to be attacked again by the latter. I told him I would see the Chiefs on the west side on my return, and make peace between them if I could. Temmaranga informed me that this Chief never went to war, he disliked it so much. He presented me with some fine Mats, and for which I gave him some edge Tools. I was accommodated with a large Hut for the Night, and on retiring to rest informed Him I should want a good Canoe in [1820 July 18] the morning, which he promised I should have. This Hippah has been a very strong place, both by Art and nature. It is fortified by very deep Fosses and an high fence made of split Timber. In their former mode of warfare, it must have bid defiance to any force that could be brought against it. But it cannot now afford them secure protection against an Enemy armed with Muskets. They shewed me where the Musket Balls had struck their Buildings, and stated that it was impossible for them with Spears to contend against the Force of Muskets. Should the British Government ever form a Settlement at the River Thames the Ground upon which this Hippah stands, in my opinion is the most eligible spot I have seen. It possesses many important local advantages.— It could easily be fortified, and made impregnable. It Commands the entrance into the fresh water river— is surrounded by a tract of fine land for Cultivation, and convenient for Timber to build with; and tho' the Shipping cannot come up to it, yet it is more convenient to the Harbour, where the Ships can lay in perfect safety, than any other situation.— Small vessels of 100 or 150 Tons may come up the River and Anchor opposite to it. [July 19] 19th This morning we arose very early, and prepared for our Journey— We had some distance to walk before we could be accommodated with a good Cannoe. We passed two Villages, and at the third, we were to Embark. While the Crew of the Canoe were launching it and getting all ready, the inhabitants of the Village assembled round us; amongst whom was a very sage aged Priest. This Priest entered into very close Conversation with my friend Temmaranga for some time, who was all attention. At length Temmaranga was much agitated. I asked him what was the matter, he informed me the Priest had told him he had seen his Ghost in the Night, and had also had an interview with the Attua who informed him, that if he accompanied me to Mercury Bay Towrangha he would die in five four Days, because he had killed two Chiefs the last time he was there, and the God of Mercury Bay Towrangha would now kill him if he went, and recommended him to return. Temmaranga now told me of his war expedition against Mercury Bay Towrangha and that he was returning from that Expedition the morning Mr Kendall sailed for England: and that the Prisoners of war, and the Heads of the Chiefs I had seen at Ranghee Hoo that morning were all brought from Mercury Bay Towrangha. In consequence of this Information I conceived there might be some danger to Temmaranga if he accompanied me. The people there might take advantage of him and cut him off. [1820 July 19] I was therefore induced to ask him if he was afraid that the people of Mercury Bay Towrangha would kill and eat him, if He was to go with me. He replied he was not afraid of the People; that they would not take any advantage of him: but he was much afraid their God would kill him, from what the Priest had told him. To which I answered if he was only afraid of their God, and not of being killed and eat by the Inhabitants, I would take Care their God should not injure him, for the God that would be with us was the true God, and he would take care of us both: Upon this assurance Temmaranga said he would venture. Tho his mind is much enlightened, and he sees into the absurdity of many superstitious customs of his Countrymen, yet I had frequent occasion to observe, that his feelings were alive to his former superstitions, whenever any serious cause occurred to call them forth. When I have reasoned with him and stated to him how foolish and groundless his fears relative to the Attua doing him or his friends this or the other injury, he would reply it was very well for me to talk in that way whose God was good, and over whom the Attua of New Zealand had no power; but he and his Countrymen were very differently situated. Their God was always angry, and in his Anger would eat their bowels out. After Temmaranga had got a little better of his fears we embarked for Rowpah Towrangha, with a strong tide in our Favour. The men pulled hard all the Day, and we went up the River very pleasantly and did not stop till the Evening, when we went on shore for a short time kindled a fire on the Bank; and dressed a basket of Potatoes according to their Custom. We had no other means of Cooking any thing, my Kettle having been left by mistake on the Launch, I had only a small Tea pot for every purpose I wanted. As soon as we had taken some refreshment we proceeded up the River till nearly daylight, when we came opposite a small Village. The night was dark and Cold, with some Rain— We stopt at the Village, when some of the Men went on Shore, called up the Inhabitants who kindled a fire, when we landed and took up our residence in one of their Huts. I supposed I was on the banks of the River.— [July 20] 20th When the day broke I was astonished to find myself upon the banks of a Creek upon which two small Villages stood. The Chief of the Place was a very fine youth about sixteen years old. His name was A-waugh.