[Crossed out text] Feby 25. 1815 The Brig Active set sail for Port Jackson having completed her cargo. The Chiefs Tupee, Tamorenga, and eight other Natives embarked. I committed to the care of Captn Hanson Three Prisoners Thomas Deacon, Geo Leicester and Henry Johnson Bay of Islands 11th March 1815 Revd and Dear Sir I have the pleasure to transmit to you an account of the particular occurrences which have come within my observation in this settlement since the 25th of February last which I request you will forward to England for the information of the Church Missionary Society. Our friend Duaterra as you will recollect was taken dangerously ill before you sailed from hence to Port Jackson, and after your departure his illness still continuing to increase the attention of the Settlers was particularly directed towards him. As soon as the Tabboo was partly taken off, and we could see him, he was immediately supplied with such things as he thought he could take for his nourishment for which he expressed great thankfulness for any little favor that was conferred upon him in this way but complained but complained of “Want of breath and bodily weakness and pain.” I had not repeated my visits above two or three times before the Priest told me he would not live, and on Thursday, March the 2nd he was conveyed from the Village upon a kind of Bier to a hill at Tippoona upon which in his life time he had proposed to you a Town should be built, a shed having been previously prepared for his reception, and there he was to die. For it is customary at New Zealand not to suffer a Native to die in one of the villages; the Natives say, that if this should be allowed Atua would be angry, and a heavy calamity would befal them. When Duaterra perceived the time of his departure at hand he directed his little property to be distributed amongst his surviving relatives in as fair proportions as possible. The Cow which His Excellency Governor Macquarie had given him and her calf he bequeathed to the widow of the late Tippahee and the military raincoat was to be taken care of for his infant son whom he commended to my notice requesting him to be sent to you as soon as he should be sufficiently strong to endure the passage and to be brought up in the Orphan School at Sydney. He desired his wife to admonish Warree and Gunna and the people of Tippoona to be kind to us all when he was gone. Duaterra only laid one night in the Bush, he died on Friday March the 3rd early in the morning. The Chiefs Kangroha and Shunghee and the near relations of the deceased were immediately sent for. I was present at the time of Kangroha’s and Shunghee’s arrival. The latter had been particularly attached to his Nephew & he saluted me with many tears. The corpse which was wrapped up neatly with the garments of their owner (the feet being gathered up) was placed in a sitting posture. The brow of the head was encircled with many feathers to form a kind of Glory. The face might be uncovered by taking away a small piece of English Scarlet Cloth which had been cut for the purpose. The features were natural. On the right hand Dahoo the head wife of Duaterra was seated as chief mourner and on the left his sister and two or three female relations. Many native men were seated at a little distance from them. As we approached, the mourners commenced their usual bitter cry, beating their breasts and waving their hands. When our friend Shunghee had uncovered the face of his Nephew, he stood immediately in front. In his left hand he held a blade of Green(a) Moca which he had intentionally plucked up and waving the other he occasionally took hold of the hair of Duaterra as if eager to snatch him from the King of Terrors. (a) The New Zealanders Karakia Atua with some thing green in their hands. Tears fell streaming down from his cheeks as he began his lamentable theme. The Natives joined in crying but the grief of the relations was excessive. Dahoo (the head wife) was of all others the most irreconcilable and her conduct has brought within my observation one instance more than the many I have before heard of, of the dreadful effects of Heathen Superstition for on Saturday March 4th while the people were still mourning and cutting themselves according to their manner until their persons were besmeared with blood she sought and found an opportunity to put a period to her own existence by hanging herself at a short distance from the body of her departed husband. None of the natives nor even of her near relations appeared shocked or surprised at this incident. The mother it is true wept while she was composing the limbs of her daughter, for what mother would not weep, but she nevertheless applauded her resolution and the sacrifice she made for the man she so tenderly loved. Her father observed her corpse without any apparent concern, I could not discover a tear when it was brought before him. And her two brothers smiled on the occasion and said “it was a good thing at New Zealand.” It is common for women to do this when their husbands die. They think they then go to them.” It appeared strange to me that the family could suppress the feelings of human nature on such an awful occasion, as I had always hitherto observed them very affectionate towards each other, and remarkable for their attention to the woman who was now no more. I learn from the natives that a few days after Duaterra was attacked with illness a watch was set during the night to observe whether they could discern a Star falling from the Heavens, or ratherly one of those meteors falling which is often in England termed the “shooting of a Star” and upon the day he was seized with a kind of momentary delirium his priest concluded this event had taken place. Atua had then, as it was conceived, entered into him. Hence he was Tabboo himself, or a sacred person. No New Zealander was permitted to come near him except the Tohunga or Priest and those of his own family. You know Sir with what difficulty you obtained admission, and that was only by Special Permission after it had been settled upon that an European would not by his presence occasion the displeasure of the Deity. Everything was also tabboo’d which he touched or out of which he eat. I one day took up with me some rice water, of which when I had given him a few spoonfuls and was desirous to empty the Decanter in order that it might be replenished, his feelings were very much hurt. He said to me “You are very unkind Mr Kendall, if the Decanter is taken away Atua will kill me this very day.” I told him the Atua (a) must be very cruel and reminded him of the God whom we worshipped who was infinitely kind, and as he had heard, had given His own Son who had suffered, bled and died for the sin of Man, in order that Man might live and die happy. He made no reply to my observation, and when I recommended him to take some nourishment as often as possible he said “When breath comes I shall eat.” In certain (a) every day. The Atua of New Zealand is described as the Author of all Evil— His attributes are painted out under the most fearful images— Those Natives who have been amongst Englishmen and are acquainted with our Language tell me that “their Atua is the Devil. It is not possible to ascertain how far their ideas may be correct, but it appears they have no notion of the Supreme Being as a God of Love & Mercy— the Duaater [?] in order that it might be replenished, he expressed his disappaotation [?] and was greatly alarmed, saying that if the Duaater [?] was taken from him Atua would kill him that very day. When I asked him whether he thought he should die or live he told me he could not tell me, he should eat if Atua gave him health. After, he was dead the natives called him Atua as they do all the other dead people [torn paper] diseases upon the Lungs, such as a violent cold which I believe was the case with Duaterra, the Natives believe that Atua enters into the sick in the form of a voracious reptile and though unseen preys upon the vitals until the Breath is gone. As the Atua descends like a falling star so in time the Soul of the deceased ascends and becomes a Star in the firmament. Duaterra (a) and his Wife are to be seen amongst those bright luminaries by and by. The latter asserted before she hanged herself that her husband had requested her to come to him. It is common for women to destroy themselves for the sake of their husbands. As soon as Duaterra was dead the Natives called his corpse Atua as they do all other dead people. Whenever we come near a piece of Tabboo’d ground and ask of them the reason why it is taboo’d if a person has been buried in it, we always receive for an Answer “Atua lies there.” The remains of Duaterra and his wife were laid (a) The Natives say one Eye of a dead person becomes a Star, the other a spirit or Eaya. upon a stage which was erected upon the spot where the former died. The Apparel they wore at the time of their decease and the Tabboo’d articles were deposited with them; Shunghee enclosed their Tomb with boards and railing. The seven Chiefs who assisted in the above service were not permitted to touch any victuals with their hands, but were obliged to stoop with their heads to the ground and take their victuals with their mouths for some time. Kangroha was tabboo’d three days, Shunghee, two days, Rakou three days, Tengheangha two days, Tairae two days, Gunna ten days and Taoppopo two months. After the funeral ceremony was over, the two surviving wives of Duaterra, his sister, mother in Law and Uncle were conducted to a Hill opposite the Door of my Dwelling. They are to bewail the loss of Duaterra for some time to come. No person is to touch the two wives & sister. Atua would be angry. We can hear their cries every day. Numbers of Natives come from all parts to join them in their roaring Friends and enemies visit the Tomb, some of them leaving part of their Garments behind them. The veneration of the New Zealanders for the dead is extraordinary. A Native who can speak English asserts, it is like our going to Church. I can not say positively the dead (a) are worshipped, as I become acquainted with the language I shall better understand the real purport of the funeral ceremony certainly the People here are held in a state of extreme bondage by the great Deceiver of mankind. In adding my testimony to the character of Duaterra I must freely state that as far as my short acquaintance with him will allow me to judge I have every reason to believe him to have been a honest, upright man in all his dealings. An adherent to the truth, a good husband & father and a well wisher to his country. I believe him to have been also raised up by Providence for much good, and that his name will be kept in remembrance by many. But his work appears to have been done so far as it related to (a) The smell of the Dead Body of a friend is not to a New Zealander very offensive, even if it be in a state of putrefaction. the principal object of the Society. As soon as he landed the last time he joined the natives eagerly in their heathenish customs. He had also imbibed strong prejudices against the missionary Establishment. He had prepared the way for our entrance, but he seemed to be almost unwilling to aid us any farther. The enemies of the cause had poisoned his mind while he was at Port Jackson by telling him we should shortly increase our force and take possession of his country, and he was too warm a patriot to bear with patience the idea of being accessory to its ruin. This was also a serious impediment to the improvement of his mind. When I first saw him I thought him in a fair way to shake off his heathenish customs altogether, and he seemed to dispute those principles which had in his early years been implanted in his mind. His mind appears to have been ruffled while he was thus undecided. In his professions he was sincere, and I am willing to believe it was upon principle that he in his last illness so heartily joined in the superstitious notions of his ancestors aided by the example and solicitations of those friends who were about him. Tapapa his priest was constantly with him from the time his illness took a serious turn until the hour of his Death. On March the 23rd Tamoungha, & Kurrokurro two chiefs of Wangaroa came to see us. I was desirous to return with them to their home in order to to [sic] make my observations upon the Place, Population &c but my friends at Tippoona prevented me and almost insisted upon my staying at the Bay. They assigned as the chief reason for their reluctance to my embarkation for Whangaroa that when the Boyde was taken Tippahee their late chief was blamed as a principal ringleader & the crews of the Whalers destroyed their Island, and if I should be killed at Whangaroa, they would again bear the blame and suffer altho’ they were entirely innocent as was Tippahee. I could not be offended at their close reasoning for it is now settled in my mind beyond a doubt that Tippahee so far from being guilty in the affair of the Boyde was doing a most honorable and humane action. He called the Seamen (10 in no.) out of the rigging with an intent to save them and . . . . . . [sic] would have succeeded in his object had he not been opposed by Tippoohee and Taara who took them from him by force. The Natives of Wangaroa universally assert, that while they were killing the sailors Tippahee held his hand over his eyes and shed tears. He by no means joined them in their horrid festival. I am thus circumstantial in order to shew that the little acquaintance which Tippahee had had with the civilized world had been very beneficial to him in a trying moment. The people of Tippoona also appear very desirous to have their innocence established with the people of England. March 31st Arrived a “Canoe” from the River Thames, the people on board having killed and eaten three men and taken a woman and five female children as prisoners whom they intend to keep as slaves. The Head of one of the unfortunate victims has been exhibited in our settlement. The settlers entreated the natives to take it away. We think it our duty to express our concern at every thing which relates to their wars and cannibalism in the most public manner(a) April 8th Attended a Mourning Ceremony. The relatives of five natives (who had been dead some time but whose bodies were now taken up for the purpose of preserving the bones) were assembled to mourn over them. The same shouting and crying were to be heard as on other occasions. The faces & breasts of the Mourners were besmeared with blood. It is customary for the New Zealanders to take up their friends after death. A common persons bones are cleaned once. (a) There are many thousands who are astonished when they hear of men being sunk into such a state of depravity and degradation. But the humble christian who is in the habit of looking into himself will, while he mourns over the sad effects of the fall, be truly thankful that his lot is far different than that of these poor creatures. There is no enormity of which human nature is not capable since the Fall of Man and it is owing to the merciful interposition of Divine Providence that there is not much more wretchedness to be seen in the world. The bones of a chief are taken up four or five different times and finally polished & brightened with oil and put into a basket. They are preserved them as sacred reliques of their deceased relations. Children are brought to cry over the bones of their ancestors in order to perpetuate their memory. The manner in which the People of New Zealand take care of their dead is particularly disgusting. Three of the above mentioned persons had only been buried one month. The skull is exposed while the people are crying. They call it Atua. I am sorry to observe that a few weeks after your departure a quarrel arose between the Chief Kurrokurro who accompanied us from Port Jackson and Okeda another Chief whose Territory is near Wangaroa which was attended with serious consequences. The people of Kurrokurro had while they were one day passing by the District of Okeda taken [sic] some potatoes from a Farm on Shore which the natives resenting recourse was had to arms. One of Okeda’s people was slain and buried in his own ground. A little time after this Okeda collected together his people and coming to the Bay made a descent upon Mr Korokoro, who being apprized of the design of his enemies had fled. [sic] His property was destroyed and several Hogs in an adjacent Island belonging to Pommaree. The Colt which you presented to him was killed at the same time. The New Zealanders will have wars amongst each other but I do not apprehend they will attempt to fight the settlers while we treat them well. Fighting is the principal Topic of their conversation they carry the idea of it into another [sic] world. The Manual exercise if I may so call it is performed as a part of the funeral ceremony. They believe the soul as soon as it is parted from the body is engaged in War. The place where departed spirits go to war is at the North Cape. April 15. The remains of Duaterra and his wife were carried from Tippoona to Motoo Terra. Lamentation as usual. On Wednesday April 19th Three Chiefs Taparee, Tamoengha and Kullokullo [sic] from Wangaroa with Fourteen War Canoes and about Three Hundred people visited our Settlement. Taparee was the man who saved the Woman and two Children at the affair of the Boyde. He appears to be a mild man and to have much more influence with his subjects than any chief I have before seen. He and his people visited the place where Duaterra died, they sung the Ode, and performed the usual military exercises. On the Thursday they all went over the Bay to Takooakaoa to cry over the Bones of one of the chiefs which had been taken away from Tippoona. At the time of their departure Taparee gave orders to his people to return a saw which had been stolen during the night belonging to the Society. This was done altho’ broken in several pieces. One of the War canoes measured 84 feet in length and contained 67 people. Owing to their filthy habits and living so much upon Fern root the New Zealanders are very subject to cutaneous diseases, as Boils & ca. They are also frequently afflicted with violent head aches, bad eyes &c. I wish I understood medicine better as I think I could render many of them great assistance. As it is, I have many patients to whom I administer such medicines as they seem to be in want of. They are highly pleased whenever they find relief. They are very blamable in allowing their young women to visit our ships. Many of them contract diseases from our Seamen, and I am sorry to say that in some cases the unhappy creatures have perished for want of knowing a remedy. From Seamen they have also learnt to curse and swear. It will be a long time before we can cure them of the language they have acquired from our country men. Wednesday May 10. This Day we were visited by the Chiefs Tippoohee and Taara, who were concerned in the destruction of the Boyde. They with some of their Dependants had been absent Five months from home upon a fighting excursion to a distant part of the Island and were now upon their return home. They were very hungry and were supplied with some Baskets of Potatoes from the Settlement. George (Taara) said, he had killed many of his Enemies but had not brought with him any of their heads. A little Boy about ten years of age was taken prisoner. Tippoohee, Taara and their people conducted themselves in a quiet & peaceable manner during their stay with us. The Chiefs, Kangroha, Shunghee and Tarra were here at the time, and they all united in friendly converse, having dropped hostilities. Sunday May 7. We were visited by Kangroha & Shunghee. They had brought with them a plentiful supply of potatoes &c. Shunghee wept bitterly when he saluted me. Sunday May 14th. Arrived the brig Endeavour, Captn Powell from Port Jackson, which sailed again for Taheite on Thursday morning May 18 having obtained a supply of Pork fish & Potatoes for the use of the Ships Company. By the above Captain we were informed of the Active’s being ready for sea when he left Port Jackson. Wednesday May 17. Arrived the Active Captain Hanson with Provisions for the Settlement, and trade for to purchase a Cargo of Spars. By her I received Letters from Governor Macquarie, yourself, Mr Hosking & other friends and heard of my two Daughters Susanna & Elizabeth being in good health and happy. The Chiefs Tupee Tamorenga and some other Natives returned from Port Jackson in the Active being highly delighted with their Voyage and the presents they had received. Friday, May 19. Went to Whitange in company with Mr Hall where we met with the Chief Warrakkee and purchased of him a parcel of Land for the Society being the most eligible Spot in the Bay of Islands for a Settlement. Warrakkee expressed, as several other Native Chiefs had done his fears that the English should in a little time increase their Numbers, drive the Natives in to the Bush, and take away their Land from them. We endeavoured to convince him to the contrary. He replied to our observations “that it was very good for a few white “people to live at New Zealand but not so for many to settle here.” When I was taking some refreshment I gave Warrakkee a little pork to eat which having taken betwixt his teeth, he made a long Oration and then spit it out again. This was a religious transaction. He endeavoured to convince me that by this conduct he intended to give no offence. He should eat with me by and by. Arrived a Canoe from (a) Ahou aketae with some people of Ahoupay (a). On Sunday May 21 some of them attended Divine Service in my House They were delighted with the Music & Singing. (a) The River Thames As far as I can judge Divine Providence seems to be preparing the way for His Gospel to be introduced amongst the Natives of New Zealand. I can speak to them in their own tongue, as yet but very imperfectly. But when I in my incorrect way tell them of God who made the world, and of the Great Love of his Son Jesus Christ for Mankind they do not reject the account with abhorrence. I think a Minister of the Lord Jesus would be well treated by many. In a little time families may be supported her e at a trifling expence. The Society would do well to encourage more Christian Adventurers to embark for this Island. We are in want of a person of Talent to assist in fixing the Language. I and my Colleagues sensible of our weakness call for help. We entertain the glad Idea that the time of these poor creatures deliverance is at hand. Before any other persons can arrive from England I have no doubt but through the Divine Blessing the Settlement will be established. Two or three pious Smiths would find plenty of employment at New Zealand. They and their families would be well supplied with the productions of the Island. I remain Revd and Dear Sir Your faithful Servant Tho Kendall Tippoona Bay of Islands May 27 1815 Revd S. Marsden &c P.S. I omitted to notice that the Phoenix Captain Parker put in here for provisions Wood & Water on Friday March 3rd last— Thursday June 1st Anchored on the other side of the Bay the Phoenix Captn Parker which again put in here for Provisions, water & ca. The Natives of Tippoona hearing of Captain Parker’s arrival and knowing him to have been concerned in the destruction of their Island were exceedingly desirous to see him, and requested me to give him an invitation to my house. This I did and he came on Sunday Morning the 4th June. When he landed a considerable number of natives collected themselves together & when he landed two or three of the principal Natives surrounded him and said to him in their broken English [sic] pointing to the Island which had been destroyed said in their broken English “See the Bay of Islands” “See the Bay of Islands”. “See the Bay of Islands.” The Captain was not at a loss to comprehend their meaning, nor indeed was I at all displeased at their conduct particularly as I knew it was not their intention to hurt him. I requested them to say no more until Divine Service was over, as it was then time to assemble to worship God. They attended to my request immediately. As many as could came into my house, and the remainder flocked round the Door. When Prayers were over, I told them that Captain Parker, and the Captains of the Whalers had been told, that their late Chief Tippahee was the principal ringleader at the Destruction of the Boyde, and Ships Company. That he had been told lies. For Tippahee was a good man and the people of Tippoona were good men and that Captain Parker now wished to make peace with them. He would not hurt them any more. The Natives addressing themselves to Captain Parker thro’ their speaker for one of them could speak English tolerably well, told him how many Men, women and children had been killed, How many had balls passed thro their legs arms & ca of others and that Tippahee had seven Balls which passed thro his raiment one of which wounded him but not mortally and that all the rest of the Inhabitants swam for their lives and made their escape except nine women who being wounded & despairing of any mercy sat themselves down upon the Beach and were seen at daylight but not killed by the Sailors. The Sailors having already plundered and set fire to the village and seeing the poor creatures wounded [sic] The interpreter added that the Natives were now ready to make peace. Several of them upon this ran up and shook Captain Parker by the Hand. One of them offered to change coats with him in a jocular manner, and the Interpreter accompanied him on board his Ship, to whom he presented an axe and some other articles. The Settlers were much gratified with the above interview. The peaceable manner in which the Natives of Tippoona represented their wrongs without any sudden bursts of passion and the readiness they (showed) manifested to make peace, has confirmed our good opinion of their friendship. And I have no doubt but it will be as truly gratifying to our religious friends to observe them making such a rapid progress towards Civilization. Many of Some of the Chiefs have declared that they do not intend in future to do any work upon the Sabbath Day. We were supplied with some comforts from Captn Parkers Ship. He also left a She goat and a Sow for the Settlement. My friend Toi signified his intention to accompany the Captain to England. His brother Kurrokurro wished him to take his wife with him. When I ask’d him what [sic] reminded him of the distressful nature of her situation should her husband die at a great distance from home, he replied it would be a good thing for her to “hang herself” according to the custom of the New Zealanders. Tuesday June 13. Arrived the Brig Trial, Captain Hovel and the Schooner Brothers, Captain Burnett from Port Jackson. Some Natives returned from Port Jackson in the above vessels. Captain Hovel also brought our Letters from Mr Pratt, Mr Marsden and some other friends at Port Jackson. 