— His Father he informed me had been killed in Battle. All the Land around him was very fine soil— The Slaves were preparing it for planting. I informed A-waugh where I was going— He said he would go with me— He presented us with plenty of fine [1820 July 20] Potatoes, and a good Hog. I saw his Fathers Hippah which is not inhabited at the present time. It had been a large strong place. I observed several Sepulchres in it, some of them raised above Ground, painted, carved and ornamented with feathers. We breakfasted at this Village; killed our Hog, and roasted him whole for our Journey. The Inhabitants of the Village were much gratified with our Visit. I made them all small presents of fish hooks. The chief woman of the Village had a little House about a yard square, built very neat, painted and ornamented with feathers in which she deposited the sacred food for her God. It stood upon a post close to her Hut. We here met a Chief from Mercury Bay Towrangha named Towarroro, I inquired of him how long we should be in walking to Mercury Bay Towrangha— He answered two Days, and that he would attend us. After breakfast we left the Village, and in about an Hour reached the Banks of one of the main Branches of the Thames above Rowpah called O.Emanonee (Ohinemuri). About four miles up this River stands an Hippah upon a very high stony Hill, called Tippooari— It commands a very extensive Prospect of the Thames, the immense forrests and plains— as well as the Mountains in the Rear. It has been formerly a strong Place, and is still inhabited— we crossed the River O.Emanonee at a ford at the foot of the Hill upon which Tippooari stands. The ford was breast high, and very rapid. Four New Zealanders carried me over on their Shoulders with safety. They are so accustomed to the water that Rivers and Swamps present no difficulties to them in their Journeys. I had fourteen native Chiefs and their Servants, with me, so that I was under no apprehensions that I should meet with any Impediments in my way but what I could easily overcome with their assistance. The Country now began to get very hilly, and Covered with Timber— Some of the Spars exceeding lofty and fine— The woods extended further than the Eye can reach to the right and left of the Path. O.Emanonee runs thro' a deep Chasm in the Mountain at the foot of some very high conical Rocks on the right hand, and afterwards runs to the left towards the Sea Coast. We had to ford this River three times. Our path lay thro' the Wood, directly across the summit of the Hill. The wood may be about Three miles wide at the place we crossed it— but its length I could [1820 July 20] form no opinion of, as I could see no end to it, even when I got upon the High clear land upon the opposite side. From this situation, as the Country is all open in the Rear of the Wood, the Hills which encompass Mercury Bay Towrangha are clearly seen. They appear to be about sixteen miles distant situated on the Skirts of the intervening plain, which in general is pretty level. It is covered with Fern, and completely free from Timber. In this plain there are a Number of natural Springs, to the foot of the Hills that overlook Mercury Bay Towrangha, all sending their tributary streams into the O.Emanonee whose united waters form that River. The natives informed me that the Spars in the immense wood opposite to the plain leading to Mercury Bay Towrangha might be taken down the O Emanonee into the Thames, but as I had no oppertunity of Ascertaining the Fact I can say nothing on the subject. The Timber is good if it can be conveniently got— should it be wanted.— The day was far spent when we reached the Plain— We walked on till the Sun was nearly set when we stopt and prepared for the night. The Servants who had the provisions to carry were very tired. There were no Huts on the plain nor any inhabitants, we were therefore compelled to take up our Lodgings in the open Air. I was very weary having had no rest the preceding night, and having had a long days Journey, that now I found it would be very acceptable upon a heap of Fern, or in any other way. The peculiar Scene that surrounded me, furnished the mind with new matter of Contemplation upon the works and ways of God. The mystery of His providence, and the still greater mystery of His Grace were all unsearchable to me. I had come from a distant Country; and was now at the ends of the Earth, a solitary individual, resting upon an extensive plain upon which no civilized foot had ever stept— my Companions poor Savages, who nevertheless vied with each other in their attentions to me. I could not but feel attached to them— What would I have given to have opened the Book of Life to them, to have showed them that God that made them, and to have led them to Calvary; and shewed them that Redeemer who shed His precious Blood for the Redemption of the world, and was there set up as an Ensign for the Nations. But it was not in my power to take the Veil from their Hearts. I could only pray for them and intreat the Father of mercies to visit them with His Salvation. I felt very Grateful that a Divine Revelation had been granted to me— that I knew that the Son of God was Come, and that I was satisfied he had made a full, [1820] and sufficient Sacrifice and atonement for the Sins of the world. With peculiar feelings for my Companions, and with a grateful sense of my own mercies I lay down to rest free from the fear of danger. [July 21] 24th This morning we arose at the Dawn of day and immediately prepared for our Journey. I felt myself much refreshed from the Comfortable rest I had in the night. We walked about two Hours when we sat down made a fire, and cooked our Breakfast. The day was very favourable, and the walk over the plain pleasant, as the road was generally good; with the exception of a few small Swamps occasioned by some land Springs. The Ground upon this plain is, for the most part fit, for cultivation, and would be very easily wrought with the plough. After we had walked a few Miles we observed five Young Women coming over the plain— As soon as they saw us, they were alarmed and run back again. One of our party run after them and overtook them, when they stopt till we all came up. They informed us that A-neenee one of the Head Chiefs was gone on a war Expedition to the Southward, but that His Wife was at Home, and A-Warree a Chief with whom Temmaranga had been at war the beginning of this year. After they had answered our inquiries they ran forward to inform the inhabitants of our coming. When we reached the High Hills which overlook Mercury Bay Towrangha laying about a mile below I sat down upon the summit of one of the Highest to take a view of the Ocean, Islands and main Land. The prospect is very grand— I observed one Island out at Sea, 15 Leagues or more distant from the main, sending up immense Columns of Smook. I desired Temmaranga to give me some information respecting the Islands, the Hills on the Coast and in the interior, with which he was acquainted. He satisfied all my inquiries and afterwards gave me the following account of his last visit to Mercury Bay Towrangha. Having sat himself down by me, he began by stating that the last time he came to Mercury Bay Towrangha was on a War Expedition, which originated in the following cause. Some years ago, a Niece of his had been taken from Bream Head by a Brig from Port Jackson, and afterwards sold to a Chief at Mercury Bay Towrangha named Shewkoree who still resides there, and she became his Slave. Shewkoree, and another Chief named A-warru had some difference, when this young woman was killed by A-warru or some one of his Tribe, roasted and eat. Sometime afterwards Temmaranga was informed of the Fate of his Niece, and felt himself bound to revenge her Death for the Honour of his Tribe, and in Justice to his departed relative, as soon [1820 July 21] as he was in a situation to demand satisfaction from A-warru. About sixteen years elapsed before he conceived himself strong enough to go to war against this Chief— He had a sister taken by the same Vessel from the Bay of Islands and served in a similar manner further to the Southward, whose death he had already revenged. I mentioned this circumstance in a former statement. Last January he mustered his warlike force; which consisted of 600 Men— Two Hundred of His own Tribe two hundred from the Bay of Islands, and two Hundred from bream Head—. The last four Hundred were auxiliaries— with this force he proceeded to Mercury Bay Towrangha and landed on an Island in the mouth of the Bay. A-warru came in his Canoe, to know what had brought him to Mercury Bay Towrangha. Temmaranga replied, that A-werru had killed roasted and eat his Niece, and he had come to demand satisfaction for that offence, and wished to know what satisfaction he was disposed to give him. A-werru replied, "if that was the object of his Expedition, the only satisfaction I will give you will be to kill, roast, and eat you." Temmaranga considered this Language, as most gross and insulting, and was very much offended, and replied as that was A-werrus determination the dispute between them must be settled by an appeal to Arms.. A-werru answered he was ready, and would fight him that day— to which Temmaranga replied, he would not fight him that day, but he would meet him on the following day to which A-werru consented— and the Ground was pitched upon where they were to meet. Which Temmaranga pointed out to me. It was a level spot opposite to where Captain Cook Anchored. The two parties met on the following day at the time and place appointed. When they had both drawn up their forces Temmaranga gave directions to his men not to fire their Muskets till He gave the word of command—He had 35 Muskets, while A-warru depended upon his Spears and Patooes. A-warru made the first charge with a shower of Spears in which Temmaranga had one officer wounded; he then called upon his men to fire, when twenty of A-werrus men dropt dead at the first shot, amongst whom where two Chiefs— One named Newkopang, A-werru's [sic] father; and the other Koponeku. The moment these two Chiefs fell, A-warrus men were thrown into disorder and ran off the field of Battle. Temmaranga commanded his men immediately to halt, and not to pursue the fleeing enemy. He said he was satisfied with the sacrifice that had been made as two Chiefs were killed, and did not wish to shed any more blood. The Allies were dissatisfied with his lenity; and the Chiefs called a [1820 July 21] Council of war and censured Temmarangas Conduct for not following up the advantage he had gained. They contended that if Temmaranga was satisfied with the Death of the two Chiefs for the murder of his Niece, yet A-warru ought to be punished for the insolent language he made use of at their first interview; when he said he would kill, roast and eat Temmaranga— That this language was such as no Chief ought to use to another— and recommended that they should immediately renew the Attack. Temmaranga wished first to learn how A-werru was disposed, his father being killed, he thought he would readily come to terms of Peace, he therefore went out of the Camp in order to gain some information respecting A-werru, as he had fled along with his men. Temmaranga fell in with A-werru's wife, children and some of his friends, to the amount of 30 persons, and brought them into his Camp under the Assurance of personal safety. He inquired where their Store Houses of Potatoes were, when A-werrus wife pointed them out, from which Temmaranga and his men got a supply. Temmaranga wished to learn from