16 June Friday died after a short illness Tara Rakoo the Brother of the late Tippahee. The Natives were busy on the Sunday in mourning round him and cutting themselves after their manner until blood gushed out. Mrs Kendall and I took a walk in the afternoon to see them. The Corpse was decorated with feathers as usual. What poor creatures men are without the consolations of the Gospel in the time of trouble. Monday and Tuesday June 19 & 20. Arrived Some Strangers visited us from the other side of the Island and from other parts amongst whom was a native of the Marquesas who was acquainted with Mr Crook of Sydney. They brought with them moka in abundance, Hogs &c and departed well satisfied with their respective bargains having obtained Axes &c— On Tuesday July 11th Sailed the Active for Port Jackson having obtained a Cargo of Spars, Flax &c. The Chiefs Takokee, Whittohee and some other Natives embarked in her— I have sent per the Active Letters to the Society, Governor Macquarie, Mr Woodd, Mrs Quickfall, Mr Hunt, Mr Myers, Mr Marsden, Mr Hassall, Mr Crook, Mr Hoskins, Mr Oakes, Mr Eyre, Mr Luttrell, Mr Cowper, Mr Nicholas, S & E Kendall, 1 Mat to Mr Woodd, 1 to Mrs Quickfall, 1 to Mr Cowper Box & c to Mr Pratt. The two Prisoners Rogers & Jones returned to the Settlement (9 A.M) A few days before the departure of the Brig Active died my aged and much respected friend Kangroha. I have to regret the loss of this chief who as I have before mentioned has been always our friend and possessed such great influence amongst his countrymen. He was likewise a man of great activity and industry and his loss will be very much felt amongst his people on this account. I am sorry I had not an opportunity to pay him a visit during his illness. I am told Shunghee was quite overwhelmed with sorrow. He attempted to hang himself twice but was providentially prevented. Monday July 17. I paid a visit to my friends the Natives of Tippoona. A Woman had caught a violent cold which caused an inflammation in her Eyes. Her face and neck was very much swollen indeed and she was given up for lost. I am happy to say that by applying blisters &c she has been restored to health. Tuesday. 18. A Native came to me who was apparently in a deep decline. He also had caught a violent cold and had not taken care of himself. The Natives are not in the least aware of the real causes of their diseases. They call ascribe every thing to Atua that gives them pain. The deluded man said Atua was within him eating his vitals. He seemed not at all sensible of the evil consequences of drinking cold water when in a raging fever. I gave him such things to take as I thought most suitable. Friday 21st I visited a Man named Tacohi moode who I was informed was near the point of death. He was tabbooed and attended by two priests and some other friends who notwithstanding the Tabboo let me see him. He appeared to be very much alarmed under the apprehension that the reptile God was within him and that he would soon die. I endeavoured to quiet his fears as well as I was able by telling him in my imperfect manner [sic] I proved or attempted to prove the gross mistake he was under with respect to the Deity being within him. I told him that all men had offended the Great Atua and he had said that All men must die. I then told him that tho all men died yet the Great Atua gave his Son Jesus Christ and those who believe that and pray to him their “Spirits” would live and be happy. I do not think he could understand what I said being quite a new subject to him, but it is best to declare my errand as well as I can trusting as I do that that same dear Saviour will either enable me or some one after me to speak concerning Him in a clearer manner. I ordered some Sago, and Tea to be given to the Man who had been without food for three days after taking which he appeared a little revived. Saturday 22nd. As I was passing through the village I was requested by some natives to visit a boy about 13 or 14 years of age who appeared to be in a consumption. He had caught a violent cold which settled upon his Lungs. I ordered him to come down to my house & gave him some food and medicine. In a little time he recovered— Sunday 23 I and Mrs Kendall took a walk in the afternoon to see the people mourning for Tawhimoode who died early in the morning. The Corpse was placed in an upright posture as is usual. The face had been oiled in order to make the marks of the tattooing clear, the hair had been cut and was neatly tied up and ornamented with feathers. As the people came near to cry they kneeled down in front of the dead body. They then commenced the usual battle cry, cutting their persons and speaking to the deceased. I have no doubt in my own mind but the New Zealanders worship the dead. If they do not, they do not appear to have any worship amongst them at all. The lungs of the deceased were affected yet I think he might have lived much longer if proper care had been taken of him. When I visited him he was in a warm hut and a fire was near him. He came out to eat his victuals as he durst not eat in the house. Atua would kill him immediately. The weather was cold; and he hastened his death by drinking cold water. Monday 24 July. I was invited to visit my friend Warree who had been ill some months. He was in a rapid decline, coughing and spitting very much. He too was tabbood but he wished me to speak to him, and he ventured to take hold of my hand. He said he was very much afraid Atua would kill him. I endeavoured to explain to him that there was one great Atua who made the Universe. I could tell him in his own Language that all men had offended this Great Atua and therefore all men died. That I should soon die myself as well as him, but that the Great Atua had so great love for men that he sent his Son Jesus Christ to save their souls. It was for this reason that I and my colleagues spake so much about Jesus Christ. He loved us and if we loved him we need never be afraid to die. I added that Jesus Christ lived once upon earth, That he rose from the dead the third day after his death, and that he is now in Heaven, where he will receive the spirits of them who love him as soon as they die. I also endeavoured also to convince him of the absurdity of one Eye becoming a Star in the Heavens and the other assuming a human shape & fighting at a certain place at the North Cape. Warree listened with attention to all I said, but could not overcome the prejudices that were rivetted in his mind. A Priest came near us after we had finished our conversation to whom Warree repeated recited what he had just heard from me. Sunday 30 July. In the morning I went to see some of my friends the Natives who were crying over three dead the corpses of three relations who had just departed this life. In the afternoon I visited a sick person who was very near the point of death. I gave him some medicine but it was too late, he died early on Monday morning. In the winter season I am informed the Natives die very fast. Many of them are actually starved to death, but they do not appear to be at all aware of the cause. Their superstition tends greatly to encrease their mortality. The Climate is very moist and by exposing themselves to the weather they frequently catch cold. They never eat in their houses, neither do they sleep in them after they find themselves ill. In stead of endeavouring to promote a perspiration by keeping themselves warm, they check it by sleeping in the open air and drinking cold water. August 18th I went up the River about 12 Miles to sow some wheat for my friends Shunghee and Tairee. August 21— I went up the River about 6 miles to sow some wheat for my friend Shourakkee. August 28. I went up the River about 12 Miles to sow some wheat for Whidooa, Tahoa, & Rewa. 31 August. Returned to the Bay the Brig Trial Captn Hovel & the Schooner Brothers Captn Burnett. Captain Hovel states that on Sunday the 20th Inst. an Attempt was made by the Natives at Mercury Bay to take both the Vessels. He has favored me with the perusal of a Letter to Messrs Lord and Blaxcell of Sydney the owners of which the following is a copy— Gentlemen The following Letter is the particulars of what transpired on board the Brig Trial under my command on the afternoon of the 20th August 1815 at Trials Harbour New Zealand Lat 36 40S Longitude 175 49 East. At 12.30 P.M. light Breezes and fine clear pleasant weather.— I particularly remarked a number of Canoes along side boath Vessels but from the friendly terms we were on with the Natives and the two chiefs who had constant excess [sic] to boath Vessels I thought I had no reason to be under any apprehensions of the safety of them boath but allowed their people to remain outside along the Boarding Nettings without taking any notice but while the people were below at dinner I received a very severe blow in the back of the Neck by a short club from one of the chiefs while making up the Matts on the Quarter deck with the other chief Narraro. I by chance escaped the second blow by making my way down the forecastle hatch. At this time they had got command of the Upper deck as also a few had got between decks, which were soon despatched by the people having their Muskets in readiness and we again had all clear below fore and aft. It was then a moment of consideration how to guard and protect ourselves and prevent them making a rush upon us. I first placed one man at each corner of the Main Hatch with Muskets by that means we cleared every part of the main deck and drove them aft finding them so numerous on the Quarter Deck I gave directions to fire through the Skylight with two muskets at once which did so much execution and put them to so much alarm that it drove them forward and gave us another excellent chance at the main Hatchway. It was at this time they were put to their greatest stand but on the arrival of Jacky Waddee a Native I had shipped at the Bay of Islands and deserted from me when I was last here gave directions to cut both cables and hawl the ship on Shore which was done accordingly and again returned to the decks but kept themselves close in the Long Boat as she stood in her chocks finding it impossible to remove them from that situation from any hatch I desired the people to fire through the bottom of the Boat as standing over the main Hatch and seven shots drove them from the Ship entirely and we again got command of her but found ourselves and the Schooner Brothers laying on Shore and within half a cables length from us. The Natives had still got possession of her but a few rounds from our Muskets & Swivels soon cleared her decks and Mr Burnett with three of his Men again made their appearance both Vessels then kept up a constant firing at the Natives in the Water which were very numerous and from the Manner our Guns were loaded I was confident a great number lost their lives exclusive of what was killed on board us as near as I can judge was from twenty to twenty five and the time they had the Vessels in charge was about four Hours. I hailed Captn Burnett and found like ourselves both cables were cut he therefore got out three Pigs of Ballast which Hawled us both off the Ground and held us until we got the end of our of our [sic] cables. At 5 P.M. saw the three men belonging to us and one belonging to the Brothers coming along the Beach who was on shore on liberty with three muskets. Midnight light Breezes and fine clear weather. At 7 A.M. got the small Bower anchors. At 9 buried the dead bodies. At 10 sent a party of men on shore to destroy the Town and canoes. At Noon the People returned with two Pigs having destroyed the principal part of the Town and Canoes with fire. At 2 P.M. the People went on shore again and set fire to the remainder part of the Town, Canoes, Nets and all their food and returned with one large Pig and two small ones— fresh Gales with rain. Midnight hard Northerly Gales with heavy rain. I cannot conclude these 30 hours remarks without returning thanks to the Almighty God for delivering us from the hands of a set of the most desperate Cannibals whose numbers would not have been less than one thousand men employed at boath Vessels. I have also to return my most hearty thanks to my noble little Ships Company who at all times obeyed any orders I gave them and acted with that coolness as is natural and generally observed in Englishmen. I have therefore to hope Gentlemen you will make them some compensation for the loss of their clothes &c when the Brig returns to Port Jackson again. I remain Gentlemen W.W. H— The following is a List of killed and wounded as also of Articles lost. Brig Trial Brothers Matthew Jackson Tetia a Pomata man ) killed Matthew Jackson )Killed Jno ONeal )Killed Tetia a Pomataman ) Thos Hoyn) Christopher Harper Wounded Capt Burnett) Wounded W. Morgan ) Jas Niardin Missing Articles lost Whale Boat 4 oars and Boat hook 3 Muskets 2 Cutlasses 1 Bayonet 1 Pouch & Cartridges 3 Boarding Poles & 1 Harpoon 36 Matts & a Quantity of Flax 8 Signal Flags. All the cooking utensils 150 lbs iron & some Armourers tools 1 Axe A quantity of Beads & other Trade Most of the Plates & dishes & Binnacle Lamp Mon. 26 Sepr To take Notice in my Letter to the Society of the following particulars. 1. The distressed condition of the Natives in the winter and the great mortality. 2. The greater population towards the South. Heena matte Horo. Queen of a large interior district on the other side of the Thames. 3. Embalming the dead and putting the Corpses in a Box. 4. The Murder of Infants & suicide of Parents on the death of their partners. 5. The moisture of the Climate 20 Sepr 1815 Arrived the Active Captn Hanson— The Natives all well on their return. Octr 4th Sailed the brig Trial for Otaheite and the Schooner Brothers for Port Jackson. Octr 31st Thursday. Sailed the Brig Active for Port Jackson. The Chiefs Wevea, Mr Bemroe,& Anor on board. Mrs Hanson & Thos. 30th Agreed to pay the Carpenter Six pounds sterling per month for building one House for Mr King one Do for myself and a School House— Wednesday 1 Novr Employed in instructing the Children and preparing timber for my house. Thursday 2 Nov. Employed as above. Friday—3 Employed as usual Saturday 4— Employed as usual— Natives assisting to level the Groundd [sic] for House and School. Sunday—5 The Active returned in to the Bay. Monday 6. Natives & Self employed as on Saturday. Tuesday 9th Novr Employed in making a fence & instructing children. Natives levelling ground. Wednesday 8. The Active again took her departure for Port Jackson. Natives and self employed as before. Thursday 9. The Natives & self employed as before. Friday—10. Employed in preparing Timber for House. Saturday—11 Do Do— Arrived on the 10th the Phoenix Captn Parker on board. Sunday—12 Sailed the Phoenix for the East Cape. Monday. 13 Employed in preparing timber— Tuesday—14 Employed in Do Shergold & Campbell assisting in laying foundation & Erecting frame of House. Wednesday 15 Employed in Do Hall the Smith assisting to erect the House— Thursday 16. Arrived Shunghee, Tamorengha Shourakka— Okeda— Taire & about 60 others. Friday 17. Employed with Mr Hall in Erecting my House. Saturday 18 Employed as above Monday 20 Employed with Messrs Walter Hall, Shergold & Campbell in erecting the rafters for the roof of my House. Shergold & Campbell about 2 Hours— Hall— 6 Hrs. Tuesday 21. Employed with Walter Hall & Stockwell in erecting House and fence— Wednesday 22. Arrived the Cretan Captain Moore and the Phoenix Captn Parker returned—Employed with W. Hall as usual— Thursday 23— Employed with W Hall as usual— Friday 23— D[itt]o D[itt]o Saturday 25. Went on board the Whalers and also paid a visit to some Natives who were just arrived from the River Thames and presented two Axes to two Chiefs. The people went under the name of Na te Maddoo. Monday 27th Novr. Instructg children. Wednesday 29 Employd with Walter Hall in erecting House— Thursday 30. Mr Hunt the chief Mate of the Phoenix Whaler and a boats crew broke into my house— Sailed in the Evening the Phoenix & Cretan. Saturday 2nd Decr Went to see Kowheetee. His fathers name is Tatoodee— His Mothers name is Wakkadoodoo— Wednesday 6th Dec. Walter Hall employed in preparing timber for my House— Friday— 8 Arrived a party of Natives from Wangaroa, with 1 Cannon & 2 old muskets— The Chiefs name Ra— Monday— 11th Went to see Mr Hall at Whitange Tuesday 12 Arrived George from Wangaroa with two Iron knees & 1 Tin plate— Wednesday &Thursday 13 & 14 Seeking the Iron Pot in the Bay— Nothing done by the Sawyers these 3 weeks Campbell & ca Friday 15— George departed for Wangaroa— A Letter to Mr King Decr 21. 1815 Sir As I perceive you are very much hurt in your mind, and judging it to be highly important that every possible concession ought to be made in order to promote peace, I again address you by Letter and have to request you will also write to me your own thoughts and tell me plainly what it is that I can do to satisfy your wishes, or what have I done to displease you. I have raised the hope that both you and I are better acquainted with the genius of the Gospel than to be governed after any difference of opinion [that] may arise by the maxims of the world. I have before warned you that Satan is very ready to divide us, and overthrow if he can our feeble attempt to prepare the way for the introduction of the Gospel at New Zealand. We were well altho’ it appeared not sufficiently caution’d of this, before we left England, and also by His Excellency Governor Macquarie. And [words crossed out] notwithstanding the great distance we are placed from those Masters who sent us out we have upon their records the most wholesome advice and exactly suitable to our case. In the address of Mr Scott to Messrs Wilhelm & Klein which you will find in the Report of the Honorable Committee for the year 1812 page 493. He observes “Remember, remember I say “that Satan’s Grand Object is to divide those who seek the Subversion of his “Kingdom. “Be fully and constantly aware of this, and resolutely and “pertinaciously oppose this his grand object. Endeavour to stand in one Spirit “with one mind striving together for the faith of the Gospel. Love one another “and marvel not if the world hates you & ca.” We cannot attend too much to such advice, and altho it is often times a grief to me that I feel it a difficult thing to put it in practice, it requires more than human strength to check the corrupt risings of human nature. Yet it would be a wise thing for us to make the trial in dependance upon help from above. Mr Hall and you, and myself with our families left our Native home. Our profession and errand were great. We were followed by many prayers of the faithful. How would it grieve them to hear of any serious disputes arising amongst us to obstruct our progressive advancement after a good beginning. The Eye of that Glorious Saviour whose Servants we in an especial manner profess to be is also upon us. In his last fervent prayer he intreated the Father to preserve his Apostles in unity and truth. With what complacency must he behold those that are engaged in the enlargement of His Kingdom when they dwell in mutual Love. I trust you will admit the Necessity of the above observations. To men professing Godliness it is right to explain in christian terms. We can never expect to be right with haters of religion. You have sent me word by my child that you will make shoes for my family provided I will supply you with trade. Now I must beg to explain to you once more that I never have kept trade from you. The last trade which was made was made for you. I seldom or never have trade by me. I have had none in my possession for some days past, neither has the Smith made any. I am anxious to convince you that I have nothing to do with your quarrel with Walter Hall. You will recollect that I and you and Mr Hall in our first consultation about trade determined to meet every Saturday and write out an order for Hall for the coming week. I wish you therefore to write out an order for what you may want as recommended by Mr Marsden, and demand the Smiths reasons in writing if he refuses to execute it. You can then transmit the same to Mr Marsden. Whenever any trade is made for me and I have any by me, I shall be willing to let you have a part. And I am willing to spare any thing else which you stand in need of, notwithstanding any thing of an unpleasant nature which may have passed between you & me. I am Sir Your obe[dien]t Serv[ant] Tho[mas] K[endall] Mr Jno King No answer Saturday 23 Arrived Tippoohee and a party of Natives from Cape Brett & proceeded to Wayrooa on Tuesday 26. Tuesday 26 Mr Hall paid me a visit— Wednesday 27. Paid Mr Hall a visit. Mrs Kendall & our 3 Children in Company— Dec[ember] 29 1815 Sir, There being now timber sufficient for every present purpose upon the Settlement you can if you think proper select a Log to be sawn when the present one comes off the Pit for flooring for your House, and so on alternately until you have enough. Altho you have given me no answer to my Letter of the 21st Instant, yet I still think it my duty to remind you that I and Mrs Kendall are sincerely desirous to drop all personal discord with you and Mrs King. I cannot bear the thought of uniting in Public Worship another Lords Day while there is any thing unpleasant remaining upon our minds that is calculated to offend the Supreme object of our Devotions. I am Sir Your Obed[ien]t Serv[ant] Tho[mas] Kendall 1816 Jany 2 Sent for Mr King in order to propose some questions to him respecting the conduct of the Mate and boats crew of the Phoenix on Thursday Nov. 30. Mr King refused to give any answer respecting the business, said he had burnt the Statement which he had given a few days ago and which I had delivered to him to copy. The substance of Mr King’s observation was originally this. He Heard the noise at the door of my House to which he immediately repaired. He heard Mr Hunt’s abusive language & his threats to pull down my House— And he further stated that while Mr Hunt was in the house of the said Mr King he heard him say he would come to me & have satisfaction The carpenter making window frames & Door casing for my House five Days— Janry 3. Stockwell commenced sawing timber. Janry 6. Carpenter at work ½ a day— The people of Whitange came to this place in 3 canoes to demand the two surviving wives of the late Duaterra and the wife of Tara rakoo— One of the wives of the former had lately transgressed the Laws of her Country by marrying a young man. Gunna two days without victuals being tabooed on acct of Koomara Applied a blister to Warree’s stomach and gave him a gentle purge— which relieved him considerably. Jany 7— Arrived the Ship Catharine Capt Graham at Korrokorro’s place [Two lines crossed out] Sir, As you have thought proper to burn my Official Papers as a Magistrate which were entrusted to your care according to your own acknowledgement and refuse to come to terms of reconciliation, treating the most conciliatory Letters with silent contempt, I take this opportunity to acquaint you thence Mr Marsden and the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society will be informed that all communication between you and me as Missionary Settlers have ceased from this date except such as are absolutely necessary on account of the particular circumstances in which we are placed. I am, Sir, Your obedt Servant Tho. Kendall Bay of Islands Jany 7. 