A-werrus wife and Friends, if A-werru was inclined for Peace, they informed him he was not. The next day while they the Chiefs were consulting together in the Camp they observed A-werru had rallied his Forces and was coming down upon them. They immediately flew to their Arms, and in a very short time killed a great number of the Enemy with their Muskets— threw them into confusion and pursued them when routed— many were driven into the Sea and perished, between three and four Hundred left dead upon the Field of Battle; and two hundred & Sixty were made prisoners of war. Two Hundred of these prisoners came to the share of the Chiefs at the Bay of Islands the 2d of March. We saw part of them landed at Ranghee Hoo: and Sixty went to the Chiefs of Bream Head. A-werru was now completely conquered he fled into the woods with the few men he had left. After the Battle was over Temmaranga went in search of A-werru— and at length found him, when a conversation took place between them. Temmaranga asked him if he was willing to submit— reminded him of the insolent language he had used at their first interview. A-werru acknowledged he was conquered, and said he had no idea that the Muskets would have produced such effects, and had till now despised them as instruments of war; but he was now convinced that he could not withstand their Force and therefore submitted— He inquired of Temmaranga if he could give him any information of His Wife and Children— He told him they were in [1820 July 21] the Camp, and if would go with him, he would deliver them safely into his hands. A-werru expressed his gratitude to Temmaranga for sparing their lives, and accompanied him into the Camp when they were delivered up to him. He observed that he was much distressed for the Death of his Father, and requested Temmaranga to make him some Compensation for his loss, when he gave him a Musket which satisfied him. The other Chiefs made A-werru some presents. When he returned home with his Wife and Children and friends who had been safe under Temmarangas word of Honour.— Temmaranga informed me the Conquerors remained three days on the field of Battle feeding upon the Slain, and afterwards sailed with their prisoners of war taking with them A-werrus Canoes to the Bay of Islands. This fleet arrived Three days after the Dromedary arrived in New Zealand— When I had taken down the above account from Temmaranga he asked me if I intended to send it to England— I told him I did— He replyed he was afraid when those things were publicly known in Europe, if he should afterwards go on board an English Ship he would be put to Death— I assured him that the custom of eating human flesh was condemned by all nations and on that Account, they were dreaded by all nations, at the same time the Europeans would not kill him on account on the above Custom. He said it was a very bad custom, but it had always been practised in New Zealand from the first.— I beg here to observe that I noted the particulars of this transaction while we sat upon the Hill, where the Battle was fought, and on our return to the Coromandel I reviewed my notes with Temmaranga by my side in order that I might state the facts from his own mouth as correctly as possible. When we had finished this interesting Conversation upon the Hill we walked down to the Settlement, and first visited the residence of the Head Chief A-nee-nee whose wife gave us a cordial Reception, and appropriated on[e] of the best Huts for our reception, and a new Mat for me to lie down upon— A great abundance of Provisions were immediately got ready for our whole party, and we spent the remainder of the Evening very pleasantly. Most of the Inhabitants came to see us. There were a great number of women and Children. A number of the Men were gone to War: I had all the Children arranged in a row, and gave them each a fish Hook, which they considered a great present. I gave Mrs A-nee-nee a present of some edge tools for Her Husband when he returned from war. No Ships have [1820 July 21] visited Mercury Bay since Captain Cook that I could learn. There was an old Chief there whom I saw, that remembered Captn Cook. They are much in want of Tools of every kind, as they are not visited by any Europeans. Supplies for Ships might be got here, as they had plenty of Potatoes and also Pork— We inquired after A-werru from Mrs E-nee-nee. She informed us he was gone to war; but his brother A-werree was at home. These were my Friend Temmarangas opponents; who now urged me to see A-werree, and make a final Reconciliation with him. He had not seen him since the day of Battle. I promised to call upon A-werree in the morning and hear what he said— which quieted his mind. I asked Temmaranga if he was not afraid of A-werree taking advantage of him now he was alone; he replied no— but wished for an oppertunity to talk over their past differences, and he thought if I spoke to A-werree a Reconciliation would easily be accomplished. [July 22] 22d— Early this morning we had a number of visitors. A-werrree came also full dressed with a number of His friends. They all sat down in a Row according to their rank— They were all strangers to me. Temmaranga came and wispered, that A-werree was arrived and pointed him out. He is a very stout man— well made— was well dressed according to the fashion of their Country his hair tied up very neat, and he had a Pattoo Pattoo in his hand about 6 feet long made of the Jaw Bone of a whale. Temmaranga requested me to take him by the Arm, and walk up with him to A-werree and tell A-werree what his wishes were. I immediately complied with his request and we walked up to him. I told A-werree I had waited upon him to express