1815 To Mr John King NB Since I wrote the above Mr & Mrs King have not been so personal. Jan. 17 1805 Memadn I send my papers to Mr Pratt as they first written, knowing he will excuse the defects, as one copy has been sent some time ago & Mr K has not now time to transcribe the above, or to enter any particular observationsJames- Kemp’s Journal —— Revd Sir it was requested by the Society that every Person that go out Should Keep a Journal of his im-ployment every Day — I have here stated as plain as I am able my imployment every Day from the time I left England till we landed at Sydney -------- 1818 Imbarked from London December 15th. From the Custom house Key in A gravesend boat to Sheareness ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reached the Baring the Next Day at half Past twelve Thursday the 17th Went On Shore with Mr Hall to buy some things for the Cabin ------ Friday the 18th. Weid Anchor 8 Oclock in the Morning and Sailed from Sheareness to quenes Channal and Cast Anchor there at 5 Oclock in the Evening the Wind blowing sharpe in the Night Myself and Wife was Sick ------------------------------------------------------------- Saturday the 19th. Weid Anchor between 7 and 8 Oclock in the Morning and about noon the Ship struck the Brake sands and remained there about ½ an hour the Tide increasing We Cast Anchor at 7 Oclock in the Evening in the downs -------------------------------- Sunday the 20th. To day Morning it was fown out that the Ship had sprung a leak the Captain immeddiately went on Shore at Deal and went to London to hear from the owners what was to be done the Prayers were read on deck Mrs Kemp Sick in bed ------------------------ On the 21st. Laid at anchor in the downs waiting for the return of the Captain ---------- On the 22th The Captain came on board about 10 Oclock in the Morning the Orders was to return to Chatham to have the Ship inspected at the dock ------------------------------------- And on the 23rd We Weid Anchor in the morning to return to Chatham and Sailed as far as Pan Sand hole and there Cast Anchor ------------------------------------------------ On the 24th, Laid at Anchor all the day in the same place were we cast anchor the Day past waiting for a fair Wind ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 25th. Weid Anchor at 7 Oclock in the Morning and reached as fair as the Mouth of the Noar and there cast Anchor Mr Butler left ous in the downs and went to London on the 22 —to hear how to Precede and he came on Board this Evening the orders were to get lodgens at Chatham -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 26th. Weid Anchor in the Morning and reached the Hulk in Midway about noon the name of the Ship is the Glory the Convicts and Soldiers were put on board the Glory in the Mean time. Mr Butler and myself went to Brompton to seek for lodgens and got lodgens at Mrs Chinworth No4 in Brompton and came on board the same Night Tooi is very ill at this time. And on the 27th, In the Morning we got our things on Shore as early as early [?] as we could it being Sunday we would have waited till the next day but the Captain said we must go to day because the Ship would be into dock as soon as she was ready therefore it was a case of necessity which things must be done I had the upportinuity this day to attend Publick Worship again in England I trust my soul was very much refreched with the upertunity. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 28th. Went on board to take the rest of our things to our lodgens Tooi very ill but we trust he is looking up to Jesus to Je Prepare him for a better World he said to me to day when I was talking to him about Jesus Dying to save sinners [?] and if he would like to die and go to him he said id Jesus li like I die I die if not I like to go home to New Zealand I quite happy I no fear ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 29th. To day ^Tooi is somewat better [scarped out] he feels himself very much weak it was though right to get medical assistance to him to day, the Doctor on board was very attentive to him____ while on board. On the 30th. To day Tooi is much the same every thing that he can take is provided for him we all feel ourselves very much concerned for him and hope the Lord will hear our Prayers and restore him -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 31st Tooi is much the same on the day past he Cough and raise a grate deal our friend Mr Hall is very attentive to him night and day ---------------------------------------- January the 1st. To day Tooi is much Better than we could expect our language is the Lord is very merciful. This evening the Revd Ed Bickersteth, from the Missionary hous London : and with him A friend of the Society, Mr Cooper came to see us, — we felt oursouls very much comforted by then once more, before we leave the Shores of england. --------------- And on the 2nd. Our friend, left ous in the Morning to return to London the Lord has Blesed them comming to our Souls: as Soloman say iron sharpen iron so the countnence of one friend revives another Tooi continues to get Better we trust this is a^n answer to prayer --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Sunday the 3th. Attended publick Service twice in the Day at Chatham Church; and heard the earch Deachon of Rochestor Preach from the 119 Psalm and 175 vers. in the Afternoon I heard a Sermon Preached from the 5 chp.t of Ephesians 15 vers. Tooi is Better And on the 4th: Attended Chatham Dockyard with my friends to Show Teeterree all the Mechannichs Belonging to the Dockyard Teeterree said new Zealand ^man no believe Tooi continue to get Better ------------------ On the 5th. Whent to Chatham with Mr Hall to Buy some things for the vo^age Tooi is gitting findly -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 6th. In the Morning went on board the baring with Mr Butler to see how they were getting on, Afterwards went to Rochester to the Custom house Key to hear about our things going on board all would be quite right ------------------------------------------------------- And on the 7th. Imploid in writing to my friends and went on Board to ask when we should come on board but could not get any orders --------------------------------------------- On the 9th. To day we received orders to be on board Monday the 11th. The rest of the Day was spent in writing to my friends Tooi is findly [?] bless the Lord he have heard our Prayers for him ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 9th. Imploid in Preparing to go on Board on the 11th and in writing to my friends. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On Sunday the 10th. Once more injoied the Purvelage [? Privilege] in going to the house of god Perhaps for the last tine ^in england in the morning & heard a Sermon from Chapter 12 of Romans part of the 2nd vers. in the Afternoon heard a Sermon from first Corithians Chapter 3 and 7 vers. To day Tooi attended with us it was Sabbath much injoid by us all ---- ----- And on the 11th In the Morning we got our things on board a Sheareness Boat and saild from Chatham about noon to the Baring laying at Shereness and reached the about 2 Oclock in the afternoon the rest of the day was spent in putting our Cabbien on order --------- On the 12th In Morning went on Shore with Mr Butler at Sheareness to buy some things for the Cabin ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ And on the 13th Weid anchor in the morning about 9 Clock to Proceid as fair as the Downs and Cast Anchor at 5 in the evening of the North forelorne ---------------------------------- On the 14th. Weid Anchor about 7 Oclock in the Morning Mrs Kemp very Porley with Sickness. and Cast Anchor about 11 Oclock in the Mor of Marget [?] ------------------------------- And on the 15th. Weid Anchor at 7 Oclock in the Morning and reached the Downs about 11 Oclock in in the morning and Cast anchor on this Side the South forelorne the Pilot left ous in the afternoon Mrs Kemp Better to day ------------------------------------------------------- And on the 16th. Laid at anchor in the downs the wind blowing very rough all the day --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Sunday the 17th The wind quite against us and blowing the same as the day past the wether would not admit of publick Service Mrs Kemp very porley to day, but I trust the Lord will make all things work together for our good ----------------------------------------------------------- On the 18th. The wind remain much the same Mrs Kemp much the same imploied in writing with Tooi and Teeterree to there friends ---------------------------------------------------------- On the 19th. The wind much the same: the enemy of man_kind for some day’s past have been vexing my soul with fears and doupts but in vain for the Lord inabled me to look up and believe that grater is he that is fore me than they that are against me --------------------- And on the 20th. The wind blowing quite against us and cannot move Mrs Kemp is something better imploied in writing ------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 21st. Weiting for a fair wind in the downs to Day we began School with Tooi and Teeterre Mr Hall and myself begain at 9 Oclock in the Morning, till a levin Oclock: in the Afternoon 2 hours: the rest of the Day in writing and reading Mrs Kemp much the same ------ And on the 22ns The wind much the same attended School with Mr Hall and the two Natives We humbly pray the Lord to give a blessing to all the means that are made use of m in trying to learn them to read that word of God, which alone is able (when applied by the holy spirit) to make them wise unto Salvation. ---------------------------------------------------------- On the 23th The wind the Night Past Blew very hard but quite against us so that we remain in the same place We injoy the Privelage in meeting together morning and evening for Prayers and find it a grate Blessing to our Souls -------------------------------------------------- On Sunday the 24th. To day the wind was more favirable but we could not get out one or two Ships that were lying with us in the downs made sail but forst to come back we had no Publick Service on deck our little partey assembled together in Mr Halls Cabien and Mr Butler read the Prayers: and in the evening read a Sermon the Text was – Be ye also ready ^I injoid grate comfort in the meeting ----------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 25th. The wind changed and went into the old quarter again on the 24th. we had a Piolet came on Board from Deal to take us as fair as Portsmouth to day the Shop drew her Anchor the Wind Blowing very Sharp ------------------------------------------------------------------ On the 26th. The wind much the same as the day past imploied in school with Mr Hall and the two Natives. ----- And on the 27th. We Weid Anchor at 7 Oclock in the Morning to Proceed down the Channal with a South East wind at the rate of 6 nots an hour [?] imploied in writing letters to send by the Pilot ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ On the 28th. The Pilot left us at 11 [?] Oclock in the Morning of Portsmouth the wind quite fair for us in the morning the wind arose and Blew very Sharp we felt our souls salfe [?] in the arms of the Blessed Saviour ------------------------------------------------------------------------ On the 29th. To day the wind abated it was not so fair for us in the morning it Blew fresh again imploid in School -------- And on the 30th. To Day the wind is much the same imploid as useal in School -------- -------- On Sunday the 31st. The wind quite fair for us Sailing about 7 nots No Publick Service on Deck to day Mr Hall an d myself went among the convicts and gave them about 300 tracts we humbly pray that the lord may give a Blessing to them we had Service twice in the Day in Mr Hall’s Cabien I trust it was a gracious uppertunity to my Soul and I trust to all present Degrees – Merits Lattit 47 North [?] February the 1st. The wind much the same as the Day past no School to day the Captain had Mr Halls Cabien ingaged in serving some things out to the Seamen ----------------- ----- On the 2nd The wind not so fair for us we could not star our course imploied in School ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 3rd. To day we are Sailing with a fair wind at the rate 6 nots an hour imploied as useal To day my mind with reepect to Sp^eritual things was ^very dul but that blessed text of Scriptuer which saith him that I loveth I loveth unto the end gave ^me comfort and I trust I have injoid the love of god -------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 5th. To Day we are Sailing much the same Mr Butler gave some Testiments away to the Seamen and Soldiers and humbly hope the Lord will Bless them to there Souls --------------- imploied in School ----- And on the 6th. To day but little wind to day some Convicts were punished for stealing some things from the others: it was a lesson to teach ^me more of the Deperivety of the human hart and to give the Praise to God’s grace that I am not one of them ---------------------- imploied in School Lattitude ------------------------------- Longitude Deg – m D – M 38 – 18 11 – On Sunday the 7th. The wind much the same To Day we injoied the Privilage of Puplick Service on the quarter Deck the Revd Mr Cross Read the Service and the first homely of the Church I think never did I injoy Publick worship Before hearing for some time been debared from it: the gratest attention was paid by all. In the evening we had Service in Mr Hall’s Cabien and the Scacrement was adminstred to 10 communicants; my Soul to Day was refreshed with the means of grace Mrs Kemp much Better ----- On the 8th. To Day we are Sailing with a still Breese at the rate of 6 nots an hour imploied in School Latt m ----------------- Long 35.44 D M 13 – 30 On the 9th. We are Sailing much the same to day at noon we were 120 miles from Medaria imploied in School ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 10th. Land in sight at 6 Oclock in the morning and got into the harbour about 3 Oclock in the afternoon the Island of Medaria in the evening Mr Butler and myself went on Shore expecting the Captain woul Sail in the Morning to get a few things for our comfort on board we Slept in Medaria all night Lattitud Deg 33. ----- On the 11th. To day Morning we heard that the Captain intended to take in water and fresh Provisions and not to put in any were else on the Voi^age. Cast Anchor in this Morning the two Natives and Mr Hall went on Shore to day; and remained ^there all night Mrs Kemp Porley --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 12th. To day Mr Butler and Mr Hall and the two Natives came on board and in the afternoon. Mrs Butler Mr and Mrs Kemp and Mr Butler went on Shore fore a few hours as it would be the last time till we come to the end and returned on Board in the evening -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------. ----- On the 13th. Weid Anchor at Noon but little wind but towards the evening it Blew quite fresh so that we Sailed at the rate 7 nots ----------------------------------------------------------- ----- Sunday the 14th. We had Publick Service on Deck as useal and Mr Cross read the Prayers he also read a Sermon the text was taken from 3 chptr of the 2nd. Timothy 16vers my Soul was Delighted to see so many Souls on the grate deck assemble to worship our great creator we had the Prayers in Mr Halls Cabien in the evening Mrs Kemp is very Porley with Sickness not able to attend with me ----- On the 15th. In the Morning at 6 Oclock Land in Sight the Island of Palmar Mrs Kemp very weak and she trust her soul is quite safte in the arms of the Blessed Jesus. The wind is much the same as the day past imploied as useal ----- And on the 16th. The wind is somewhat better sailing about 7 nots Mrs Kemp is Better to day imploied in School --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 17th. The wind blew quite fresh as that the Ship was in grate motion which made Mrs Kemp un-well Sailing 9 nots Lattitude d-m 24.10 < Long d-m 20.20 ----- And on the 18th. The wind much the same Mrs Kemp to day is very Sick and Porley. but I can truly say although so sick I enved the Peace of mind she injoied ----------------------- ----- On the 19th. Sailing much the same Mrs Kemp feels very weake but not so sick I have not been able to attend School for two of three Days --------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 20th. The wind much the same; in the Night the wind blew very rough Mrs Kemp not so well -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On Sunday the 21st. Sailing about 7 nots. we had Publick Service on deck as useal Mr Cross read a Sermon from the 1. chapt of the Peter 2.16 ve Mrs Kemp very ill to day I was not able to attend Service I humbly pray ^to the Lord of his infinite Mercy to support her by his grace under her affliction his blessed word is and I trust will always be the comfort of our Souls. – ----- On the 22nd. Not so much wind Mrs Kemp somewhat better to day but very weak. May the Lord make his strength prefect in weakness with her Soul Attended School to day it increaseth very hot in Lattitude about 6. Degrees ----- And on the 23th. the wind much the same Mrs Kemp Better I trust our blessed Lord will work all things together for our present and eternal good. TO day Teeterree would not attend School we ask him the reason he would not come, he said no reason I never come no more we said to him we hope you will come again no I cant no more --------------------------- ----- And on the 24th. We are Sailing about 2 nots Mrs Kemp continues to get better Teeterree would not attend School to day Tooi begins to improve in reading and can do a sum in addition prettey well ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 25th Sailing with a fresh Brees but in the evening it was almost calm. Mrs Kemp not quite so well. imploied in School with Tooi -------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 26th. The wind mych the same the sea like a hole; to Day the Captain gave the men leave to Beath over board one ^of the Soldiers expecting he could swim went over to try but could not and was very near heaving a waiting grave but a man caught hold of him till the boat came to his assistance Mrs Kemp Better ------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 27th. The wind much the same as the day past imploied in School with Mr Hall and Tooi Mrs Kemp much Better ----- The Lattitude Deg – m 4 – 5 Sunday the 28th. But little wind We had Publick Service on deck Mr Cross read a Sermon from the 51st Psalm and 17th. vers and the gratest attention was Paid by all. May God of his grate mercy inable them all to feel from (a sense of sin) that Broken and contrite [?] spirit which god will not despise ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ----- In the evening Mr Butler read a sermon from the 3rd chaptr of Phelilians 8 vers------------------- March the 1st. The wind much the same, two Ships in Sight Inideman left the downs the same time we did; the Captain had intercourse with one of them imploied in School with Tooi My Language is with one of old lord I believe help my un belief. On the 2nd. The wind much the same imploid in School bless the Lord, we all injoy our health midlen [?] considering how hot it is at this present We are now in latitude Deg m 2 – 25 – ----- On the 3rd, The wind remain the same imploied as useal ----- On the 4th, We are sailing with a gentle Breeze about 2 nots imploied in School to day my Soul was refreshed in reading the 145 Psalm in that our Lord have said he is nigh unto all that them that call upon him faithfully ------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 5th The wind the same as the past Day imploied in School with Tooi and Mr Hall -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 6th. We could not make more than 15 miles, but we hope we shall soon have a fair wind the Lord inable our to wait with Patience. The custom which is generally had on board a Ship while crossing the line took place to day ----------------------------------------- ----- Sunday the 7th. Sailing about 4 nots an hour. We had Punlick Service on deck Mr Cross read a sermon from chaptr 5 of Galation 6 ver I humbly Pray that the Lord may bless at lest some souls so that they may have to bless God throughout eternity that they came on board this Ship, about noon a brig called the Hero bown to Riojeneiro cam in sight and the Captain delivered some dispaches one Letter to the Society. On the ^Evening we had Service in Mr Hall’s Cabien and the Sacrement was adminstred to 6 communicants by Mr Butler I trust my soul was refreshed and strengthened with this means of grace -------------------------------------- On the 8th Sailing with a fresh Breese about 6 nots imploied in School we crost the line to day Mrs Kemp Porley ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 9th. The wind much the same Mrs Kemp hold Porley to day Teeterre attended School Mr Butler attended with him and was very attentive the grate enemy of mankind has been trying of us but the work is the Lord’s, the god of heaven have said it shall Prosper therefore we need not fear -------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 10th. The wind much the same imploied in School. Teeterree very attentive Mrs Kemp much the same to day 12d miles South of the line -------------------------------------------- On the 11th. Sailing with a fine wind at the rate of 9 nots Mrs Kemp is but Proley suffer a grate deel of sickness when the Ship is in grate motion imploid in School ---------------------- ----- On the 12th. The wind much the same Mr Butler and Mr Hall have Selected a numbe of convicts from the rest to teach an hour in the day that is from 11 Oclock to 12 in the morning each of ous taking a Class and we humbly trust the Lord will bless the means. to there souls Mrs Kemp something Better imploied in School ---------------------------------------- ----- And on the 13th. Sailing at the rate of 7 nots an hour Mrs Kemp much the same imploied in School in Lattitude – Long D – M D – M 8 . 44 28 . 13 ----- Sunday the 14th. The wind much the same. Wh had Publick Service on deck as useal Mr Cross Preached from The Chpt 9 of the first 15 vers of Corinthians in the evening we had service in Mr Hall’s Cabien Mr Butler read a Sermon from the chptr 12 of St John 32 vers I trus that the Lord was with ^us according to his Promice that wheresoever my name is recorded there will I come and bless you --------------------------------- ----- On the 15th. Sailing with a gentle Breese about 5 nots an hour imploied in School --- On the 16th. Eirly this Morning the wind blew very rough so that it rent 5 sailes. After school among the convicts this Morning A man by the name of Willcock a convict stopt Mr Butler and said that he felt himself a grate sinner in the sight of God: and wished for som advice repecting his soul imploied as useal ---------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 17th. Sailing about 7 nots an hour Mrs Kemp is but Porley to day imploied in School in Lattitude Long D – M D – M 17 – 47 South 31 – 45 West -------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 18th But very little wind Mrs Kemp much the same indeed she has suffered a great deel of sickness and does still, but she hope the lord will inable here to bear it with Patience and will make a it all work together for here good: imploied in School as useal ------ And on the 19th. The wind much the same Mrs Kemp Better Teeterree unwell and could not attend school with us to day. my mind have for some time been glomey with fears and doubts but to day my soul was refreshed with that Promise which saith, the lord God will help me Therefore I shall not be confounded ------------ Lattitude – Long D – M D – M 22 – 4 — 31 – 46 On the 20th, Sailing with a fair wind Mrs Kemp Better attend school to day; Teeterree better and attended with us ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- Sunday the 21st. But little wind almost a calm We had Publick Service on Deck as useal Mr Cross read Sermon from the 8chaptr of Romans 1st vers the subject consistted of what it was to in Christ Jesus the gratest attention was laid by all present in the evening we had Service in Mr Hall’s Cabien Mr Butler read a Sermon from the 6chaptr of St Mark 12vers I hope the lord was with us and Blessed our meeting together ------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 22nd, The wind much as the day past Mrs Kemp much the same imploied in School as useal lattSouth – longWest D – M S – M 25 – 12 – 21 – 10 ----- On the 23rd But little wind Mrs Kemp Prittey well imploied in School ---------------------- And on the 24th. Almost a calm to day I felt any self [?] unwell with a sad pain in my head I caught a sad cold Mrs Kemp not as well imploid [?crossed out] I could not attend School to day ----- On the 25th. The wind quite gone the swell is very grate which caused Mrs Kemp to be very sick I suffered to day a grate deel of pain, I took a dost of Medisen from the doctor and by the Blessing of the Lord I receaved a great benefit from it The Surgen of the Ship is a very kind man Indeed Sir [?] I enjoied grate comfort in meaditating on that Text of Scripture where it is said We have not an high priest which cannot be tuned with the feelings of our informites but was in all points tempted like us we are and is able to enccor all them that are tempted In all our afflictions he was afflicted ----- On the 26th. The wind much the same so that we mak but little way Mrs Kemp much the same I feel much Better to day --------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 27th. The wind somewhat better for us Mrs Kemp feel Better to day, bless the lord I am findly [?] to day — I wish I could feel more grateful to our heavenly father for all his mercy towards us What shall I under unto the Lord for all his Benefits nothing but go and ask him for more Lattitude – Longitude D –M D – M 27 – 41 31 – 41 Sunday the 28th. The wind much the same We had Service on deck no Sermon we had Squarl arose at the close of Prayers which stopt us it Blew very fresh in the evening we had Service in Mr Hall’s Cabien Mr Butler read a Sermon from the 6Chpt of St John 29 vers we all attended and was quite refreshed with the means of grace ---------------------------------- ----- On the 29th. Sailing with a gentle Breese about 4 nots imploied in School to day Tooi and Teeterree improve in there learning and have ?[?become] very attentive since Teeterree came to School again I hope they will continue so tho do they require many Patience with them may the Lord give us Patience -------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 30th. The Wind much the same Mrs Kemp Prittey well imploied in School as useal Lattitude – Longitude D – M D – M 29 – 5 30 – 11 ----- And on the 31st. Sailing about 5 nots our course South Est imploied in School as useal ----- April the 1st. The wind Blowing quite fresh so that we sail about 7 nots Mrs Kemp Porley with Sickness no School to day the cabien imploied by the Captain ----- On the 2nd The wind much the same imploied in School as useal Mrs Kemp better to day ^in when the Ship is in grate motion the Lord inable her to bear it with Patience --------- And on the 3th, Sailing with a fair wind Mrs Kemp not so well the Lord refreshed our Souls in reading 10 Chpr St John not one shall Perish neither shal any Pluck them out of my hands imploied in School ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Sunday the 4th. But little wind Mrs Kemp midler [?] We had Service on deck as useal Mr Cross read a sermon from the 9 Chpr of st Luke 22 vers all very attentive in the evening we had service in Mr Hall’s cabien Mr Butler read a sermon from the 1chpr st John 29 vers Worthy indeed to behold with the eyes of faith ------------------------------------------------------------------ ----- And on the 5th, Sailing about 7 nots with a still Breese imploied in School as useal. in Lattitude – Longitude ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- D – M D – M 34 – 40 24 – 22 ----- On the 6th. The wind much the same as the Day past we are staring E.S.E. imploied as useal ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 7th. Not so much wind Mrs Kemp Prettey well Mr Butler is very Porley with a sad cold in his head and have Been for a day or two past imploid as usual ----- And on the 8th. Sailing with a still [?stiff] Breese and the wind quite fair Mr Butler not so well as he was My mind this day was lead to meaditate on my Dear Saviour in the garden of Goethseminea [?] who seeing before him the Burdhen of sin he must bear caused him to swet grate drops of Blood — imploid in School ---------------------------------------------------------- ----- Good friday the 9 Sailing with a fair wind Mr Butler Better We injoyed the privelage to day in Commorating the Dying love of our Saviour Jesus Christ thus dying for us and the innumerrable [?] ^ benefits he hath obtained for us by Spreading his Blood for us on this Day I trust it was a Day much injoyed by us all we had Service in the evening Mr Cross read a Sermon from 19Chpt of St John and the 40-41-42 verses ----- And on the 10th. Sailing about 4 nots an hour Eirly this morning land in Sight the Island of Tristandecunha imploid in School Mr Butler much the same -------------------------- ----- Latt- Long. D M ) D M 37 – 7 South) 12 – 42 West Sunday the 11th. Sailing with a still Breeze and the wind Blowing quite fair for ous We had Service on deck as useal Mr Cross read a Sermon from the 1st Chpt- of the first Thes- salonians 10 ver in the evening Mr Hall’s Cabien Administred the Sacrament to 10 Communicants Persons I trust the lord is with us [rubbed out] and will be with ous always even to the end of the world and will Bless us -------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 12th. The wind continue to blow very feair Mrs Kemp not so well imploied in School ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ------ On the 13th. The wind much the same Mr Butler but Porley to day. how true is ^that psalm many are the afflictions of the righteous but the lord delves us out of them all imploied in School ---------------------------------------------------------- Latt. – Long D – M – (D – M 37 – 59S – (4 – 20 West On the 14th. Sailing at the rate 7 nots our fourse [?] is S.E.E. Mr Butler is very Porley to day but he injoy grate Peace I trust the Lord is with him and will restore him to us again imploied as useal --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 15th. The wind much the same Mr Butler hold very porly imploied in School ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 16th. The wind the same Mr Butler Better to day Mrs Kemp is very sick to day I trust the lord will make all things work together for our good Therefore we will not fear God is our refuage and Strength imploied as useal -------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 17th. Sailing with a stiff Breese about 8 nots an hour the night past we had a gale wind but it did not last long Mrs Kemp much the same imploied in School ----- Sunday the 18th. On the night past the wind arose and blew a strong gale and lasted all the day so that we could not have publick Service it shettered the fore top mast Stasil in pesies: this was the first time that I saw a gale of wind and truly it is distressing to nature to see the raging Billower. But I can truly say that we felt in Jesus a sure refuage from the Storm. the weaves of the sea are mighty but the Lord is mighter that than them all. he have our lord also have that Promised that when flesh and heart shall fail God would be the strength and portion [?] of our Souls for ever ----- Latt – Long D – M D – M 39 – 47 S – 15 – 45 E And on the 19th. The wind abated eirly this Morning. We turned the Cape to Day about Noon about 150miles South of it Mrs Kemp very sick – blessed be the Lord because he hath heard the voice of my supplication Lattitude – Long D – M – D – M 30 – 41 South 17 – 45 Est ----- On the 20th. The wind blowing very rough all the Day Sailing under one Sail Mrs Kemp very Porley no School to Day the wether would not admit of it we are Sailing before the wind ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 21st. The wind abated eirly this Morning Sailing with a stiff Breese Mrs Kemp much the same imploied in School. I want more humble gratitude to God all his kind deliverance -------------------------------------------------------------- Lattitude – Long D – M – D – M 39 – 17 South 26 – 3 West ----- On the 22nd. Sailing much the same imploied in School half the day the rest of the day after our things that got wet in the hole from the ship leaking ----------------------------------------- And on the 23rd. The wind the much the same imploied as the day past It greive me to say that our two new Zealanders are not so attentive Tooi have not behaved so well as he did some time back Mr Hall requested him to do something and he refered and Behaved very inconsiton [? Taped over] and we all indeavird to show him that it was so. but he afterwards was very sorrow but he have not been so attentive Mr Hall’s Journal will relate the Peticlars with out doubt but we must go on Lookin upward and believing like Nehemiah that it shall prosper ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ On the 24th. The wind blowing very fresh and it Thundered and Lightened a grate deel imploied in School Mrs Kemp prittey well ------------------------ Lattitude – Longitude D – M – D – M 39 – 5 – 35 – 45 Sunday the 25th, Eirly this Morning the wind broke the fore yard in Two ^peses therefore we could not have Publick Service all hands ingaged in reparing it the wind Blowing quite fresh we had Service in Mr Hall’s Cabien in the evening Mr Butler read a Sermon from the 6 Chpt of Romans 14 verse God have said for our comfort wheresoever my name is recorded there will I come and Bless you --------------------------------------------------- On the 26th, Sailing with a fair wind our course is S.E.E. imploied in School Mrs Kemp midlen [?] My soul was refreshed with that portion of Scripture which saith he will Keep on as the apple of his eye for the Lord’s portion ^is his People ---------------------------------------- ----- And on the 27 The wind much the same imploied to day as useal my sould to Day rejoiced in looking forward when all the Kingdom of this world should become the kingdom of our lord; and his Christ and he should reign for ever and ever ----------- Lattitude – Long D – M D – M 38 – 49 South. 49 – - East On the 28th. Not so much wind this Day the Lord was pleased to call on of the Convicts away by Death and his Bodey was committed to the Deep the next Morning Mr Butler generally vesits the sick twice in the Day but he cannot say that he saw any godly sorrow for sin as [?taped over] the tree falls so it lies --------------------- imploied as useal ------ And on the 29th. Sailing with a fair wind imploied in School and we spend one hour in the Day in learning some New Zealand word; -------------------------------------------------------- On the 30th. But little wind imploied as useal Teeterree do not get on so well in his reading he can not give his mind to it but we trust he will be more attentive when he get more sattled The Lord Give them that desire ------------------------------------------------------------- ----- Lattitude – Longitude D – M – D – M 37 – 49 South. 55 – 21 West May the 1st. The wind much the same imploied in School ------------------------------------- Sunday the 2nd Sailing with a fair wind We had Service on Deck Mr Butler read the Prayer and Mr Cross read a Sermon from the for [? faded] 6 chpt of Mark and the 36 ver the subject was the value of im mortal, Souls considering the Price that was paid for them the repence was the 1chpt of the first Peter 18 ver ye [?] ware not redeemed with corruptible things as Silver and gold but with the Precious Blood of the lamb. In the evening Mr Butler and Mr Cross adminstred the holy Sacrement in Mr Hall’s Cabin to eight I trust that his Pledge of his Dying love had refreshed me strengthed my soul in the Belief that I shall drink it new with him him him his fathers Kingdom. --------------------------------------- Lattitude – Longitude D – M D – M And on the 3rd. Sailing with a fair wind inploied in School as useal ------------ On the 4th. The wind much the same Mrs Kemp not so well The love for our comfort have said Call upon me and I will help the imploid in School -------------------- ----- On the 5th Sailing much the same our course is S.E.E. imploied as useal Mrs Kemp midlen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 6th. The wind Blowing quite sharp and the ship in grate motion Mrs Kemp very sick and porley the lord inable her to Possess her soul in pations [?] in her sickness imploied as useal --------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 7th. The Wind very rough Past the Island of St Paul’s only this Morning Mrs Kemp much the same School only half the Day the wether would not admit of it -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 8th, The wind not so rough Sailing with a gentle breese Mrs Kemp Better to day imploied as useal ----- Sunday the 9th. The wind much the same No Service on Deck the wether would not admit it Mrs Kemp Better we had Service in Mr Hall’s Cabien morning and evening Mr Butler read a Sermon in the morning from the 3chpt of Proverbs 17 vers and in the evening from the 48 Psalm 14 vers our souls were refreshed in our meeting together to worship our heavenly father --------------------------------------------------------- On the 10th. Sailing with a fair wind very fast imploied in School the last 24 hours the Ship wailed 206 miles it is the the gratest distance we have rund since we have been out ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 11th. The wind much the same Mrs Kemp midlen imploied as useal in School we hoped that by the time we reached new south wales they would have improved more than they have but I trust if they continue to attend they will improve more We humbly pray the lord to give them that desire daily ----- And on the 12th, Sailing with a fair Wind the night past a Woman 73 years of age died her name was Wattson Nature [?] was quite worn out she was going with her husband to new south wales. To Day Morning a man one of the convicts died and there Bodeys were committed to the Deep this evening. the lord grant that many may be led to seik god by _ fervent Prayer imploied as useal On the 13th The wind quite fair for us. this morning another Convict died his name is George Matthews we trust that he had an intrest in the Blood and Righteous of Christ imploied in School -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- And on the 14th, To Day it Blew a sharp gale of wind and the wind not so fair for ous Mrs Kemp Prittey well imploied as useal. The lord have done grate things for ous wereof we are glad ----- On the 15th. Eirly this morning the wind abated and Blew against ous so that we could not Keep our course imploid in School ------------------------------------------------ ----- Lattitude – Long – D – M D – M East 38 – 30 South, 108 – 3 Est Sunday the 16th, The wind much the same We had Publick Service on Deck Mr Cross read sermon from the 6 chpt of Jeremiah 20 ves the subject was very incoiraging for Poor Sinners to come and be heled with that balm which alond can heel the vilest of the vile in the evening Mr Butler read a sermon for the 1st Chpt of Ephesians 7 ves ----- On the 17th. The wind much the same imploied in School The lord hath indeed heard the voice of our supplication ------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 18th. Sailing much the same we cannot Keep our course imploied in School --------------------------------------------------------- On the 19th. The wind not so fair as it was we lay quite our of our course Mrs Kemp not so well imploied in School and in writing ------------------------------------------- And on the 20th. But little wind in the Evening Mr Butler was taken very ill with pain in his Chest the Doctor Bled him and by the Blessing of the Lord he received a grate Benefit imploied in School ----- On the 21st. We had a calm Mr Butler is better but very weak imploied in School Mrs Kemp porley --------------------------------------------------------- And on the 22th. Sailing with a fair wind Mr Butler Better imploied in School – Sunday the 23th. The wind much the same We had Publick Service on Deck Mr Cross read a Sermon from the 144 Psalm 15 ver the subject was to shew were true happiness is to be obtained and that the gratest part of word is seeking it where it is not to be obtained all very attentive in the evening Mr Butler read a Sermon from the 24Chpt of Matthew 44 ver [?] the text was chosen on the occation of one of the Convicts at the Present lying ded in the Ship died to Day his name is Baily a man that have [?] been afflicted for some time and sent for Mr Butler to ask some advice for his soul And on the 24th. Sailing with a Stiff Breeze of wind and and laying our course. Imploied as useal in School ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 25th. The wind blowing quite against us imploied as the Day past My Soul to day was refreshed in reading that sweet Promise in the Psalms The Lord upholdeth all that all and raiseth up those that be bowed down ----------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- On the 26th. The wind much the same imploied as the Day past Tooi and Teeterree gets on very slow and require many pations_ Mrs Kemp very porley all the night past ------------------- And on the 27th. The wind much the same as the Day past imploied in School as useal. About midnight last a fals alarm ^was made by the officers of the watch, which frightened Mr Butler and Mr Cross on which account Mr Butler got up to go out to see what was the Danger and fown it all fals Mr Butler was very ill treated which I think was very wrong -------------------- On the 28th. The wind the same imploied on the Day past I am sorrow [?] to say that Tooi and Teeterree do not shew that regard for us and espesily for Mr Hall who is like a father ^to them but the lord will be sufficiant for ous may the lord bless them --------------------------------- And on the 29th. The wind quite against us so that we could not lay our course imploied as the Day Past ----- Sunday the 30th. The wind remain in the same place we could not have Publick Service on Deck to day the wether is too cold we had Service as useal in Mr Hall’s Cabien. Mr Butler was taken Porley in the afternoon with pain in his stomach so that he could not attend in the Evening. our Subject in the evening was The carnal mind is enmity against god from the 8 chpt of Romans 7 vers I trust the Lord blest our souls in meeting together ---------------------- And on the 31st. The wind continues to blow against us our course is N.E. and we are staring South Est _ imploied in School as useal --------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 1st of June — The wind is much the same. two weeks to Day of foul winds. Imploied as the Day past — My soul was grately refreshed with that sweet Promise Strengthen ye the weak hands and confirm the feeble knees Say to them that are of a fearful heart be strong ---- And on the 2nd. The wind much the same as the Day past imploied as useal --------------------- On the 3rd. To Day the wind is somewhat Better imploied in School. Tooi and Teeterree I hope mend in there reading and are more attentive ---------------------------------------------------- And on the 4th. But little wind and what there is is quite against us the wate is gitting very low and the Ships Crew begin to complain one pint and a half a Day We humbly pray the lord to send us a fair wind so that we may reach some land to Day we were 280 miles from Kings Island imploied as useal in School ------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 5th. In the Night past the wind came more fair for us: so we hope if it continue we shall be able to make Ven damans Land in a fiew Day’s we are 350 miles from it today imploied as the Day past — My soul was refreshed with that sweet promise in Proverbs they that seek me eirly shall find me ----- On the 6th. Not any wind quite a calm _ Whe had Service on deck Mr Butler read the Prayers and Mr Cross read a Sermon from the 14 Chpt of Jeremiah 8vers in the evening we had Service in Mr Halls Cabien Mr Butler read a Sermon from the 62 Psalm 12vers— My Soul to Day was comforted and refreshed in hearing from his Blessed word his love and his mercy to Poor sinners even to unworthy me the vilest of the vile ------------------------------------------------------ On the 7th. The wind somewhat better for us —— the night past one of the Convicts died his name was Painter about 64 years of Age he died very Desireous of hearing how he was to be saved ——imploied in School --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 8th, The wind much the same – we are 226 miles from the Derwent the land which we are Trying to make to get water and fresh provesions – it is in Ven damans land —imploied as the day past — The lord inabled me to rejoice in looking forward to that happy time when when all shall know me from the gratest even untho . the Lest of them. ----- And on the 9th. The wind quite against us imploied in School The two Natives improve better then they did ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ On the 10th. The Night past the wind came quite fair for us and it Blew quite fresh Eirly this morning land in sight the Courst of vendamins land — imploied as the Day past -- And on the 11th. The wind not fair eirly this morning we got into Storm Bay and Kept beating about there all the Day with a foul wind – imploied as useal ------------------------------ On the 12th. Eirly this Morning we got into the River, Derwent the wind against us but we ware able to keep Beeting up the river all the Day – imploied half the Day in School the rest in writing — I trust I can say that my desire is that the Lord God may shew us the way wherein we may walk and the thing that we may do ---------------------------------------------------- Sunday the 13th. Weid anchor eirly this Morning to procede to the river Derwent but very little wind _ We had Devine Service twice in the Day in Mr Halls Cabien Mr Butler read a Sermon in the Evening from 16 Chpt of Mark 15 vers – I trust my Soul has this Day been benifited and my Speritual Strength renued --------------------------------------------------------------- On the 14th. We reached Hobart Town about Noon and there we cast anchor in the afternoon we went on shore as the useal costom is to Pay the Governor a vesit he received us very kindly and wished us the gratest sugses in our work ——My language is with the Psalmist what shall I render unto the lord for all his Benifets to us in bringing us in safty to this friendly Port ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 15th. Went on shore with my friends to take a view of the cuntry I saw the plough going – and a Church Build-ing the land is very good and the climent very fine_ How true is that Passage the Harvest is Plantions but the labours are few O that god may raise up some faithful servints and send to this corner of the earth --------------------------------- On the 16th. We all went on shore to see some friends who shered the gratest kindness to our wifs and treated us with the gratest respect we returned on board the same evening all very much gratified in seeing Providence smile upon this Island O that he may soon bless it with the Blessings of his gospil ----- On the 17th. At anchor the ship in grate confusion in taking in fresh Provesions not able to have any School Tooi & Teeterree very desirious in seeing their friends that they know living in this town ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 18th This afternoon we received an invetation to weit on the governor _ we received some refreshment and returned on board in the evening ------------------------------- On the 19th. The nigh Past Mrs Kemp was taken very Porley having caught a sad cold and was very sick all this Day – I humbly Pray that his grace may abound in her soul to support her in her afflictions ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Sunday the 20th, At anchor No Service on Deck We had Service in Mr Hall’s cabien once in the Day – Mrs Kemp very Porley — My soul is dejected and cast down but what saith the Blessed Jesus in the world ye shall have tribulation but be of good chear I have overcome the world ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 21st. Weid anchor about 11 Oclock this morning to Proceed to Sidney the wind foul in the evening it blew a very sharp gale of wind — Mrs Kemp very porly in the night with sickness I trust I can say with David the Lord is my refuge I will not fear ----------------- On the 22nd. The wind blowing very rough and quite against us in the afternoon the wind came fair for us – in the evening the Ship Daphne Captn Howard came in Sight from Sidney bown to Hobart Town — Mrs Kemp Better Not able to attend school to Day -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And on the 23rd. Sailing with a fresh Breeze and quite fair Mrs Kemp much better imploied in School ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the 24th. The wind blowing very rough all the Day. and we sailing before the wind – imploied in School as useal I trust I can say with the Prophet Isiah O Lord thou art my god I will exalt thee I will praise thy name for thou hast done wonderful things ----------------------- On the 25th, Sailing much the same as the Day past eirly this morning land in Sight the courst of New Holland imploied in getting our things ready to go on Shore ------------------------------ And on the 26th. Eirly this Morning we came in Sight of Sidney much Desired by all and through his grate mercy we are all brought in safty into this Port After a 5 months Passage ^from England. We cast anchor about noon in Sidney harbar Mr Butler & Mr Hall and the two natives ^went on shore to send a letter up to Mr Marsden to state our safte arri-val in this Colony and that we should be glad to see or hear from him as soon as Possible. In the mean time Mr Eager a friend of Mr Marsden’s came and very gladly received us into [?] his hous The Lord will reward him for all his Kindness shewn to us -------------------------------------------- Parramatta N.S. Wales July 7th 1819 Rev and dear Sir— I hope my letters bearing date 7th March 1819 came safe to hand. As under I beg leave to hand you a few extracts from my Journal as they arise. I am happy to inform you that Tetterree, through much persuasion, came to School again on Tuesday March 9th, and has continued with us, ever since and his conduct taking it altogether (since that period) has been pretty good. Wednesday March 11th School among convicts, all of them very attentive. March 11th 12th 13th Strong Breeze, making rapid progress towards the end of our Voyage: School among convicts. Always make a point of speaking to them from the Chapter they read. Sunday 14th Divine [srvice] on deck in the morning. Mr Halls cabin in the evening. Tuesday March 16th School among convicts. David Wilcock one of the convicts, after speaking to them from what they had read, caught hold of my coat as I was leaving them. and immediately burst into tears and said Of Sir!!! stay and pray with me a little longer!!! I turned and asked the cause of his weeping. Oh Sir said He. I feel myself such a