my own and Temmarangas wishes that mutual friendship might be in future established between them, and hoped that he was equally inclined to a Reconciliation— He replied he was very willing to meet Temmaranga upon Terms of Peace. They now talked the subject publicly over— and finally settled that A-werree should send a person of Rank to reside with Temmaranga; and Temmaranga should send a man of Rank to live with A-werree. A-werree then stood up, and made a Speech informing the People that there now existed no more differences between the Two Chiefs, and they now sat down together as Friends— A-werree presented me with his pattoo pattoo, which I have sent by Captn Downie in the Coromandel for the Societys Museum. Temmaranga expressed himself much gratified with the observations A-werree made in his speech, and they both [1820 July 21] appeared very happy. I made A-werree a present of some edge tools, and invited him to see the Corromandel. He excused himself by saying that his wife was very near her Confinement, and he was unwilling to be absent from Home lest any thing should happen: but after she had recovered, he would come to the Thames to see the Corromandel; and that it was his intention to pay Temmaranga a visit, in two or three moons. I told A-werree, as they were so much in want of Tools, such as Axes &c. if he would set his people to make Mats, and send them to Temmaranga, he would forward them to me— when I would sell them, and send them some Tools— They all approved of this proposition, and Temmaranga promised he would act as their Agent at the Bay of Islands— I wished much to remain with these friendly People two days, but before the middle of the day, the weather began to threaten for Rain. I was apprehensive if much Rain fell I should not be able to ford the River O.Emanonee, and was therefore anxious to return without delay, and acquainted the Natives with my intention. They urged me much to remain with them a few Days, but admitted we could not ford the River if there was a fall of Rain and for that reason they yielded to my wishes. They now furnished us with more provisions than we could possibly carry or Consume. Mrs Enee-nee ordered two Slaves to assist in carrying what our Servants could not take, when we took our leave, they accompanied us up the Hill with Songs and Dances. We here met a Chief and his Wife belonging to Tippooari, the Hippah I have already mentioned who accompanied us on our return. We reached before Dark the spot on the plain where we had lodged before, and remained here all Night. Having made a Screen of Brush Wood and Fern to shelter us from the rain which now began to fall. [July 23] 23d— As soon as the day returned we prepared again for our Journey, I mist the Chiefs wife of Tippooari and her Servant woman— On enquiring where they were I was informed that they had gone away very early in order to prepare Dinner for us at the Hippah where the Chief invited us to dine with him as we past. We reached the Hippah about two O'Clock and found the Lady had got a plentiful supply of Provisions for us, and all her slaves ready to attend us. I observed several Sepulchres in this Hippah, painted, carved, and ornamented with Feathers— Some of them had cost much Labour. One I took particular notice of which stood near where we dined, and inquired whose Sepulchre it [1820 July 1823] was, and was informed, one of the Chiefs wives who had been blown up with Gunpowder was deposited in it. At the time we arrived one old Chief had just died. A Number were assembled together to mourn over him— After we had dined we took our leave of this hospitable Chief and his wife, and made the best of our way to Awaughs residence, where we intended to rest for the night. Awaugh, and myself and three of our Companions arrived a little after dark very weary, having had a long Days Journey. We saw no more of the rest of our party till day light the next morning— They were too tired to reach the end of our Journey and had rested by the way. [July 24th] 24th As the Tide answered early for going down the River we took our leave of this fine youth, who appeared to possess every natural endowment for making a great man, and good member of Society if the means of improvement were only within his reach. I gave him an invitation on Board the Coromandel, and he promised to pay me a visit. His Residence from the Ship I estimated to be about seventy miles. After leaving Awaugh we proceeded down the Thames with a strong Stream and Tide, from the late Rains, and arrived about Midnight at the place where the Men belonging to the Coromandel were cutting spars. It had rained very hard in the Evening which still continued. We were very wet and cold. On my arrival I found the two Huts which had been built before I went to Mercury Bay Towrangha were both burnt by Accident, and what things I had left with Mr Emery were consumed in the flames, amongst which I regreted the loss of some fine Mats — On this account there was no place for me to Sleep in, as the Hut which was just put up was too small to afford me any accommodation. I was therefore compelled to sit up till the return of day. The Coromandel Launch had also arrived that Evening with provisions for the workmen, and Mr Anderson informed me it was his intention to proceed in the morning to the west side of the River, to see if he could meet with any spars. I now determined to embrace the oppertunity to cross the River in the Launch in order to visit Kipero. After a cold wet and uncomfortable night the morning of the 25th [July 25] Returned, with a fair wind, but stormy and rainy. We now embarked in the Launch, and sailed from the eastern shore, and got well over