sinner. I know not what to do. I am indeed a great sinner. I hope the Lord will have mercy upon me a Poor Sinner. I have longed to speak to you, for several days past. I hav endeavoured to suppress my feelings, but I cannot do it any longer. I feel a desire to love Xt. I hope he will have mercy upon me. With joy and gratitude to God, I embraced this favourable opportunity of speaking to him, and sveral others who were standing by, from 3 last Chapers of St Matthews Gospel, pointing them to the sufferings of Christ; who hath redeemed us to God by His own blood and shewing at the same time, how welcome every poor and heav sinner was to come to Christ and how lovingly He inviteth such to come to him, and obtain pardon, divine favour, and eternal life, while, I was thus speaking, he wept much, and several of the others who were standing by shed tears. I concluded with a short prayer for the Lord’s blessing upon His own word, to the good of their immortal souls. Sunday 21th March Divine Service on deck in the morning. Mr Halls cabin in the evening. Read with convicts in the afternoon, spoke to them from 6th Chapter of the gospel of St John, poor poor Wilcocks seemed much comforted. I believe there are several others seeking the Lord in sincerity. Viz Wm Clements, Dave Hindhaugh, & Jas Furmwal. I have several times spoken seriousy to a lad Thos Owen, who seems to be very steady and well behaved. His friends are known to the Rev Saml Cowther. This lad does not appear tl be an adept in wickedness. I hope by his regular attention to school and the reading God’s Holy word, he may be made wise unto everlasting salvation. Saturday 27 March. We have had regular school all this week among convicts, spoke to them from the first to fifteenth Chater of St Mark’s Gospel. In the course of the week, all behaved very orderly, may the Lord bless and multiply the seed sow to His glory and the salvation of their souls. Sunday March 28th Divine Service on deck in morning. A sudden squall arose, and we were obliged to leave ff in the midst of the service; gave an exhortation in the afternoon to the convicts. Divine Service in the evening in Mr Hall’s cabin; Captain Lamb and all the officers in the ship attended ( except those on duty)— attended. Saturday April 4th Regular School the whole of this week, several fresh scholars have been added— spoke to them from 16th Chapter of St Mark to 10th of St Luke. Sunday April 4th Divine Service in the morning on deck, Mr Halls cabin in the evening— Good friday 9th April School this week as usual but myself very poorly the whole week; rather better this morning, Divine Service in Mr Hals cabin administered the Holy Sacrament to our own party and two others. Saturday 10th April. We reached the Island of Tristan De Chunha. Our Captain intended sending a foraging party on shore but the surff ran so high, it was found impracticable we were therefore obliged to steer away without obtaining our object— Easter Sunday April 10th Divine Service on deck in the morning, Mr Halls cabin in the evening. Administered the Holy Sacrament with 10 Commandments— My health rather better— April 17th Very ill whole of this week. I have not been able to attend to any thing. At 4 Ocl PM Being in Lat 40 South and nearly 12 East Longitude A very heavy Gale set in from the south west which continued to rage furiously for 30 hours. The sea rolled along in awful grandeur. Our ship was sometimes climbing the mountanious wave, then rushing headlong into the chasm below, all dead lights were put down to keep out the sea. Sunday no Public Service could be performed by reason of the Gale. Monday April 19th We past the Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope in 38 degs 40 Mins South, weather rather moderate. Tuesday a tremendous gale, commenced and continued to rage all day most dreadful. Our ship was scudding before it, at rate of 10 nots, at night the motion of the ship became very violent, the sea running in at the Gangways and over every part of the Deck at times, one of her guns was thrown off the carriage into the sea, but was got into the ship again on account of its being fastened to the carriage. Many things broke loose and rolled from side to side. The Children were screaming aloud, and the women were very much frightened. Sailors & soldiers were tumbling about the decks in all directions. I thought on the words of the Psalmist. “They that go down to the sea in ships and occupy their business in great waters, these men see the wrath of the Lord, and His wonders in the deep. For at his command the sormy wind ariseth which lifteth up the waves thereof. They are carried up to the heaven, and down again to the deep: Their soul melteth away because of trouble, they reel too & fro like a drunken man, and are at their wits end. But our blessed Saviour, who saith to the stormy wind “Peace be still” protected us in every peril, and delivered us from every danger; blessed and praised be his Holy Name for every [sic] and ever. Sunday 25th April: a very strong gale, no service could be performed on deck. Visited the sick in Hospital. One poor man seemed very anxious about his salvation. Endeavoued to point him to the blood of Christ, whch cleanseth from all sin. Tuesday Apl 27th Spoke to the Convicts from the 6th 7th & 8th Chap of Romans, af[t]er reading them Visited th sick in the Hospital. Wm Bail— a patient very ill, seemed to be very earnest in inquiring the way to obtain pardon and peace. Wednesday 28th Apl— R Stevens a patient in the Hospital died. May the Lord be merciful unto him. He was was [sic] very ignorant, (he knew but very litte (if anthing) about Xt and his Salvation. Thursday 27 Apl Buried poor Stevens at 6 Ock A.M. Friday & Satrday Regular school among Convicts. In the course of this week they have read St Pauls Eps to the Ephesians. From which I have deliv’d several exhortations. Also we endeavoured to improve the circumstance of Steven’s death. I spoke to them from the 15th Chap Corinthns all very attentive, several wept. Sunday May the 2nd Mr Hals Cabin in the evening. Administered the Holy Sacrament to 8 Communicants. Saturday May the 8, Regular school among the Convicts throh this week, and very well attended. Visited the sick in the Hospital daily. I humbly endeavour, at all times, to speak a word in season to the sufferers, in this House of mourning lamentation and woe, I hope the Lord will help his own word, to their eternal benefit. Sunday 9th May Dawn Service in Mr Halls cabin, Morns & Even [?] Sunday 11 May We experienced a heavy gale, the Luarter Gallery window was broken all to pieces – by the Sea; and a great quantity of water came into the Ship. On this day Mrs Watson died. Aged 73 years. I had long visited this poor woman; she knew but little, but seemed earnestly to implore mercy. Wednesday May 12th 19__ Mr Brooks died this mor.g, Poor man, he was accustomed to swear at times, during his illness. but when asked the reason for such strange conduct. H would ^readily say it was wrong. and that he was very sorry for it. Both bodies were committed to the deep this evening. Thursday ^ 13th May George Matthews died, this poor man appears [taped over] very penitent. I hope ^he is now in glory. Saturday 15h May. In the course of this week the Scholars have read St Pauls Epistle to the Philippians; they have been very attentive, and I have spoken to them several times from the same. Sunday 16th May Divine Service on deck in the morning. Mr Halls cabin in the evening. Saturday May 22th , we have had regular school this week, but I have been so poorly; that I have not been able to attend three days. In visiting the sick this week, I have found poor Bailey, exceeding anxious about his Soul, I endeavoured to comfort him wish Gods promises in his Holy Word, and to direct him to look to Christ, for pardon, grace, and and eternal life. Sunday May 23___ Divine Service on deck in the morn. Mr Halls cabin in the evening. On this day Mr Bailey died: I trust he died in faith, look unto Jesus, I hope he is now in glory in the presence of his Redeemer [?] of God. Saturday May 29_th School as usual this week, and I believe the Lord is carrying on a work of grace in several of them, may it increase among them more and more. Visited the sick in the Hospital, endeavoured according to my general custom, to speak a word in season. All of them seem very thankful for my visits. The Scurvy has made its appearances among the Convicts; many of them are very much afflicted with it. We have had foul winds for several days past: and it is so at this time. Water and other necessaries are growing are growing very short. Sunday May 30th Divine Service in Mr Halls cabin. Myself taken very poorly with pain in Stomach. Monday much better. bless God for it __________ Wednesday 2nd June Visited the sick. All of the seemed very thankful, I hope & trust the Lord has in some measure blessed my labours among them. Our Water is now getting very short, Sailors, Soldiers, & Convicts, are reduced to a pint and half per day. The wind still, continues quite foul, we begin [?] to wish & pray for our journeys end; And we look for help from that God who ruleth the winds and the waves. Sunday 6th Divine Service on deck in the Morn,g & (Mr Halls Cabin) Evening. In the afternoon, I was sent for by one of the patients in the Hospital named Painter to explain the meaning of the Lords prayer. I went to him immediatily and he desired me to pray with him, and to tell him something about the Lords prayer, for he though there was more contained in it than he understood. He was very anxious to know how he could obtain mercy, and be made happy. He ^was very apprehensive at his death: Sir said He: I shall die before midnight; and this actually came to hap. He died the same evening about 9.Oclock. I prayed with him, and endeavoured according to my feeble ability, to explain the Lords prayer. I pointed out to him, that God was our ^Father in a very peculiar manner. On account of what Christ hath done and suffered for us: and that we who are by nature & practice sinners and afar off from God, are Redeemed unto Him by the blood of Xt, and adopted into the Family of heaven: and that as a father pitieth his children, even so our heavenly Father will have mercy & pity on all who come unto him through Jesus Christ, His dear Son. He is gone. ??? May the Lord receive him into the Arms of his mercy. Thursday 8th June Visited the sick in Hospital, had some interesting conversation with a sick man Named Watson I had long attend him, for which he seemed very thankful. But above all, in that it pleased God to afflict him; For by it, the Lord led him to see himself as ^a sinner before him, and to flee too mercy and pardon to a saviours blood. He expressed himself in the language of gratitude, and prayed for the sanctification of his affliction, more than for the removal of them. I am, now said he: getting a little better, and if the Lord is pleased to raise me up to health, I hope he will ^give his grace that I may live to his glory. I was also sent for this day to the Hospital by a poor man named Bartholomew. I have visited Him during a long illness, he seems very penitent but he possesses but little Knowledge. I asked why he sent for me a 2nd time in the same day. He said, to pray & talk with me, I sat down by him for half an hour, and instructed him ^in the best manner I was capable of, and then concluded with prayer. May the Lord grant his blessing. Thursday 10th June Vandiemans Land appeared in sight at 7 OCK AM. Every heart rejoiced, and I trust many of us returned our sincere thanks to Almighty God, for his great goodness in bringing us safe thus far, more espicially [sic] as our Water and provisions were almost gone, and our Captain determined to put in at Hobart Town for supplies. Sunday 13th June We were at Anchor in Isthmus Bay. Vandiemans Land. Divine Service in Mr Halls Cabin M&E, The passage up this Arm of the sea to Hobart Town is very delightful. Deep Bays, High Hills, covered with lofty trees form a most pleasing scene. Monday 14 June, Hobart Town appeared ^in sight at 7 0.6. A.M. A Pilot came on board at 10CK. and at 1,0CK. the ship came to an Anchor in the Harbour. The little cultivated spots here & there, as we approached the town gave it a beau-tiful & picturesque appearance. We went on ^shore as soon as convenient and ^waited on the Leut Governor, Sorell who received us very kindly. We remained at Hobart Town [?] days during which time we went into the adjacent country ^several times and were very kindly entertained by several of the inhabitants. On Friday morng we received a letter of invitation to Government House at two oclock, we all went at the time appointed and were very graciously received by His Honour. after some conversation ^with him and several Gentlemen who were present we taken some refreshments and returned. Sunday, Divine Service in Mr Halls Cabin in the morng, in the afternoon went on shore to dine. I received a copy of Vandiemans Land, Auxiliary ^Branch Bible Society , which I beg leave to transmit, with the rest of my papers. It is a matter of sacred gratulation to see the Holy Scriptures spreading through every Land; to see the glorious Gospel enlightening ever part of ^ye habitable world. Monday 21 June Our ship weighed anchor, and set sail for Port Jackson N.S. Wales , we had a very fine passage from Hobart Town to Sidney Cove , at which place we arrived on Saturday June 26th 1819 _______ all in good health. Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ for all his abundant mercy and goodness bestowed upon us, his unworthy servants, His loving kindness hath preserved us, and brought us in safety unto ^the House of our friend and unto the Haven where we would be ____ I sent a letter instantly to Mr Marsden our dear friend, who immediately sent his servant with a Chaise to convey me to Parramatta. ^We all Went on shore as soon as soon as the ship came to an Anchor. We went to the House of a Mr Eagar (until Mr Marsden could come down to Sidney) who received us ^in the most hospitable manner. My ^brethren & family remained at Mr Eagars several days. Sunday ^morng 27th June_ I went to Parramatta with Mr Marsdens servant in [?] Chaise which he sent for me; we arrived at his House at 12 OCK. the family were all of them at Church when they returned I was received by them in the kindest manner possible. In the afternoon I read prayers in Parramatta Church, for Mr Marsden. Monday 28th June. Mr & Mrs Marsden went down to Sidney found my family and brethren all well: we now had a happy meeting altogether, and were much refreshed [?] and comforted. Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, Busily employed in getting out goods out of the Ship. On Friday we all returned to Parramatta taking our personal baggage with us. Sunday July 4th Preached at Parramatta Church from 61 Chap. [?] Jsaiah and 1st & 2nd Verses, The Spirit of the Lord &c &c &c Saturday 10th July the whole of this ^week we have been very busy, in getting our things a little in order, and preparing for our reembarkation for New Zealand. Mr Marsden has taken up an American Brigg named the General Gates to convey us to the place of our final destination. we are to sail for New Zealand on the 25th of this month at farthest. Two carpenters are engaged at Parramatta to accompany us, & to assist us in the erection of Buildings. Mr Mn also intends to engage a Brickmaker, a Bricklayer & Millwright if possible, to go with us to N. Zealand. Sunday 11th July Preached in the morng at Parramatta Church from the 22nd Chap of the Gospel St Luke and 19th Verses. And he took bread &c &c &c. The Holy Sacrament was administered afr [?] sermon. Mr Marsden has nearly completed a Seminary on his Estate for the New Zealanders_ called Rangi hoo. This will be of great importance . as the New Zealanders will have opportunity of coming to Parramatta from time to time, and being under the fostering care of Mr Marsden, They cannot fail to ^make rapid progress in the Knowledge of Agri-culture and other useful Arts. Their moral habits will be much improved and ^their minds expanded: and ^by the blessing of God + their souls will be prepared for the good seed of His Holy word & the reception if the gospel of Chrust. They will also be Hostages for the security of our Settlement at Bay of Islands. We have good reason also, to hope, that they will return to their own country and become able coadjutors in the great work, of spreading the knowledge of Christ, throughout their own Land. There are five men & one woman [?] this time, at Parramatta from New Zealand: They sum a kind and affectionate people./ Dear Sir: I must conclude this epistle with my sincere love to you and your family . My Brethren, & family, Tooi, & Teeterree, also send their sincere love and affection to yourself and family, also to our dear friends Mr & Mrs Bickersteth Mr & Mrs Cooper – and all friends of the CM. Society Dr Sir I am yours faithful and Obdt St Jno ButlerIn all thy ways acknowledge Him and He shall direct thy path. 3. Chap Proverb 6. Journal Dearest Lord help me to acknowledge Thee in all things, and to see Thy hand in all things, and to bear with Christian patience & fortitude every thing that may be unpleasant to the flesh. I give myself afresh unto Thee pour out Thy Holy Spirit upon me Heavenly Father, and make me what Thou wouldest have one to be — Tuesday 15 Dec. 1818 At 5 OClock PM parted with our Dear Friend Mr. Bickersteth at the Custom House Quay and went on board on Gravesend boat at 10 OClock the wind lulled and we let go an Anchor in long reach. Took some refreshment after which our Valuable Companion Mr Tacey read a Chap. in Gods Holy word of expounded it and engaged in prayer – after which a Hymn was sung. Wednesday 16 – Dec – A M ½ pt. 3 weighed and made sail ½ pt. 12 went on board The Baring : employed getting our things on board and stowing them away. PM went on shore at Sheerness to purchase some things we were in want of. Tooi very poorly Parted with our Kind & thoughtful friends Mr Tacy & Mr Daniel. Thursday 17 Decr A M went on Shore to purchase necessaries. Friday – 18 Decr A M . at 8 OClock weighed Anchor and made sail for the Downes at 5 PM the wind freshened, let go the Anchor in Queens Channel many of our Company Sea Sick — poor Tooi very unwell – God Almighty bless us and preserve us all, and carry us in safety to the haven where he would have us to be. Saturday 19 – Decr – A M about 8 Weighed Anchor and made Sail. PM at 1 OClock got aground upon the braker sand 1/2pt 1 got off again. In the Evening assembled in my Cabin for social prayer Mr. Butler Lev [?] & Jews [?]. Mr Cross Mr Kemp Toai Teeterree and myself. I trust the Lord was in our midst – Mr. Butler read the 20 Acts and Expounded and Mr. Cross & FH engaged in prayer. at 7 OClock came to an anchor in the Downes. Sunday 20 Decr. A M The Ship from having being aground the day before leaky. The Captain set off for London to report her state and Condition. Had the wind not shifted and headed us on Saturday Evening we should have proceeded on our Voyage, when perhaps, the Ship was not sea worthy. O God how manifold are thy mercies – Help us to see Thy Hand in all things. The Revd. Mr Cross performed Devine Service on Deck. P M The wind blowing fresh with a heavy swell. Teeterre & myself distributed tracts to the Sailors, Soldiers and Convicts may the Lord in mercy Look upon the poor Sinners in the Ship. It is really dreadful to hear them take Gods Holy Name in vain in the way they do. But such a thought be was I. [?] The same rich Sovereign Grace which reached me may reach them. Tooi & Mrs Kemp both very unwell – In the Evening Read the 10 Chap 2o Mr Butler engaged in prayer. A very tempestuous Night a Sea track[ed] us abaft which electrified the ship. Monday 21. Decr 18 A M Poor Tooi very Weak and dejected, his voice very feable wept because I could not understand what he said. Teeterree also unwell. Complains of pain in his breast. The Doctor thought it right to bleed him and administered opening medicines [?] to both. God Almighty bless the means and enable and to possess my soul in patience. [?] P M Fine Calm weather our little [?] party assembled for prayer in my Cabin. A brig disembarked [?] on the Good wind. Tuesday 22d. Decr— A M Thanks be to God Tooi is much better Today, and Teeterree so much so as to be able to get up. Fine mild weather anxiously waiting the arrival of the Captain from Town to Know whether we go into port again to repair of proceed to Sea — / 2pt 10 The Captain Lamb arrived. The Ship ordered back to Chatham to repair. Mr Butler & Mr Cross went on shore and set off for London. Laying at Anchor in the Downes. The wind being unfavourable for our return to Sheerness. Lord order all things for us accord=ing to thy Holy will and give us to be Content _ In the Evening our party assembled as usual ----------------- fine calm Weather. Wednesday 23_Decr_ A M fresh breezes from the SE at 8 OClock got under weigh rocked occasionally working round to Sheerness. Tooi & Teeterree I hope somewhat better and Mrs Kemp also. P M at 2 Anchored in pawaud hole [?]. Prayers & Reading Gods Holy Word as usual. 10 OClock an alarm in the Ship in Consequence of some of the Convicts fighting. Thursday 24 Decr_ A M Calm Weather obliged to remain at Anchor in pawaud [?] hole the wind &&Tide not permitting us to proceed to Sheerness. Poor Tooi still Confined to his bed but hope in the mending way Teeterree & Mrs Kemp better Friday 25 Christmas Day A.M At 8 weighed Anchor and made sail for Sheerness Teeterree and Mrs Kemp bravely, but poor Tooi very poorly and low spirited eat no breakfast but blessed be God I do hope his soul feedeth on the bread of Life. When the Blood of Jesus is mentioned to him as cleansing from all sin — his eyes sparkle — he seems all aliveand fervently says Amen. O Thou Dear Emmanuel on this thy birth day pour upon us the dew of Thy blessing – hear and answer our Supplications for poor Tooi’s recovery I humbly beseech Thee O God thou God of truth – at 12 Came to an Anchor at the Shore. P M. Mr Kemp read the prayers of The Church and F Hall read part of a Sermon. Mr Butler arrived from London. Thank God for giving Journeying mercies. O what a floating hell is thy ship. What blasphemy and wickedness has been committed this blessed day. I do trust I abhor myself and repent in dust & ashes when I recollect that such an one was I not long since. Lord what is man._ Saturday 26 Decr 1818 A M At 8 Got under weigh wind SSW working into the Medway at 12 let go the Anchor and worked alongside the Glory. P.M. Mr Butler and Mr Kemp went on Shore & procured Lodgings for us in Brampton. Poor Tooi very low and his Cough very troublesome – Packed up our things to take on Shore. Sunday 27. Dec- A M. We all went on shore, and took possession of our lodgings at Brompton at Mrs Chinsworths No. 4 Mansion Row. The Lord was pleased to favor us with a most delightful morning to remove our dear sick friend Tooi who is still much indisposed. PM Headed Divine Service. Tooi had a very indifferent night Coughed for 2 Hours almost incessantly. he is very weak and low spirited and we fear in danger. Monday 28 Dec- Thought it expedient to have the advice of Dr. Gilbert in Tooi’s care Dr. Read of the Baring Kindly called to see us, but the distance he will be from us, engaged in his dutys on board the Glory will prevent him attending our frd. regularly it was therefore needful to apply to W.G. who is said to be a very skilful man. May the mighty God of Jacob bless the means for the recovery of this very amicable young man. P M. Prayers & reading as usual. Tooi very weak and dejected. — Tuesday 29. AM. Hope Tooi is something better. his cough not quite so troublesome as on the preceding night – nor did he spit blood. Dr Gilbert thinks him better, but in a dangerous state. He is quite happy in his mind, resting his hope on the great Atonement made by the Son of God. Says he is quite comfortable not afraid to die, because Jesus died for Sinners, and Jesus is the Son of God. P.M. In the Evening very weak and low spirited, his cough very severe. O, Thou ever adorable Jesus who hast made the Heavens and the earth and all things, perish a potsherd to lay on they blessed feet and humbly to roam with thee. O let the body and soul of this young man be precious in thy sight. Will it not greatly benefit thy Infant cause in New Zealand to preserve the life of poor Tho. Tooi and send him back to his native land, with his heart filled with love to Thee. To exalt Thee and to Extel Thee and to lift Thee very high? Thou art in very deed [?] a prayer hearing and prayer answering God. Thou hast heard and answered the prayer of Thy dust many a time. Oh do so again For the Glory of Thy great name [?]. Thou art in very deed The Mighty God Mighty to save and to know and to love Thee is everlasting life. To Love Thee is to Love The Father and the External Spirit also for the blessed Thou are one. O Thou who didst raise up Lazarus from the Dead, speak the word then and poor Tooi shall be healed. My life is of comparatively of little value, blessed Jesus, I offer my life for his. O lah [?] not The Son of God think it presumption in me when I add not my will be done but thine. I am not afraid to die, because thou hadst given me to believe that Thou has redeemed my life from destruction. O hear my prayer then, for my friend, Thou great Thou Glorious JEHOVAH JESUS. The friend of Sinners. Wednesday 30 Dec 1818 A M. from One OClock to 5 his Cough easier, got some rest which has much refreshed him. The Doctor seems to have rather a better opinion of his Case that he had yesterday. No blood in his expectoration. I do Thanks Thee O Jesus for every favourable Symptom Get to thyself a fresh revenue of Glory in restoring him. P.M bled a little at the nose [?]. Thursday 31 Decr_ AM. My Dear friend Tooi passed a tolerable quiet night his Cough not near so distressing as on former nights. But he is very low spirited and Complains of WeaKness. Shortly after he had done so he suddenly revived and was cheerful. Dr Gilbert seems to think the symptoms favourable upon the whole. Mr Butler Recd a Letter from Mr. Bickersteth. Thanks be to God, that he is coming down, be pleased Heavenly Father to give his Journeying Mercies. Tooi much pleased at the thought of seeing his dear friend. Went on board the Baring in Dock, find she will not be detained there so long as we expected, having sustained very little damage God Almighty bless us all and restore and preserve our health & grant us a prosperous Voyage. P M. Tooi eat a Comfortable dinner, which seems to have done him good. Friday 1 Jany. 1819 AM. Tooi has had some severe fits of coughing during the night but he had some refreshing sleep which has done him good. He is evidently much better. Thanks be to Thee O Jesus it is not the first time that Thou hast been better to me than all my fears O how good is our God. AM, arrived our Dear and Heavenly minded friends Mr Bickersteth and Mr Cooper and refreshed us much by their sweet conversation. Mr B. read the 21 Chp. Matthew & beautif=ully expounded it and Mr. Cooper engaged in prayer. Saturday 2d Jany. AM. Tooi arose early to breakfast with Mr Bickersteth & Mr Cooper previous to their departure for London. Thanks be to our God he is getting better fast. Thou O Jesus hast heard our Prayers and granted out petitions for which we bless Thee and praise Thee. Mr Bickersteth read the 133 Psalm and expounded it and engaged in Prayers, after which we accompanied our friends to the Dock yard to see the Baring and parted with them at the Dock Gates. Altho it is most probable that we shall never meet again in this world. I trust we shall on that great day when a smile from the Adorable Saviour will be of more value than the whole world. Sunday Jany 3_ 1819 AM. Blessed be God my Friend Tooi recovering daily, left him, and went with Mr Kemp and Mr Butler to Chatham Church. I enjoyed part of the Service much. The prayers read in an excellent manner by the Revd Mr. Barrow. The Sermon preached by the Arch Deacon I was not benefited by. PM. Tooi desired me to read to him that portion of the word of God when Jesus went up to Jerusalem to be Crucified. Read to him and prayed with him. O Lord open Thou our understandings to understand the Scriptures. Revd Mr Barrow preach this Afternoon from 5 Ephes 16 I was quite dead and lifeless & my thoughts wandering to the Ends of the earth as is too often the case Thou alone O Jesus canst help me, and rectify what I have long complained of Monday Jany. 4. PM. Thanks be to God Tooi is gradually improving in health. Captn. Lamb and Admiral Sr Jno Gore wished much for Tooi to use the Dock yard. I judged it improper after so severe an illness which has left him weak and Dr Gilbert was of the same opinion — Mr Butler myself Mr Kemp, Teeterree – Instant. [?] Butler went over the Dock yard, we received the greatest civility from the respective officers, after which we went on board the flag ship The Bulwark, and were very Kindly received by Captain Warren and his Officers. They saluted us with 5 Guns on going on board and with the like Number on our disembarkation, afterwards went on board the Lyffee [H.M.S. Liffey?] Frigate and Recd. the like honour of Ten guns from them — an useless wants of at least 120lbs of Powder which I fear has not reopened [?] the pride and Vanity of our New Zealand friend. Subdue Every thing in him and me Heavenly Father which is contrary to thy will and grant that we may be thine in the day thou maketh us thy Jewels. PM. reading the Scriptures and prayer as usual. Tuesday 5 Jany. AM. Arose at 6 after prayer to my God wrote Mr. Hughes, after which helped Tooi & Teeterree to write to Mr. Bickersteth, went to Chatham to purchase a few things that I wanted. I bless God Tooi is gaining Strength every day — he is still very hoardse. P.M. Sailed the Lyffe [?] Frigate and saluted the Admiral Wednesday 6 Jany. AM Thanks to my God Tooi continues to mend. Engaged at home all day writing. Thursday 7 Jany A M Arose at 5 Prayer and reading Gods holy word – Lord help me to read to more profit [?] my mind is dark my memory feeble – I am filled with Confusion – Lord help me Friday 8 Jany. A M. Arose at 5 Read the 58 Isaiah and the 85 Psalm. Thy word O Lord God Almighty is a Lamp to the feet and a light to the paths of thy Children. How remarkably didst thou guide Thy poor dust in the days that are passed by there Chapters - Help me to be grateful and thankful & to see Thy hand in all things. Tooi still continues to mend. Employed writing to Mr. Pratt and getting in some things I wanted. P.M. Went on board the Baring & Captain Lamb requested us to join the Ship at Sheerness on Monday next. Lord God Almighty be pleased to order all the Circumstances of our embarkation. Forgive me O God for anything I have said or thought or done this day to grieve any one. subdue the evil that still remain=ith in my Corrupt heart. Saturday 9 Jany. 1819 A M Tooi Continues to gain strength thanks be to our God. We are packing up our things and preparing to on board the Baring. The Lord go with us and prosper our Voyage. AM. &c — &c — Sunday 10 Jany A M Arose at 5 read the 6 Chap Toka [?] & prayed to my God went to Chatham Church & blessed be Jesus Tooi was enabled to accompany and to Gillingham Church also in the Afternoon Thanks be to God for his wonderful recovery, we heard the beautiful Service of our Church well read in the Morning by the Revd Mr Barry, but the preaching of the Aged Archdeacon did not benefit me much — — God forgive me all that has passed in my Sinful Heart this day. Monday 11 Jany AM. Arose at 5 – preparing to go on board the Baring 1/2 pt 12 Embarked in the Princess Royal Boat about 2 went on the board the Baring all well – thanks be to God for his mercy to us – Tooi bravily – The Lord preserve him. O our God be merciful unto us and Carry us in safety to the place where Thou wouldest have us to be – P.M being all fatigued our little party did not assemble in our Cabin Tooi Teeterree & myself had prayers alone. Thursday 12 Jany A M Employed putting things to rights in the Cabin — Laying at Anchor at the little Shore – Tooi Continues bravely – Nothing remarkable this day except poor Kemp going without his dinner but blessed be Jesus he has I trust bread to eat which the world knows nothing of, I do no admire Captn Lambs Conduct on this Occasion. — Wednesday 13 Jany. AM. 1/2 pt. 9 [?] got under weigh starting for the Downes with a smart Top Gallant Breeze [?], Captain Lamb angry with respect to the Account of the Baring getting aground which appeared in the Christian Guardian and Mr Butler angry with me for bringing the Christian Guardian on board the Ship & mentioning to the Captain that I had one, when he asked me if I knew if any one on board were in possession of that publication. The Lord forgive me if I have done wrong: but Thou art able O Jesus to make these things work together for good – be pleased to do so. Thursday Jany. 14. 1819 God Almighty help us in all our ways to acknowledge Thee and to see Thy hand in all things and be content. Got under weigh at 7 wind S W, working to windward to get into the Downes, but the wind freshening we could not and were obliged to put back and anchor about 11 OClock several miles further from N. Zealand that where we lay the preceding night — Some of our party sickly – Tooi and Teeterree very well. I cannot restrain them from pulling and hauling on deck more than they ought to do in these Latitudes. Laying at Anchor off the North foreland, blowing very fresh Tooi Teeterree & myself had prayers alone many of our party being sickly. Friday 15 Jany. AM. got under weigh at 7 delightful fine morning, wind SW working to windward to get into the Downes at 11 Let go the Anchor there, Sent Letters on Shore. PM fresh breezes, The Lyffee Frigate firing at a mark. Saturday 16 Jany. AM – Fresh Gales clear and Cold weather, our Sea Sick friends somewhat revived. The wind more to the Northwards and the Captain would proceed to Sea he says if the wind move moderate. PM laying at Anchor in the Downes, not far from the south foreland Mr. Cross and out party had prayer to in the Evening in an Cabin God Grant that we may be enabled each of us to adorn the Doctrines of our Saviour in all things & that Satan may not prevail & Sow discord amongst us – The wind more moderate and getting back to the westwards Sunday 17. Jany AM Blowing a Gale of Wind from the SW no boat off from Deal [?] Tooi Teeterree & myself read the Scriptures and had prayers in our Cabin most of our Company being sickly. The Ship pitches very much – PM. Mr. Butler worshipped with us — Monday 17. Jany AM. Blowing strong from the westward, Mrs Kemp very Sick and weak but patient as a Lamb in the Hands of the Dear Redeemer God Almighty restore her to health and make us all blessing to each other — Clear and Cold weather — PM. The wind more moderate. – Cold and inclinable to frost, employed this Day with Tooi and Teeterree writing Letters to their friends – blessed be God they are both well. Thou hast Glorified Thyself Blessed Saviour in hearing and answering prayer for them – Carry on the blessed work and bring them to see Thy Glory in heaven Tuesday 19 Jany. AM. Moderate and pleasant weather, but the wind still against us, a boat from the shore brought me a Letter from my Dr_ friend Mr Jerby [?] laying in Ramsgate Harbour. Thanks be to Thee O Jesus, Thou hast manifested Thyself to them as well as to us, be pleased to restore poor Mr. Jerby [?] to health. PM Moderate & pleasant Weather. Wednesday 20 Jany. 1819 AM. Blowing strong from the N N W with rain. Employed writing Lrs with Tooi & Teeterree & with Mr. Kemp in teaching them. Thursday 21 Jany AM. At midnight a tremendous tempest of wind & rain for a few hours — Went upon my Knees to ask Him, who said to the waves peace, be still, to calm the troubled Elements and He did so - Mr-Kemp & myself Employed the Day instructing Tooi & Teeterree. Help us O Lord to teach them and to learn their Language. Friday 22d Jany. AM. Calm pleasant weather wind SSW engaged together with Mr Kemp instructing Tooi & Teeterree & endeavouring to learn their language — The Lord Jesus Help us for without Thee we can do nothing as we ought to do. PM _ Do. Weather and Employment, Still wind bound but it is a Christian’s duty not to complain should the Ship get aground upon her beef bones [?]. Saturday 23 Jany AM. The wind still in our teeth_ Employed as before ——distracted in mind this day. God be merciful to me a Sinner. Let not the Enemy get an advantage over me. O subdue the evil in my heart O God I humbly beseech Thee. Sunday 24 Jany AM. The wind changed to The South & Sometimes a point to the eastward of S. – His Majesty Ship Tribune got under weigh and several other ships – Had prayer as usual this Morning in our Cabin & at 11 OClock Mr Butler read the Service of the church PM Sailed The Lyffee Frigate but she was obliged to put back in the afternoon Mr & Mrs Kemp Tooi & Tetterree & Saml Butler assembled & Read for our improvement two Sermons – & in the Evening Mr. Butler read the beautiful Service of the Church of England and a Sermon out of Burders Collection. I hope I feel myself somewhat refreshed this day –The Lord Help me, and Keep me, and give me not up to myself I most humbly beseech Thee. I am sorry O God before Thee for what I said to my Brother in Jesus Mr Kemp yesterday. But Thou knoweth O Jesus how to make [?] work together for good. I beseech Thee That thou will be pleased to do so. Monday 25 Jany A M. Blowing a Gale of wind from the SW with a fresh and our [?] Sea. Had prayers Three times this day Mr Cross attended in the Evening —— Tuesday 26 Jany. 1819 AM. Jesus who ordereth all things both in Heaven and earth has been pleased to answer our prayers. The troubled elements are at rest, fine pleasant Wr employed as before – PM. Do W. Dearest Lord if there be any of our party that have embarked themselves for New Zealand who’s hearts are not right with Thee be pleased in Thine own way to put them on Shore again and let the Ship Sail. Wednesday 27 Jany. 1819 AM. Thanks be To God the wind is shifted to the S.S.E at 7 Weighed Anchor and made sail as did the Lyffee Frigate & several Indiamen. PM Sailing down Channel with a fine Top, Gallant breeze and standing sails set. The Lord Jesus be pleased to blow a sweet breeze of Grace into our Souls and sustain us and carry us in safety where we are going. – Thursday 28 Jany. AM At 3 OCLock saw the aurora lights. Hailed [?] a boat what took our place [?] on Shore & our Letters – a fine breeze from the Southward – Empd. with Tooi & Teeterree and in reading Gods Holy word. O that I could read the Sacred pages of external truth to more profit. Blessed Spirit proceeding from the Father and the Son enable me to do so. Friday Jany. 29. AM. A very tempestuous night the ship more agitated than she has been since we have been on board. Some of our party again sickly we are abreast of the Lizard – Calm weather with rain at times. Mr Kemp and myself employed as before. P.M. Dr Wm. and employment – Brother Kemp and myself work upon the poop in the Evening to take perhaps a last look at England. We are off the Lands end – Farewell England may the richest blessings of The most High be poured down upon Thee. Saturday Jany. 30 AM. Light breezes and fine weather wind northerly have last sight of England and are pleasantly proceeding on our Voyage. Mr Kemp & myself endeavouring to instruct Tooi & Teeterree from Day to Day – it is realy painful to see how reluctantly they come to their studies. The Lord give us patience and wisdom to deal with them, and to do them good. PM a fine breeze from the Eastward we are sailing at the rate of 7 Knots P hour Sunday Jany. 31. AM. We are agreeably proceeding on our Voyage with the wind right aft and fine mild weather - Mr Kemp and myself went amongst the prisoners and delivered tracts to them and prayed to the Lord to bless the work of our hands – Mr. Butler read prayers in our Cabin when Mr. Roberts the Commissary attended and Mrs Turnbull and her three Children – PM. Mr & Mrs Kemp & Tooi & Teeterree assembled in the Afternoon and read for our improvement [?] In the Evening Mr. Roberts & Mrs. Turnbull & Mr & Mrs Cross attended Divine Service. The Cabin was nearly full. Pour out Thy Spirit [?] upon us Blessed Jesus and your love our Numbers trust - S-Number. [?] Latt: 47 . 26 Long 7 . 0 Monday Feb. 1st. 1819 AM. Captain Lamb requested the use of our Cabin to issue slops to the Seamen +c. Employed reading – Light Breezes and rain at Times our little band in pretty good health. Lattitude 46.45 Tuesday Feb 2d. AM. Beautiful fine Weather, light winds but in our favour. Employed with Mr & Mrs Kemp endeavouring to teach Tooi & Teeterree and with Mr. Butler in looking to the New Zealand Language – I began this day sorrowful in spirit and ended it joyfully. O blessed Jesus I am weak but Thou art strong, hold me up and I shall be safe, give me grace to cry unto Thee for myself and many, answer me and strengthen me with strength in my Soul. Wednesday Feb. 3d. AM Fresh breeze from the NW, proceeding at the rate of 6 or 7 knots an hour._ Employed with brother Kemp instructing Tooi & Teeterree and was rather cheered at their doing better than they have lately done — Mrs Kemp again Sick. Lat. 44. 5N Long. 10.40W Thursday 4 Feby AM. Fine Mild pleasant Weather fresh breezes from the NW.- we lay our course and are proceeding as well as we can wish with respect to Covering [?] the Distance to the place of our destination, but not quite so well as we could wish with respect to the Instruction of Tooi & Teeterree & the attainment of the New Zealand Language, and we are grieved on another account Sister Kemp is very poorly. The good Lord strengthen her and bless her and do her good. Give us all more precious faith more Child like simplicity & more humility Heavenly Father I beseech Thee. Lat. 41.40 N Long: 10.57 W Friday 5th. Feby. 1819 AM. The Lord is very gracious to us and we are getting on our Voyage very smoothly — Mrs Kemp better — Bibles_ Prayer Books – Testaments. Psalters to delivered to the Sailors Soldiers and Convicts. O Thou blessed and Compassionate Saviour hear our prayers and pour out Thy Holy Spirit and give a Commission to every one of them to do good. Disappoint the expectation of our Captain & grant them no improper use may be made of these blessed books – PM. Wind N Westerly —. Our time occupied as before – A disturbance this Evening among the Soldiers rather of a mutinous tendency which however was soon quelled. _ Mr Roberts attended prayer this Evening in our Cabin — Lat: 39.58 N Long: 11. 2 W Saturday 6 Feb. 1819 AM. Light breezes and delightful fine Weather – Teeterree sulky at his lesson this Morning and would not attend at all in the Afternoon. The Lord give me the Wisdom of the Serpent and the Harmlessness of the Dove to deal with him and Tooi and to do them good, and to be patient with them. PM if the Weather is fine Tomorrow it is intended to have service on the quarter Deck. The Lord be with Thy Minister and enable him to break the bread of life to the people and be with our little party in breaking of bread in the Evening. Lat 38.18 Long. 11.26 Sunday 7 Feby. 1819 AM. I thank Thee O Almighty Lord for thy mercies on this interesting Sabbath – Arose at 6 and had a short prayer with Tooi & Teeterre, after breakfast Mr Butler read a Chapter and Engaged in prayer. At 10 oClock The Church rigged out on the Quarter Deck. The Captain – Officers – Passengers – Sailors – Soldiers and Convicts attended Divine Service – Mr Cross read the prayers, and one of the Homilies of the Church – I read the responses – the Lessons and gave out the Psalms – after dinner each of the Convicts had half a pint of wine and we embraced the opportunity of giving a tract to each – God Almighty hear the prayers of thy praying people on board this Ship and grant that good way be done in the Name of Thy Holy Child Jesus Mr & Mrs Kemp & myself met in the Afternoon and read the Holy Scriptures of faith and in the Evening the Service of the Church read by Mr Butler after which the Sacrament administered by Mr. Butler and Mr. Cross. Mr Roberts was one of the Communicants, fine warm pleasant weather Lat. 37. 9.48 Long. 12.19. Monday 8 Feby. AM. Delightful fine Weather a breeze from the NE sending us Madeira where we expect to be Tomorrow or next day. The Lord is very gracious unto us in giving us a fair wind, and the old ship is said to sail better than she has ever done before – Empd. with T & Teeterree and with The New Zealand Language, - Not very well in health and in some pain, but the Lord is gracious. Latitude 35.44 Longitude 13.30 Tuesday 9 Feb. AM. Running for Madeira right before the wind most delightful weather, similar to what we have in England in June Employed as before Lat: 34.20 Long. 14.54 Wednesday 10 Feb. AM. Charming fine weather – at Day light saw Porto Santo out of the Madeira and soon after The Island of Madeira, at Noon we were about 20 Miles from it – at 5 standing off and out a few Miles distant from Tunchal which we continued to do during the Night Mr. Butler and Mr. Kemp went on Shore – A vessel in sight said to be a Pirate. _ Thursday Feb. 11. 1819 AM. Fine Weather brought the ship to an Anchor in 40 fathoms went on Shore with Tooi & Teeterree and dined with Mr Butler Mr Cross & Mr Kemp at the British Hotel. Remained on shore all night – Tooi & self slept in a Double bedded Room when pouring out my Soul to God before we went to rest and acknowledging my Sins, poor Tooi burst into a flood of tears on a recollection of his Sins and Cryed and sobbed more than an hour. Friday 12 Feby. AM. arose at day light each of us took a poney [sic] and went up the Mountain – Saw the Interior of one of their Churches – where are some exquisite paintings – The Harlot of Babylon seems to bear rule completely in this Island – My the Sun of Righteousness arise and dispell the thicK DarKness of Popery which overhangs this delicious part of the Creation – The poor seem to be in wretchedness and ignorance – Breakfasted at 12 oClock & went on board in the Evening. The ships receiving water & Refreshments. Saturday 13 Feb. AM. beautiful Wear_ wind to the NW at 12 weighed the Anchor and made sail with light airs of wind & sometimes calm – in Company with with a Portuguese Schooner PM A smart breeze sprung up in the Evening which wafted us on our Voyage at the rate of 6 or 7 Knots an hour during the Night, out sailed and lost sight of our Consort. Sunday 14 Feb AM Running with a fine breeze from the NE right before the wind—. The Church rigged out at 10 oClock Mr. Cross performed Divine Service – &Mr Butler read prayers in our Cabin in the Evening Mrs. Kemp very poorly and not able to attend Mr. Roberts the Commissary attended – we threw open the Cabin door and as many Sailors as could came in and several got round the Door — May the Lord give his Blessing. Monday 15 Feby AM. At day light saw the Island of Palmas, one of the Canaries. Employed from time to time along with Mr. Kemp in endeavouring to teach Tooi & Teeterree, They do not attend to their learning with any pleasure – it is like imprisonment to them to be in the Cabin. They would rather be up on deck with one or other of the numerous acquaintances they have formed since they came on board this Ship, The Lord enable us to bear with patience that which is grievous to our faith [?]. Tuesday 16 Feby AM. We are proceeding as delightfully as we can with towards [?] our desired haven with respect to wind & weather . The Lord is good and is answering our prayers, we have a fair breeze from the NE which is sending us at the rate of 7 Knots an hour — A class of the Convict Boys now under instruction and blessed be God a very great change has appeared in a few days for the better – The same plan is about to be adopted with a number of men in each of the divisions – may God Almighty help us and grant that good may be done – Poor Mrs Kemp better today but very delicate. Lat. 26.57. Long 18.54 Wednesday 17 Feb. 1819 AM. Fresh breezes from the NE. we have near down three degrees of Latitude the last 24 Hours – Empd. with Tooi & Teeterree and in the School formed on the forecastle formed amongst the Convicts – The Lord grant His blessing Lat: 24.10 Long. 20.20 Thursday 18 Feb. AM. We are dashing thro the mighty deep in grand style with a brisk NE. trade wind, at the rate of 9 or 10 Knots P hour. The Lord has been very favourable to us since we have left the Downes & has answered our prayers again & again & we hope He will hear us for our dear Sister Kemp who is very weak and low spirited. Several of our poor brother Sinners the convicts shed tears this day while Mr. Butler talked to them over their Lesson of the Love of Jesus to sinners _ Thanks be to God for this. Have lately observed a Sailor who’s berth is close to our Cabin door constantly reading his Testament – gave him some tracts, and asked him to come in at prayer time, when his duty would permit which he gladly accepted. Friday 19 Feb. AM We have run upwards of 200 Miles the last 24 Hours & expect to see the Cape de Verd Islands Tomorrow Morning Mrs Kemp very poorly weak and low spirited._ Empd. as before Lat 17. 55. 