to the west side, when we run up a River called the Wyeroa in which there are a number of islands. We anchored under one of them during the night. A [1820] Native we had on board informed Mr Anderson there were some fine Spars up a River called the Wye-tematta which fell into the Wyeroa which determined Mr Anderson to run up the Wyteematta the following Day. [July 26] 26th This morning we weighed Anchor and sailed up the Wyeteematta with a strong fair Breeze as much as the Launch could carry. The Wytematta is a large river, in some places five or Six miles wide with a sufficient depth of water for large Ships. It runs direct towards the west side of New Zealand. We Anchored about 5 OClock in the Evening in five fathoms water near the Shore, tying the Launch with a Rope to a tree. [#] I suppose we could not be much less than fifty miles from the Coromandel. There were some very fine Spars, but not large enough for first Rate Men of war— We remained here all night.— I was now a considerable way on my Route towards Kiperro but was at a Loss for a Canoe, as we had past all the native Villages. [July 27] 27th Early this Morning we heard the report of three Muskets and soon observed a Canoe full of Natives pulling towards the Launch. When they arrived we found the party to consist of a Chief from Kiperro and his people and E-nakkee a Chief of Moguer belonging to a Settlement on the west side of the Thames. We informed them, what our object was in coming up the River Wyeteematta. The Chief of Kiperro (Kowhow) said the Land upon the Wyeteematta belonged to him, but if any of the Timber would answer, he would very readily give it to us— And informed us there was much more up some other branches of the River. Mr Anderson said he would remain at his present situation all the day, to Examine the Woods, and that he should not leave Wyeroa for three Days, as it was his intention to visit Mogoea before he returned to the Coromandel. I now inquired of the Chief what distance we were from Kiperro and wether I could walk there in one Day or not. He informed me I could, and if I would go, he would accompany me. Mr Ewels, Government Timber Purveyor said he would join us. Kowhow immediately ordered his Canoe to get ready, and thirteen men to attend us. And in a few Minutes we left the Launch, and proceeded up the River, and Landed about Six or Eight Miles higher up. When we landed we saw the high Sand Hills on the Western Shore of New Zealand, the apparent distance 18 or 20 miles. We walked very smartly in order to reach the place of Destination before Dark. Our Road lay thro' one continued Plain free from Timber, and with very little rising Ground till we came near Kiperro. We had one stream of water to cross which was too Deep to ford about Six or Eight Miles from the Place where we landed from the Canoe. [1820 July 17] This forms one of the Branches of Kiperro River. The Natives swam across, cut down some small spars which they lashed together, and made a Rope of some native flax which they tied across the Stream to the Trees, as an hand Rail, by which contrivances we got safely over. A messenger was now sent forward to the Chiefs friends to inform them we were coming. We arrived at the first Village about sunset where a great Abundance of sweet potatoes were provided for our Supper. And amongst other things a Cat was roasted. When we declined taking any of the Cat, as an inducement to partake of it, they assured us, it was an English Cat. This we knew for we had seen it in a Basket during our Journey— On our arrival we found the Chiefs Brother lying under a Shed unable to stand from the wound of a spear which I understood he had received some considerable time before. Kowhow and two others who had attended us made great Lamentations over him, and wept aloud. The Place where we [sic] lay, and the Ground for some distance round his Shed was Tabooed— His Wife and a pretty little Girl were set apart to attend him. No other person was permitted to tread upon the Sacred Ground excepting myself and Mr Ewels. I sat down by the side of this poor afflicted Warrior— He shewed me his Thigh. The flesh was wasted away, and he had no power to move it. We gave him a little Tea which he relished very much. They all seemed to feel much for his Affliction. We spent the Evening in Conversation upon the dreadful Calamities of War, the advantages of Agriculture and Commerce &c &c. Subjects upon which they were anxious to gain information. Kowhow shewed great aversion to War, reprobated the Conduct of many of His Countrymen. Stated how much the People of Kiperro had been destroyed and cut of by war: that they had been fighting for years with the Napooes, and the Tribes in the Bay of Islands. And that the Napooes were then in the districts of Kippero, plundering and murdering the Inhabitants. I lamented these public Calamities, and hoped when more Europeans resided amongst them, an end would be put to their mutual Contests. [July 28] 28th This Morning Mr Ewels and myself set off to the Sand Hills accompanied by one of the Chiefs in order to take a view of the Western Ocean and Shores. We past a Hippah upon a commanding spot but the Chief told us it now afforded them no protection against their Enemies, since fire Arms had been introduced into New Zealand. He shewed us where their Enemies had fired upon them in the Hippah with Balls, and that the distance was too [1820 July 28] great for them to throw their Spears. The sand Hills are very high and command a wide prospect on the Sea and in the interior. There is no vegetation upon them, and the Sand shifts with the contending winds. They are several miles broad and Extend along the Coast both to