47 Saturday 20_ Feb AM Keeping a sharp look out for the Cape de Verd Islands, but the weather being hazy we could not see them. PM The weather still hazy, in the Evening the Captain determined to prosecute his voyage and not to ahoh [?] at St Iago as he had intended_ Mrs Kemp better. Naquay the Sailor mentioned on Thursday came in at prayer time this Evening. Sunday 21st. Feby. AM. Another interesting Sabbath. Service on the quarter deck in the morning, after dinner The Convicts mustered and each had ½ a pint of wine. There appearance improved _ They look clean and healthy, but what is still more pleasing there appears an inclination in some of them to hear the words of Life. Mr. Butler heard several of them read on the forecastle, and talked to them in an affectionate and improvised [?] manner of the things of Jesus. I heard another party read and Saml. Butler instructed the Boys. Observed many Sailors in different parts of the Ship reading their Bibles and Testaments _ Dearest Jesus open their Understanding that they may understand the Scriptures _ In the Evening Mr Butler read prayers and a Sermon in our Cabin and Captain Lamb attended and worshiped with us _ Mrs Kemp still very poorly. Monday 22 Feb. 1819 AM Gentle breezes and very warm weather Teeterree would not come to his lesson Today neither forenoon nor afternoon & I am afraid will give it up altogether. The Lord help me to bear with patience that which grieves me. PM one of the soldiers wives in a dreadful frenzy attempted to run [?] a bayonet into one of the soldiers and much insulted the officers, she was punished by lashing her for a time in the Mizen [?] Rigging and pouring water upon her. Tuesday 23 Feby AM. Light breezes from the NE, very hot weather. Employed with Tooi in the morning & Mr Kemp engaged on the forecastle with the Convicts. Saw many trying fish today. PM. Mr. K & myseld Empd. with Tooi & Endeavouring to get a few words of the New Zealand Language. Wednesday 24 Feby. AM Gentle breezes from the NE. grieved in my mind about Teeterree who obstinately persists in not coming to his lessons again. Employed with Tooi and also with a few of the convicts and with Mr. Butler in looking into the New Zealand Language._ The weather is Exceeding hot. Lat. 6.50 PM. I was grieved in spirit the beginning of this day, But [?] the Lord hath been pleased that I should rejoice at the close of it for while Mr Kemp and myself were in prayer in the Cabin some one Knocked at the door. It proved to be a convict who’s irons had been knocked off and who assisted the Doctor in the Hospital_ He brought his bible with him and asked me to explain the meaning of the 26 verse of the 10 Chap. Hebrews_ I did so as well as I was able. He seems concerned for his soul – He stopped [?] prayers with us & I asked him to come every evening when his duty would permit. Grant Heavenly Father that he may be thine in the Day Thou maker up thy Jewels _ Another Sailor & a Soldier now frequently come in to prayer, I hope the Lord has many precious souls in this Ship F. HallThursday 25 Feby 1819 Calm and very hot weather. Employed as before, rain at times. Captain Coats caught a shark. Lat. 5.33 N. Friday 26 Feb. Calm and very hot weather, employed with Tooi and endeavo-uring to lay up in the Lay book of my memory a few New Zealand words. I am grieved that I cannot make greater progress. The soldiers and sailors exercised at the Great gun and small arms and fired at a mark, after which the Captain and several others bathed in the Sea, a soldier had like to have been drowned. Lat. 4.46 N Saturday 27 Feb. Gentle breezes with rain, was taken aback, employed with the 3d Division of the Convicts in the forenoon and with Tooi Mr Kemp and Saml. Butler in the afternoon. The Lord give us favourable winds to carry us to the place where we are going, for a ship is not a good place for our New Zealand friends neither for us. We bless and thank our God for the privilege we enjoy of meeting together for prayer morning & Evening. The weather very hot and relaxing, but Through mercy we are all well Lat. 4.5 N Sunday 28 Feby. Lt. Airs [?] and exceeding hot weather the Church rigged and an the quarter deck at 10 oClock Mr. Cross read Prayers and a Sermon, after dinner the Convicts had each 1/2 a pint of wine, in the Afternoon lightning and rain, did not assemble the reading Class of Convicts as on the preceding Sabbath delivered a tract to each at the time they had their wine in the Evening we had Service in my Cabin as usual. Dr. Read and Mr. Roberts the Commissary attended. O Thou Great and glorious Jehovah enable me to love Thee more and serve Thee better and worship Thee with less wandering than I have done Lat: 3.46 N Long 20.10 W Monday 1 Mar. Lt. Airs and very hot weather. I thank Thee O Jesus that Thou hast been better to me than all my fears this day. O let not the enemy of my Soul get an advantage over me: O leave me not to myself, for thou hast done so in the days that are passed, to try me, and I have been found wanting, I desire to tremble at Thy word & presence & That Thy Bible and Thy Spirit may be my Chart and Compass. ___ Teeterree seems to shew a better disposition Today than He has done for some time. Two large ships in sight. Employed as before. Lat. 3.2 N Long: 19.55 Tuesday 2 March 1819 Light airs and sometimes Calm. The heat is very great and relaxing. Employed as before. Lat: 2.52. Wednesday 3 March Light breezes and very hot. Sent a book on board the Louther Castle Indiaman. Caught two Sharks – Employed as before. The Louther Castle. Cambden & Ellergil. Indiamen in Company. Lat. 1.48 N Long: 18.53 W Thursday 4 March Gentle breezes and very hot weather – Depressed in Spirit but the Lord is better to me than all my fears _ Employed with Brother Kemp as before – The three Indiamen in Camp. Lat. 1.48 N Long 18.53 W Friday 5 March – Lt Airs and sometimes calm – Dear Jesus give us a fresh and favourable breeze, and blow a breeze of Grace into my poor soul and help me onward in my Journey to my Fathers house – Employed as before – The weather is exceeding hot but thou mercy we are all in pretty good health. The very moment after I had written the above, The man who had been at the Wheel came down and said that a breeze had sprung up. Thanks JEHOVAH JESUS It is written in thy blessed words, and thy precious word is truth. That before they call I will answer and while they are yet speaking I will hear. Even so hath thou manifested Thyself upon this occasion. We have been nearly becalmed for many days under a burning Sun, and this fine breezes [?] is most grateful. Help me O God and my brethren and Sisters to be very thankful. Lat. 1.33 Long: 18.53 Saturday 6 March Light breezes and very sultry Weather. This day was a sort of holy day, being appointed for the usual exhibition of Neptune coming on board – All went off with good humour. Lat: 1.6 Long. 18.47 Sunday 7 March A fine breeze from the S.S.W. Mr Cross read prayers on Deck and a Sermon from 5 Galls and pt of 6 verse. “Faith which worketh by Love. Spoke the Brig Hero for Rio Janeerio, sent a boat on board with letters - Embraced the oppy. of sending a few remarks I have made since our departure to 24. Feby. In the Evening we had service in our Cabin & Mr. Butler administered the Holy Sacrament. Doctor Reid Lieut White & the Commissary attended Latitude about ½ a Degree North of the Line. Monday 8 March 1819 A fine SSW breeze several ships in sight Mr. Butler and Saml. Butler joined Mr. Kemp and myself in the School in our cabin in hopes that Teeterree might have been prevailed upon to come to his lesson again, but without affect — PM the breeze freshens and is most grateful to us after the calm and hot weather we have experienced. Lat. 16 Miles N — Long. 19.19 W. Tuesday Mar 9 Fresh breezes from the SE. we are now proceeding briskly to the place of our destination — we were all pleased this day on Teeterree joining us at School, he behaved well, and we hope will continue so he do. To Thee O Jesus be all the praise, for thou hast again heard and answered our prayers and been better to us than all our fears. The weather is exceeding hot. Mrs Kemp again sickly. I apprehend her indisposition arises from her being in that state, women wish to be, who love their Husbands — We have been highly favoured since we left the Downes, we have not had a Gale of wind the whole time. To whom are we to attribute [?] this but to Thee O Jesus in answer to our poor supplications. O make us grateful and Keep us near to Thee. Lat: 45 Miles South Long. 200.41 W. Wednesday 10 Mar A fair top Gallant breeze from the SE and not quite so hot as it has been. Employed with Mr Butler his son & Mr Kemp in the school with Tooi & Teeterree & in reading. Teeterree behaves very well — Lat – 2.14.S Long. 22.15.W Thursday 11 Mar. Do. Weather and Employment. The Lord help us to exemplify the Christian Character in the midst of Crooks and perverse generation. Lat 4.5 S Long. 24.33 W Friday 12 March A Charming fresh breeze from the SE, we can perceive the weather much colder already. Empld. with my companions in the school with Tooi & Teeterree and with the Convicts on Deck. one of these my poor brother Sinner [?] to whom I was talking alone, shewed the deepest signs of Contrition for Sin and while a tear rolled down his check he seemed to derive comfort from the gracious promises in the Everlasting Gospel. May the Holy and Eternal Spirit enable him to believe in and pray to Jesus and I trust we shall be found at the right hand of our God in the Last Day Lat. 6.19 S Long 26.23 W Saturday 13th. March. 1819 We are proceeding with a 8 Knot S & S.E breeze very pleasantly the heat more moderate — Employed in the School with my brethren and Tooi & Teeterree in in the School on Deck — Mrs Kemp bravely again Lat 8.44. S. Long. 28.13 W. Sunday 14 March — Inward [?] breezes from the SE – Service on Deck by Mr. Cross who preached from the 9 Chaps 2 Cond. 15. Thanks be to God for His Unspeakable Gift. Mr Butler spoke to a few of the Convicts after dinner from the 25 Matthew and in the Evening read prayers and a Sermon in our Cabin – Dr. Read. Lieut White and the Commissary attended. May God the Holy Ghost bless his own truth to the Salvation of many in this ship. Jesus was exalted this day, therein I rejoice, but I was dull and heavy and wand=ering and did not eat of the feast of fat things as I could wish Lat 10.57 S Long. 29.8 W Monday 15 Mar Do. Weather and employment. I am grieved this day to record that Tooi has behaved with a degree of obstinacy unkindness and ingratitude, which I thought him incapable of. Help me Dear Lord to be faithful and patient and to endure the Contradiction of Sinners – and make all work together for good. He came in the evening and said he was sorry for what had passed and wept. Lat: 13.2 S. Long: 30.6 W. Tuesday 16 Mar. Fresh breezes a squall carried away one of the yards and split several sails – Employed as before. Poor Wilcocks one of the Convicts cam to Mr. Butler with his heart full and tears in his eyes, and requested him to pray with him. He exhibits every mark of true conversion. He said I desire to Love Christ, I feel myself such a Sinner I do not Know what to do. My heart is affected and has been for several days past. I endeavoured to suppress my feelings but could not do it any longer. I hope the Lord will have mercy upon me a poor sinner – Mr. Butler spoke this day from 26 Matthew on sufferings of Christ and His Love to poor Sinners May God Almighty water with the dew of his blessing the good work what we trust is begun in this mans heart & several more in this Ship. Lat 15.14 S Long. 30.57. W Wednesday 17 March 1819 The wind blew hard during the night, the morning more moderate. Employed as before. Begun this day with a sorrowful spirit and ended it with tranquillity resting on the Covenant Love of The ever Glorious Emmanuel. Lat 17.47.30 S Long. 31.45. W Thursday 18 March Inclinable to calm, employed in the School in our Cabin with the Convicts in the forecastle and reading _ the Lord enlighten my dark understanding and enable me to read with more profit. Lat: 20.17. Long. 32_3 Friday 19 March Fine pleasant Weather – a fresh breeze from the SE. Teeterree very poorly today. Dr. Read thought it necessary to bleed him copiously and administer opening medicine. Empd as before. Lat. 22.4 S. Long. 31.46 W. Saturday 20 Mar. Teeterree much better Today. The wind more favourable for us than it has been, fine pleasant Weather. Employed doing the best we can with Tooi & Teeterree & the poor Convicts some of whom are grateful and quite different Characters from what they were. Mr. Cross attended our prayer meeting this Evening which he has not done for a long time before, may the Lord help him to carry himself more like a Christian than he has lately done, & may The Dear Redeemer ever enable us to have an Eye to the 1st Verse of the last Chap of Galatians. Lat – 24.10 S. Long: 30.16 W. Sunday 21 March. Fine Weather & inclinable to Calm. If it be Thy blessed will O Jesus order things so for us that the ship may put into the Cape to get such supplies and refreshments as may be necessary for the preservation of the Health of the people but not my will be done but thine O Lord. Mr. Cross read prayers on Deck & a sermon from 8 Romans 1 V and in the Eveng Mr Butler Read prayers & a sermon from 6 Mark an Repentance in the afternoon we had a little Congregation of Convicts on Deck who read verse for verse the 6 & 7 John and then Mr Butler spoke to them in his usual affectionate manner, but a squall coming in he was interrupted in his Labor of Love. May God Almighty water with the Dew of his blessing every effort to do good in this ship & hear our daily prayers for all hands. A work of grace is evidently going on in the hearts of some of the Convicts. One poor fellow – Davis – the 2d time of his expatriation is one of the Number – Thanks Jesus Thanks. Lat 24.54S. Long. 30.55 W Monday 22d March 1819 Light breezes and delightful fine Weather employed variously. Tooi & Teeterree are behaving very well and have got on better with their work Today than usual: but they have no relish for it, they would much rather be on deck: neither have they any divine after spiritual instruction at present. We must watch & pray and be content to dig under ground as it were, and wait the Lords time, and not cram religion down their throats. They are upon the whole remarkable young men and possess many amiable qualities, but candour obliges me to say that gratitude shines but dimly in the Constellation of their Graces. But when I look at home and find how little Gratitude there is in my heart to my God for the unspeakable Gift of the Adorable Jesus & to the Holy and Eternal Spirit for making me willing to receive this great Salvation my mouth is stopped. [?] Lat. 25.12 S. Long. 31.10 W Tuesday 23d March – Lt. Breezes from the SE inclinable to calm – Employed with Mr. Butler Senr & Junr and Mr Kemp with Tooi & Teeterree we had no School amongst the Convicts this day, the Deck being so lumbered with getting up a new Top Mast it was not practicable — we are sadly annoyed with a Seaman of the Name of MacKawley who messes close to our Cabin door and is almost always cursing and swearing. Lord thou hast the hearts of all men in thy hand put a stop to this I humbly beseech Thee in thy own way and time. Have mercy upon him has Thou hast had mercy upon me Lat. 25.47.S Long. 31.16 W. Wednesday 24 March – Spoke to MacKawley and requested him to have pity on himself and not swear in so dreadful a manner. He has not molested [?] us so much since – fine pleasant weather the wind still hanging to the SE – Empd. as before and on Deck with the Convicts. I feel myself weak and feeble and backwards in every thing that is good. The Lord help my infirmities. Lat. 28 53. S Long 32.20 W. Thursday 25 March Calm and pleasant weather. Mr & Mrs Kemp both poorly Employed variously. While engaged with the Testament Class on the forecastle, one of the Convicts when it came to his turn to read could not proceed his heart was so full. I perceived him, several times wiping the tears from his eyes – His Name is Furmial [?] — God Almighty for give me all my Sins of omission and commission this day, and lay thy hand upon my corruptions – Lat: 26.51 S Long: 32.43 Friday 26th Marh. 1819 Light airs and sometimes calm, poor Mr. & Mrs. Kemp poorly. The Lord in tender compassion restore them. A little more vexation with respect to Tooi & Teeterree. Satan is trying hard to do us mischief. What time I am afraid O Jesus help me to put my trust in thee. Awake awake O, arm of the Lord and hear and answer our prayers, and make all work toge-ther for good. Lat 27.8 S. Long 32.20 Saturday 27 March I Thank Thee O my Father that Thou hast been pleased to hear prayer for Brother and Sister Kemp. They are both much better. Employed in the Cabin, with Tooi & Teeterree, and in reading. Could not have school on deck this day by reason of the filling of Empty Casks with salt water, which occupied some of our Scholars & the room we should have wanted. The Commissary attended our prayer meeting this Evening. We do not forget to lift up our hearts to God for our Dr friends in England who are we are sure praying for this night. Lat 27.40 Long. 31.41 Sunday 28 March It Being a fine morning the Church rigged out as usual on the quarter deck, but just as Mr. Cross had finished reading the prayers, a squall came on which rendered it necessary to shorten sail, we had therefore no sermon. Retired into our Cabin and Mr Butler, Samuel, Mr. Kemp and myself read the 7 first Chapters of the Revelation. It being rainy and squally in the afternoon Mr. Butler had not an opportunity of speaking to the Convicts. In the Evening we had service in our Cabin when Captain Lamb [rubbed out] Captain Coates and his Lady. The Commissary, Lieut White & Mr Cross Together with Mr. & Mrs. Kemp, Mrs. Turnbull and her Children our little Church was quite full – Mr. Butler read prayers and a sermon from 6 John 27 May The Lord Command His blessing. Lat. 28.7. Long. 31.4 Monday 29 March Calm and hot weather. The Lord has graciously heard our prayers and returned Mr. Kemp to health again Mrs. K is better but very delicate Employed with my bretheren & Tooi & Teeterree and with the New Zealand Language. Dearest Lord enable me to enlarge my expectations, to fill my mouth with arguments from thy holy word & with that precious faith which is of the operation of the Holy Ghost, to wrestle at the foot stool of my God for the sinners of this ship & for a Lost [?] & Ruined [?] World Amen Lat: 28.29. Long: 30.4 Tuesday 30 March 1819 Calm weather with rain employed as before. Lat. 29:5 S. Long. 30_11 W Wednesday 31 March A Small breeze from the NE Employed as before Lat: 30 – 32 S– Long 28.47 W Thursday 1 April Captain Lamb requested the use of our Cabin to issue slops & to the Seamen, we therefore had no School, but assembled the Convicts and after reading a portion of Gods word Mr Butler spoke to them in his usual affectionate manner. In the Afternoon got up some of the things we wanted out of the hold – Thank God for the present favourable breeze we enjoy Lat: 32.7 S. Long 27.3 W Friday 2 Apl. Fresh breezes from the SE fine clear wholesome weather Empld. in prayer — Reading – and with my Brethren in doing what we Can in teaching – The Lord smile upon our endevours. Lat. Long Saturday 3 Apl Do. Wr. and employment – Mrs Kemp again very sickly – Mr. Butler also rather indisposed – Lat: 33.30 S. Long 24.45 W Sunday 4 April A delightful fine day approaching to a calm. It has been a good day to my soul. Christ has been exalted and my soul fed. In the morning Mr. Cross preached from the 9thChap Luke pt. 22N The Son of Man must suffer many Things. In the afternoon Mr Butler not doing very well. I took his Class of the poor convicts we read Verse for Verse the 26 Matthew and afterwards I read part of a Sermon from 2 Coriniths – I part of 9 Verse “God is faithful” – but we were interrupted by an officer not favourable to the cause of Christ, by His ordering the Hammocks to be piped down – the men were very orderly and attentive, and some of them I believe are hungering after the things of Jesus – They Received with Joy a few tracts I gave them, and asked for Hymn books, being desirous to learn to sing. – God Almighty bless them – I feel a love towards them – and would rather be in some of their places, with chains around my legs, than cloathed in purple & standing in the shoes of some of the rich Glutton in the land we have left behind __________ Tooi & Teeterree I am sorry to say have no desire after the great salvation proclaimed in the Gospel. As far as I can see into them they seem to have agreed together to hold fast the superstitious vanity of their Country, and to disregard what is said to them about Jesus – Do I not Know that it is not by might nor power but by my Spirit saith [?] the Living God – I should be down hearted. I was grieved this morning to hear that same Tooi, out of whose lips proceeded such sweet words, when we thought him lying on a death bed at Brompton, answer Mr. Kemp with sullen indifference I did not Know “to some questions Mr K be asked him with respect to the way of salvation, while explaining to him that sweet prayer in our Church Service “Almighty and most merciful Father” & They seem is have not the smallest desire to retain what we endeavour to teach them from day to day – These things try our faith and patience – Help us dear Jesus to look to Thee for wisdom and strength and patience and faithfulness and Zeal and Courage. Mr. Butler read prayers in the Evening & preached from 1 John 29 Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the Sin of the world – The Doctor and Commissary attended and others to fill our little church chock full. Lat. 34.23. S Long. 24.50 W Monday April 5 A gentle breeze in our favour and fine pleasant weather Employed variously – Mr. Butler but poorly Mrs. Kemp better Lat: 34.40. S Long 24.22 W Tuesday Apl. 6 – A fine fresh breeze from the N.W which many have long been wishing for – am brother Butler is indisposed and Keeps his Cabin – Employed with Tooi and Teeterree and reading. It being a rainy day we had no school on deck amongst the convicts. Lat. 36.2 S. Long 21.57 W Wednesday 7 Apl. – A Calm – Employed as before. Let there never be a calm in my soul O Jesus with respect to loving Thee. Help me to love Thee more fervently “Awake O North wind and come Thou south blow upon my garden that the spices thereof may flow out, let my beloved come into His Garden and eat His pleasant fruits” – Mr. Butler somewhat better, and came on deck – One of the poor awakened Convicts named Welcooks asked we to set him a few Copys that he might improve himself in writing. I wrote down for him 3 texts “Believe in The Lord Jesus Christ and Thou shalt be saved. The blood of Jesus Christ His Son cleaneth from all Sin. Call upon me in the day of trouble: and I will deliver Thee and Thou shalt Glorify me, and recommended him to fill his copy book with precious promises from Gods Holy word. He said he would Lat: 35. 45 S. Long 19. 25 W. Thursday 8 Apl – A fine fresh breeze from the NW studding sails set a low and aloft sending us to our destination at the rate of 8 Knots p Hour. Mr. Butler still unwell with a cold in his head, got some relief from bleeding with Leeches. Those is a cry out in the ship that the coals and candles are nearly expended. Lat. 36.5 S. Long.18.11 W Thursday 8 April 1819 A fine fresh breeze from the NW. studding sails set a low & aloft sending us to our destination at the rate of 8 Knots an hour Mr Butler still unwell with a cold in his head, got some relief from bleeding with Leaches. There is a cry out in the Ship that the Coals and Candles are nearly expended. Lat 36.6 S Long 18.11 W. Good Friday 9 April Less wind than yesterday but what there is is in our favour we had prayed this morning as usual and at 10 oClock Mr. Butler read the prayers of the Church in our Cabin after which he and Mr. Cross administered the holy Sacrament. Mr. Butler being rather indisposed Mr. Cross read prayers in the Evening and a Sermon from the 19 mo [?]. 40.41.42 V – This day my soul has been heavy and dejected, but blessed be God my Jesus is the same yesterday today and forever “why art thou cast down O my Soul and why art thou disquieted within me, hope in God for I shall yet praise him who is the help of my Countenance and my God Lat 37. 