the right and left further than the Eye can reach. We saw the Rivers running from the Interior into the Harbour of Kiperro but we could not see the Harbour or entrance into it. It lay to the Northward many miles under the high land. The sea lying at the foot of those we were upon a small flat of about half a mile intervening between them and the beach. [sic] As our time would not allow of our visiting the Harbour of Kiperro which would have taken several Days, we determined to return immediately to the Wyeteematta in order to secure a passage in the Launch to the Corromandel. On the Sand Hills we met a young man about 24 years old, his complexion very fair with light hair – His master was with him. I saw he was an European from his Countenance and asked his master who informed me his father was an European, and he had got him originally from the Bay of Islands. I wanted to redeem him with a view of sending him to the Missionary Settlement for Instruction but his Master did not seem willing to part with him. We now returned to the Village, and on our arrival found Kowhow, and the two young men who had made such bitter Lamentations over the Afflicted Chief the preceding Evening, had been cutting themselves till their Faces were covered with Blood, and had renewed their mournful Cries. Kowhow requested me to pray to our God for the poor Afflicted man— I promised him I would, and told them there was but one God, and that our God was their God also. I went up to the Sick mans Shed and kneeled down— He crept out upon his Hands, and laid himself down on his side, uncovering his Thigh and laying his hand upon the affected part, and looked wistfully at me, as if he thought I had the power to heal him— His conduct called to my recollection what Naaman the Syrian Leper thought when he went to the Prophet; he thought the Prophet would stand and call upon the Lord his God and strike his hand over the place, and recover the Leper." The natural ideas of this fallen Chief and Naaman appeared to be very similar. After I had performed this duty, which deeply impressed my own mind, under the peculiar Circumstances I had been called upon to address the Father of all living who is loving to every man, and whose tender mercies are over all his works. I informed Kowhow that it was my intention to return that day. He urged me to stop one day more, said he was very weary and could not go back with me, till he had recovered from [1820 July 29] his fatigue. I told him if I did not go, I should lose my Passage to the Coromandel, and then I should have no means of returning to the Ship, as a Canoe could not cross the river in the unsettled state of the weather. He saw the force of this argument, and said tho' he was tired, he would go back with us, and we immediately took our leave of the sick Chief and his People, and proceeded on our Journey— Several Slaves were sent to carry Potatoes for us to eat. The wind was very strong and blew in our face, and as the plain was quite open we had an unpleasant walk. Just at dark we arrived at the wharf where we had left the Canoe. It now began to rain, and continued to blow very hard. We made the best Screne we could with Fern, as there were no Huts, and remained till the Morning, tho' from the Cold and rain we enjoyed little rest. From the tempestuous night the Natives informed us frequently we should not be able to go down the River, the waters would be too rough.— [July 30] 28th When the day returned there was no prospect that we should be able to leave our present uncomfortable situation, as the storm continued— However about eight OClock the weather began to moderate, and we prepared to embark— We had a set of very fine young men, as our Crew for the Canoe, whom at length we prevailed upon to venture; we had appointed to meet Mr Anderson that Evening at Magoea; which was about Thirty miles distant. Kowhow told us repeatedly we should not reach Magoea before the following Day, as the water was very rough on the river, with the wind against us. After we had been pulling down the river about three Hours, we got sight of the Launch which inspired the Crew with fresh Life— They now exerted all their strength to reach her, but she was too far off. In the Afternoon the wind increased with an high sea which compelled us to go on shore when we inquired if we could not go by Land to Magoea. The Natives told us we could, but it was too far to walk: however we resolved to try our strength, and succeeded in reaching Magoea that Evening where we met the Launch, and took up our Lodgings for the Night, not without feelings of Pleasure and Gratitude. Tho' a Boat does not afford the best accommodations for weary Travellers. [July 31] 31st This Morning I felt myself much refreshed— The first Business I attended to was, to pay the Chief of Kiperro and his men for their kind attentions to us, [1820] which I did in Axes, plane irons &c &c to their great satisfaction. They were never possest of so much wealth before. Kowhow requested he might be permitted to visit the Coromandel I asked Mr Anderson permission to take him, which he kindly granted. As soon as the supplies of Potatoes for the Ship was put into the Launch, which Mr Anderson had purchased we sailed from Magoea. E-nakkee the Chief who was at war with Tippoohee accompanied us. I had promised Tippoohee I would use all my influence with E-nakkee to bring about a Reconciliation between them, which I hoped to accomplish when I got E-nakkee on board the Coromandel. We sailed from the settlement at Magoea in the Morning but night coming on before we got out of the Wyeroa into the Thames, we anchored under one of the islands for the night. [Aug 1] Augt 1 This morning it rained and blew hard, and the Atmosphere was so dark and cloudy, that we could not see the High Land upon the opposite shore of the Thames. After breakfast we made sail for the Ship with a fair wind and arrived on board the Coromandel about 3 OClock P.M. I had now been 24 Days from the Coromandel during which I had slept in my Cloths and generally in the open air, Boat or Canoe. A great part of the time the weather had been very wet and stormy. I had crossed many Swamps, Creeks and rivers from Mercury Bay [sic] on the East side to Kiperro on the west, yet during the above period, thro' the kind Providence of God I had met with no accident, no unpleasant circumstance, but on the contrary had been highly gratified with my route and returned to the Corromandel in perfect health. I hope my visit to the different Tribes will be attended with future good. In every place I endeavoured to explain to the Natives that there is but one true and living God who made all things, and that our God therefore is their God. That the Tabooing their Houses, themselves, their Servants, their food, their fires, and all other things, could neither heal their Wounds, preserve them from danger, nor restore them to health when sick, nor save them from death: but that our God, tho' they knew him not, could do all these things for them. They all wished for Europeans to reside amongst them. My constant Companion Temmaranga recommended the Chiefs every where to leave off fighting, reminded them how often their wives and Children were crying for Hunger when their Crops of sweet & common Potatoes were destroyed [1820] by their mutual Contests, and many of their Children left Fatherless, and their wives widows. They said they were well aware of the miseries of war, but that there were some Chiefs that would never give over fighting. Their Fathers & Forefathers were always fighting men— I have no doubt but those subjects will furnish them with useful matter for reflection and conversation, and will tend to enlighten and enlarge their Minds. [Aug] Being now once more on board the Coromandel and having got E-nakkee with me, I wished to fulfil my Promise to Tippoohee, and settle their difference. That I might judge of the best mode to accomplish this object I requested E-nakkee to state to me the Cause of the quarrel between him and Tippoohee. He stated some time before their difference his father was on the East side of the Thames in a Canoe—when the Canoe was upset in a squall; and his father and the Crew who were with him were all drouned. E-nakkee was informed that their bodies afterwards drifted on shore, and were taken by Tippoohee and his People and eaten. In consequence of this insult offered to the Dead he had made war upon Tippoohee—I admitted if this was a fact Tippoohees conduct was very bad; at the same time their mutually killing one another only increased their Calamities, and I wished him to meet Tippoohee on board the Coromandel, and we would hear what he had to say to the Charge which was laid against him. E-nakkee consented to this proposition, and the next Morning Captain Downie was kind enough to send Mr Anderson in his boat for Tippoohee, who returned with him upon the following day. When E-nakkee saw Tippoohee coming in the Boat. He immediately took a Canoe and went on Shore— I was apprehensive he would not return again— When Tippoohee arrived I informed him what E-nakkee alleged against him. He said he knew that was the charge that E-nakkee accused him and his people of eating his father and the Crew, but that the charge was false.— That their Bodies never came on shore— but were destroyed in the water— He further stated that the author of the Report was the Arekee— His Servants and the Arekees had quarreled about some Cockles and Thatch in the first instance— That he had justified his own people, and the Arekee his, till they quarreled. The Arekee to gratify his Revenge had propagated this report— which E-nakkee and his People believed and on that account had made War upon him and killed his Brother and many more of his People. Tippohee did not think that E-nakkee would return or come to any accommodation with him. In about [1820 Aug] an Hour afterwards E-nakkee however came back again to the Ship. When he came upon deck Tippoohee was sitting upon it. He sat on the opposite side— neither of them spoke for a considerable time. I was going to address them when Temmaranga requested I would not speak but leave them to their own Feelings— He sat upon the Deck and Towretta observing their looks which portraied contending Passions— At Length one of them broke silence, and addressed the other. They now gave vent to their feelings, and mutually reproached each other— and advanced to meet each other with much apparent rage and Sneers and contempt. At times they seemed as if they would strike each other. Temmaranga and Towretta put in a word between them now and then— After they had said all they wished to say, they became gradually more cool and at length came to a Reconciliation, when Captain Downie invited them into the Cabin, where they took something to eat and drink together to the satisfaction of all Parties. After my return to the Coromandel Captain Downie informed me that the Arekee was going to kill Amoppa a Subordinate Chief in the Bay and that he was determined to take his Head off— Amoppa was accused of a Theft, in stealing a Mat belonging to the Arekees Son and the Arekee had been for several days making Spears and Sharpening his Instruments of war. Towretta also told me that the Arekee would kill A-moppa. A-moppa came and begged I would intercede with the Arekee, and speak to him in his behalf. I the