4 S Long. 14.24 W Saturday 10 Apl – At day light saw the Island of Tristan de Cunha – prepared to send a boat on shore, but a ship hove in sight which the Captain wished to speak the boat was not sent on Shore. We hoisted our Colours but the ship not shewing any disposition to come near us we proceeded on our own voyage, a Number of Sea foul about the Ship. Tooi & Teeterree are busily employed endeavouring to catch some of them with a hook and line but hitherto they have been unsuccessful – Had no School, today, amongst the convicts – they were not permitted to come on deck – Lat: 37.7 S Long. 12.42 W Easter Sunday 11 Apl. We have this day a fine stiff breeze from the NW Carrying us on at the rate of 8 or 9 Knots p hour – Mr. Cross read prayers & preached (On Deck) from 1 Thessalonians 1 pt 10 V – “In how God raised from the dead” – Mr Butler read prayers in the Evening in our Cabin and administered the Holy Sacrament of The Lords Supper – Captain Lamb and Doctor Read Communicated. For my own poor part I was heavy and dull and wandering – “Surely I am more brutish than any man and have not the understanding of a man – The Good Lord make me alive and lively. Amen. Lat 37.31 S Long. 10.40 W. Monday 12 Apl. 1819 A Gentle Gale from from the N W helping us on at the rate of 10 or 11 Knots p hour. Employed with Tooi & Teeterree, the Convicts and the New Zealand Language. Mr. & Mrs. Butler both poorly. Lat: 37.45 S. Long 6.25 W Tuesday 13 Apl – Gentle breezes approaching to a Calm at times – Empd. variously. Mr. & Mrs. Butler still poorly. Lat. 37.59 S. Long 4.20 W Wednesday 14 Apl – Fresh breezes from NW= Employed with Tooi and Teeterree and on deck: when engaged with The Testament Class this day and saying a few words to the poor Convicts, I happened to mention that verse of a Hymn “Dear dying Lamb Thy precious blood to” after we had done – Davis, who has received peace and joy in believing, came and asked me if he had copied it Correct, for he had written it down in a little book – Mr & Mrs. Butler both better today. Lat 38.36 S Long. 1.11 W. Thursday 15 April A fine breeze from the NW we have run 185 Miles the last 24 Hours – Mr. Butler much better today Mrs. B quite well – Employed as before. Lat 39.22 S. Long. 2.22 E Friday 16 Apl – A Glorious breeze night after which has lessened our distance to our desired haven 194 Miles the last 24 Hours. Mr. Butler mending. Thy Mercys O Jesus are new every morning, we are constrained to acknowledge that Thou art a prayer hearing and prayer answering God, Give us to be more thankful. Lat: 39.42 S. Long. 7.4 E Saturday 17 April Smart Gales and squalls at times during the last 24 Hours, we are proceeding rapidly to our destination, have run upwards of 200 Miles the above time – Mr. Butler better. Employed as before, with Tooi & Teeterree and the Convicts, the latter are very grateful, at least some of them. Lat. 40.1 S Long 11.26 E. Sunday 18 Apl. Blowing a heavy Gale of wind the whole day from the NW with rain at times, of course we had no Church on the quarter deck, nor could we assemble in our Cabin the Ship was so agitated. Mrs. Kemp but poorly and Kept her bed the whole day. Mr. Butler better. The Violence of the Wind blew the fore top mast stay sail out of the bolt ropes which was lost. Teeterree, Oliver, a poor Convict who was upon us, and myself , read the 107 Psalm and put up a short prayer to the Most High in the Morning – The rest of the day employed reading Gods Holy word and private prayer [?taped over] This may be said to be the first Gale of wind we have had during the Voyage. We have not had the Dead lights down since we left the Downes till now. Lat 39.47 S Long 15.48 E Monday 19 Apl. More moderate weather but still blowing fresh – Our friends better – Employed in the school below but had none [?taped over] on deck because of the Weather. Lat: 38.41 S – Long 17.45 E Tuesday 20 Apl – During the last 24 Hours we have been exceedingly tossed with a violent tempest from the NW. for the most part scudding under a reefed fore sail at about 10 Knots P hour. The winds roared and the waves mocked them. In this great conflict between the elements every now and then a white topd billow brake upon the vessel and gave us a good sousing. The good old Baring behaved nobly. Our little party were enabled through mercy to possess their souls in peace. The Mighty God of Jacob was our help and underneath us were Everlasting arms. At midnight it pleased That Blessed Jesus who holds the winds in His fist to say to the troubled ocean peace be still, and the Gale moderated_. God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. Therefore will not we fear though the Earth be removed and though the mountains he carried into the midst of the sea, though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof. I love the Lord because He hath heard my voice and my supplications. Because He hath inclined His ear with me therefore will I call upon Him as long as I live. Give Heavenly Father unto us Thy Servants Gratitude and humility, Grant Gracious God that this storm may put many in mend of fleeing for refuge to that Blessed Jesus who in a hiding place from the storm of Thy righteous indignation against Sin. Mrs. Kemp still poorly but very patient. Lat. 39.19 S. Long 22.54 E Wednesday 21 Apl_ Smart breezes delivering us along rapidly, went through our respective dutys regularly today, which the weather prevented yesterday __ Mrs. Kemp better but weak_ Lat. 39.17 S. Long 26.3 E Thursday 22d Apl_1819 Proceeding on our voyage with a moderate breeze right aft. studding sails set alow and aloft __ Mrs. Kemp better. Had School in the Cabin as usual but none on deck being working day _ the residue of the day employed getting up our things out of the hold and drying them being much wet by the late severe weather we have experienced – especially the bedding which was packed in an improper and slovenly manner. Lat. 39.3 S. Long 31.38 E Friday 23d April The fine NW Breeze continues all sail set, I believe we have run 160 miles the last 24 Hours – Employed in the School: reading L [?] – Got up the other two packages of bedding to day – Many of the Missionary Stores removed from the fore orlop to the after Hold, where we hope they will be Kept dry. Lat 39.13 S – Long 32.18 E Saturday 24 Apl – Smart breezes which obliged us to shorten sail – went down into the Hold to see our things fresh stored, but the ship rolled so much we were obliged to give over till another day – Had a Lesson with Tooi and Teeterree – the remainder of the day empd. reading and writing — Heavy rain Thunder & Lightning Lat 39.5 S Long 35.45 E Sunday 25 Apl – Blowing a Gale of wind from the NW about 3 oClock carried away the fore yard, got up a jeary [jury?] one & set the sail_ all hands at work getting a piece of timber out of the chains to fish the yard with__ Had no service on deck Today, on account of the inclemency of the weather – and the dead lights being down it was darkness visible in our Cabin. In the Evening the Gale moderated – Mr. Butler read prayers and a sermon – the Text was from 6 Romans – “Sin shall not have dominion over you – Lat. 39.6 S – Long – 39.54 E Monday 26 April Smart Gales from the NW – Employed with Tooi & Teeterree, the New Zealand Language &c — Tooi confined [?] with a complaint in his Eyes. Lat. 38.41 S. Long. 42.30 E. Tuesday 27 Apl – Fresh breezes and cloudy Wr have run 209 miles on our course the last 24 Hours – Employed as before, In the afternoon went down into the hold, to examine further into the things which are damaged, found several packages wet. The spinning wheels will in all probability be quite useless by the time they arrive at their destination from bad package and the bedding also, being only put in single matting instead of cases. Lat: 38.49 S Long. 47.56 E Wednesday 28th April 1819 A fine breeze from the SW have run 180 Miles the last 24 Hours, our number on board the Baring reduced by the Death of Stevens a poor convict being the first person who has died during the voyage, we have had no school today, been largely employed forenoon and afternoon in looking to our things in the Hold. We also took the Liberty of opening one of the Cases sent by Mr. Hancox for Mr. Hassall, consisti-g of Wollen Cloth, Linen – Marlin Stocking, Print Bed Ticking +c which was much wet and would have been entirely spoiled, in a few Days if we had not done so._ The Day was very fine, we got them all well dried and carefully packed them up again Lat 38.21 S Long 57.52 E Thursday 29 Apl_ The wind still fair and all sail set. Committed the body of the poor man who died yesterday to the deep, Mr. Butler performed the funeral service. Employed in the school with Tooi and Teeterree, with the Convicts and the New Zealand Language &. __ Tooi not at school in the afternoon, we could not find him for some time, at last we discovered him in the Cable tier with one of the convicts who was tattooing the figure of Adam and Eve the tree and serpent on one of his arms Lat 37.49 S Long. 55_21 E Friday 30 Apl_ Calm and delightful pleasant weather_ Employed as before. A large shark caught today Lat 37.39 S Long 57.10.40 E Saturday May 1 – Light breezes and very pleasant weather, similar to that which we experience in England on the 1 May Empd. with Tooi & Teeterree – with the Convicts on Deck and with the New Zealand Language. Lat 37.44 S. Long. 59.4.17 E Sunday 2d May A beautiful, clear serene day, and almost a calm. Had Divine Service on the quarter deck Mr. Butler read prayers and Mr. Cross preached from 8 Mark 36 & 37 V what shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and loose his own soul or what shall a man give in exchange for his soul.” After the Convicts had had their wine Mr. Kemp and myself read a few Chapters with them and afterward I read one of Burders Vilage Sermons & gave them a few tracts. In the Eveng. Mr. Butler read prayers in our Cabin and afterwards he and Mr. Cross administered the Sacrament of The Lords Supper [taped over] my soul was rather more alive today than it ud naly [?torn page] is_ Thanks God for it. Lat 38.21 S. Long 60.27 E Monday 3d May 1819 Fresh breezes from the NW wafting us along very pleasantly the wager layers say we are to be at new South Wales by the Kings birth day. I say Dear Lord be it unto us according to thy will. Employed with Tooi and Teeterree and the New Zealand Language. Lat.38.34 S Long. 62.6.45 E Tuesday 4 May Fresh breezes from the SW Employed with Tooi & Teeterree and the New Zealand Language & reading +c. Had no School on Deck this day because of the Weather. The ship has run 194 Miles the last 24 Hours. Our New Zealand friends have no desire nor relish for the instructions we endeavour and wish to give them from day to day – Neither do they cordially assist us in the New Zealand Language. Poor Tooi has been some days affected with sore Eyes. They have many acquaintances in this ship, some of whom have done them no good, particu=larly some of soldiers of the 48 Regn. who are but indifferent characters. We have done all we could to restrain them in this respect. I believe some of these men have been filling them with apprehensions; that the English will some day take their Country from them in the way they have taken possession of New South Wales. A Lieutenant too, of that Regn. was joking with them one day and said he could take New Zealand with 50 Men – These things make them at times sullen and suspicious, and lead them not to behave towards us so well as they otherwise would. I believe, the way I came to know this was – one morning Tooi said he had been been very busy at New Zealand in his dream the preceding night – I asked what he had been doing – he said – making very deep ditch around a Castle he had built – I enquired what this deep ditch was for, he answered to be a defence against horse soldiers. I told him that such a work would be Labour in vain, for our horse soldiers would ever trouble them – He shook his head and said he believed that the English would endeavour to take possession of their Country, some time or other – The revival of this Jealousy I strongly suspect has proceeded from the evil disposed men above mentioned – Dearest Lord help us to bear every thing with patience – and to act with the wisdom of the Serpent and the harmlessness of the Dove. In all our ways help us to acknowledge Thee & thou will direct our paths – Lat 38.38 S Long 66.16 E Wednesday 5 May Blowing very fresh from the NW have run 190 Miles the last 24 Hours. Employed in the School and with the New Zealand Language – The Lord have mercy upon us and help our feeble efforts. Lat. 38.51.29 S Long 69.37 E Thursday 6 May 1819 Fine fresh breezes from the SW we have run 187 Miles the last 24 Hours – Employed as before Lat. 39.18 S Long. 74.14 E Friday 7 May Blowing a heavy gale of wind from the Northward passed by the Island of St. Pauls during the Night. Empd. with Tooi & Teeterree in the Morning, but the Dead lights being put [?taped over] down as the gale increased, we had no school in the afternoon. Lat: 38.50 S. Long. 77.46 E Saturday 8 May Light breezes and calm at times with rain. Employed as before. – Teeterree caught a Cape pigeon with a Hook & Line. Lat. 39.10 S. Long 80.50 E Sunday 9 May A Smart breeze right aft carrying us onward as well as we can wish, a little rain in the morning prevented us having Divine Service on the quarter Deck. Mr. Butler read prayers in our Cabin and a Sermon from 3 Proverbs 18 – “Her ways are ways of pleasantness and all her paths are peace.” In the Evening he also read prayers & a Sermon from the 48 Psalm 14. “For this God is our God for ever and ever.” Captain Lamb and the Commissary attended, and others to fill our little Cabin. Visited the Hospital today with brother Butler. The rest of the day employed in religious dutys. Tooi & Teeterree came Voluntarily to say a lesson. Dear Lord Jesus Thou wast [?] tempted Thyself and knoweth how to pity and to help them who are tempted, stand by Thy poor potsherd, and defeat all the craft and policy of Satan & those who are doing his work. Lat 39-36 S Long. 84-36 E Monday 10 May A fair wind and plenty of it, we have run 206 Miles the last 24 Hours. Employed with Tooi & Teeterree and the New Zealand Language – Toois Eyes are got quite well. Lat: 39.42 S. Long. 88.46 Tuesday 11 May Blowing a Gale of wind the whole day and the dead lights being down we had a short lesson with Tooi and Teeterree by Candle light. This day was served out Candles made of the fat skimed [sic] from the coppers, and the fewel [?] is nearly expended. But blessed be our Merciful God we are proceeding very swiftly to the place of our destination, where we expect to be in abt 3 Weeks we have run 203 Miles the last 24 Hours __ Our Dear Sister Kemp has been less affected with this Gale than the former ones. Lat.39.26 S Long 93.1 E. Tuesday 11 May Contd Died this evening a poor woman named Watson upwards of 70 a passenger going out with her Husband to New South Wales with an intention of spending the residue of their days with their Son and Daughter who are settled there. Wednesday 12 May 1819 We have sailed 195 Miles the last 24 Hours – fresh breezes and stormy at times – Employed as before – Mr. Butler being poorly requested me to visit the hospital: an awful and distressing scene. There lay two dead bodies sewed up in Hammocks (for one of the Convicts, Brooks, had departed this life during the night) and another poor creature lies at the point of death who seems perfectly composed: says he would rather die than live, trusting his all in the hands of the Blessed Saviour. O how awful is death to those who Know Thee not Blessed Redeemer, but it is a covenant Blessing to those who do Know Thee. May the free rich salvation given to the thief upon the Cross be mine Dearest Jesus and may the publicans prayer “God be merciful to me a sinner” be my every days prayer, and the last words I utter in this world if it be Thy blessed will. This Evening Mr. Cross read part of the funeral service over the deceased persons and their bodies were consigned to the deep Lat: 40.11 S Long. 97.5 E Thursday 13 May Fine clear wholesome weather, the wind right aft has reduced our distance to New S. Wales 185 Miles. Employed in the School with Tooi and Teeterree and the Convicts – Mr. Butler in his address to the Prisoners who attended the school, mentioned the recent deaths which have taken place in a very appropriate manner. Matthews the poor man I visited yesterday in the hospital died this morning at 8 oClock. This makes four we have lost all of whom have gone of with a bowel complaint – Lat: 39.39. S. Long. 101E Friday 14 May Blowing a heavy gale of wind from the Southward. The body of poor Matthews committed to the deep, the funeral service read by Mr. Cross. We could do little today on account of the weather, Have run 201 Miles the last 24 Hours. Lat. 38.55 S. Ling. 105_2E Saturday 15 May Fine pleasant weather – A heavy sea running – Moderate breezes from the Southward. Employed with Tooi & Teeterree &. Lat 38.5_30 S Long.108.3 E – Sunday 16 May 1819 The Lord was pleased to favor is with a finer and milder day than we have had of late that we might worship him together on the Quarter Deck. Mr. Butler read prayers and Mr. Cross a Sermon from 8 Jeremiah 20. The harvest is passed the summer is ended, and we are not saved. After dinner Mr Kemp and myself read a Chapt: with a little flock of the Convicts who are attatched to us and I afterwards read a Sermon from 23 Luke – “Lord remember me when thou comes into Thy Kingdom,” we gave them a few tracts. In the evening Mr. Butler read prayers and a Sermon from 1 Ephes 7 – “In whom we have redemption through His blood.” I humbly hope good was done this day in the name of the Lord. Lord command Thy blessing. Teeterree was this day discovered on his knees in Mr. Kemps cabin but whether he was praying to the Lord or only saying prayers to be seen of men, the searcher of heart only knows. They are both behaving very well at present. Lat: 37.22 S Long. 109.20 E. Monday 17 May Light breezes and pleasant weather. Employed as before. The people on board this ship begin to feel the effects of the long voyage. There are a good many on the Doctors list and some symptoms of the Scurvy begin to appear. Our party through mercy are all bravely. [?] Lat: 37.34 S Long. 111.11 E. Tuesday 18 May Smart breezes and fine wholesome weather. Employed as before. Tooi can now say the Ten Commandments – We let him act as marker today in asking the questions and to our surprise he did it with the greatest accuracy, backwards and forwards. We sometimes said wrong on purpose to see if he would discover the errors which he did with the greatest exactness. Saml. Butler Mr Kemp and myself were much pleased at this. I am greatly obliged to those Gentlemen for their assistance. Teeterree cannot yet say the Commandments altho they have been examined [?] at them generally speaking twice a day since we sailed. O That these two could be brought to love their book but it is not so. One hours study is to them the most in Kromed [?] I do believe at any time they would prefer four hours of the hardest labour they could be put to, but we are looking to Jesus, and nothing is too hard for Him – They are now learning the Story of Joseph and his bretheren from Dr Bells books to say to their dear friend Mr Marsden on their arrival. Lat. 37.35.8 S Long 113.58 E Wednesday 19 May 1819 Fresh breezes and fine clear weather. Captain Lamb is sullen and scowls at me because I told him yesterday that as we have given up our oil for the service of the Ship it was not unreasonable I conceived that we should have an allowance of Candles as long as any remained in the ship. The scarcity however is so great, that none but those made from the fat of salt meat skimmed from the coppers, could be allowed. I did not like to burn them being both unpleasant and unwholesome. The Lord was pleased to send me a supply from two persons in the ship, unasked for, these together with a few wax tapers by me will I trust last the Voyage. Employed with Tooi & Teeterree and the New Zealand Language Lat 36.52 S. Long. 117.41 E Thursday 20 May Light Breezes – Our friend and brother Mr. Butler taken suddenly ill during the preceding night. Dr. Read thought it necessary to take two pounds of blood from him. He complains of a Violent pain in his Chest. He is better – it arrives we apprehend from want of exercise – The ship has rolled about so much lately that we have scarcely been able to walk the Deck. Empd. part of the day with Tooi and Teeterree, but in the afternoon they were so busily employed fishing for Cape Pigeon, that we had very little of their Company. Teeterree Caught one of these beautiful birds – The Shipmen deem that we draw near the Country to which we are bound, and have been looking out from the mast head for New Holland this day. Lat. 35.43 S. Long. 119.14 E Friday 21 May Very light breezes and at times calm. Mr. Butler much better but weak. Employed as before. We wished to have had school on deck today which we have been prevented doing lately on account of the weather – but Collins the mate who I had occasion to mention once before would not let the men go below for their books. Lat. 35.36 S. Long. 119.41 E Saturday 22d May Delightful fine Weather inclinable to calm. Employed as before. Mr. Butler getting strength. Tooi is poorly today he loathes his food and complains of heaviness in his head he will take medicine tomorrow. May the Dear Lord Jesus preserve us all and bring us safe to our desired haven . We are not very far, abt 150 Miles from some part of the Coast of New Holland, but we are said to be Sixteen hundred Miles from that part of it to which we are bound – Mr. Butler prayed with us this Evening. Lat. 36.20 S. Long. 121. 5 E. Sunday 23d May 1819 A fine breeze has spring up, and we are lessening our distance 7 or 8 Miles an hour. Tooi is better and Mr. Butler so much so as to be able to perform Divine Service in our Cabin in the Evening. Mr. Cross read prayers and a Sermon on the quarter deck in the morning: his text was from the 144 Psalm 15 Happy are the people who are in such a case +c. Mr. Butlers text was from 24 Mattw. 44 v “Therefore be ye also ready.” Poor Bailey a Convict, of who’s salvation we have hope died this Morning, and the discourse was applicable. Mr. Kemp and myself after dinner read a few Chapters with a little band of the Convicts who love the word of God. I afterwards read a Sermon from 10 Romans – Christ is the end of the Law for Righteousness to every one that believeth.”_ May The Lord Command this blessing. Lat: 36.36 S Long. 122.50 E Monday 24 May The body of poor Bailey was this morning committed to the Deep. Mr. Cross performed the funeral service. Tooi and Teeterree neither of them very well, and are taking medicine. We have run 174 Miles the last 24 Hours. Lat. 36.45 S. Long. 126.47 E Tuesday 25 May The wind blowing strong from the SE which is against us – we pray that it may soon shift and send us into port for the sake of the poor creatures who are sick on board, who want comforts and refreshments they cannot have here – Tooi and Teeterree throug mercy are tolerable today, and in as good spirits as usual. Had school in our cabin but none on Deck it being too cold. ___ Lat. 36.31 S. Long. 129.29 E Wednesday 26 May Fresh breezes from the ESE, which is directly against us, the last night was a very tempestuous one. Mrs. Kemp again very poorly. Tooi and Teeterree quite well, the latter caught 4 Cape Pigeons with hook and line – Employed as before. Lat. 36.24. S – Ling. 130.49 E. Thursday 27th May 1819 The wind against us. Employed as before. Last night a little before 12 oClock an alarm was made in the Cuddy with an intent to afright Mr. Butler, Mr Cross and their familys – That the Land was close at hand, and that the Ship was within a few fathoms of the breakers – The leadsman sung out aloud from the claims, quaiter less 6, a great stamping was made on deck, and other devices used to make it appear as if the Ship was actually in the greatest danger. Mr. Butler being disturbed from sleep, got on his cloathes as soon as possible, and was hastening on deck to inform himself, as to the situation of the ship. When the Sentinel at the Cuddy door would not let him pass. – Some words ensued – and after a little scuffle Mr. B_ forced himself out of the hands of the soldiers and got on deck, being much agitated, and anxious for the safety of his wife and children, and when he got there found it all a joke. Mr. B. then returned and remonstrated with the Sentinel for the rough usage experienced from him. Upon which a young man not long since from school, who fill the situation of a soldier officer, blustered much at Mr. B. and said the soldier has done his duty in refusing to let him pass, and that if he ? the officer ? had been in his place Mr. B. should not have passed at all. Mr. Butler in anger, at being served in such an unwarrantable manner, called him puppy [?] and made us of other strong language, epithets, which if they could be justified at all, might, in such a case as this. Captain Lamb, who it appears was privy to this cruel and disgraceful business, took up the words which Mr. B. in the moment of irritation had used, and in the most imperious manner talked of turning him out of the Cuddy altogether. Said he might think himself well off that the Sentinel had not run him through the body. And a deal more. This wanton joke does no credit to either the projectors or the actors. Mr. Butler in consequence of what has passed takes his food with us, and not at the Captains tabled as heretofore. The Lord help us to possess our souls in patience, under all the trials we may have yet to come: and Confound the devices of Satan and those who are doing his work: And enable us to pray for those who hate us, and despitefully entreat us. After what has taken place I think it right to add that Capn. Lamb has treated Mr. Butler with continuely [?] a great part of this long voyage. Amongst the rest of our troubles it grieves us that Tooi and Teeterree enjoy the joke so much, and prefer the Company of those who hate us [rubbed out] to ours. [?] The ways of the world please them better than the way of Gods people. Lat: 37.53 S Long 131.51 E Friday 28 May 1819 The wind still against us. Employed with Tooi and Teeterree +c. The hurricane of yesterday somewhat subsided. I rather think Cap. Lamb wishes it had never taken place, he has had some conversation about the business with Mr. Butler today. Lat 39.34 S. Long 132.2.10 E Saturday 29 May The Wind from the ENE still against us. It is now said that we shall probably put into Van Diemens Land to get water and fewel, and refreshments for the poor convicts who are very weak for want thereof. There are many on the sick list and the Scurvy is gaining ground amongst them. I believe our Captain is sorry he did not put into Rio Janeirio as it was his duty to have done. His parsimonious disposition was I believe the only obstacle. It is a pity that the lives of human beings should be thus sported with. May the Lord in mercy humble this proud man in his own time and in his own way, and teach him to Know himself and the dear Redeemer. Employed with Tooi & Teeterree, the New Zealand Language – writing +c. – Captain Lamb addressed me on the poop this evening respecting Mr. Butlers business on Thursday. The drift of his argument was, that Mr Butler should make an acknowledgement to Mr. White for the improper language he had used, and that afterwards Mr. White would allow he would allow [crossed out with pencil] he had acted wrong towards Mr. Butler. I told the Captain it was our wish to be at peace with all men, but as Mr. Butler had been disturbed from his rest at midnight and treated in a very unhandsome manner, I thought that every one concerned in the transaction ought first to make an acknowledgement to him for having treated him in the way they had done, and afterwards Mr. Butler I had no doubt would acknowledge the improper language he had used in the moment of irritation. The Captain disagreed with me in opinion of this matter. I gave him my opinion also with respect to the speech he made to Mr. B._ that the Soldier would have been justified in running him through the body turning him out of the Cuddy +c. I did not forget to mention the scornful manners in which he had treated him during the voyage. In this also we disagreed in opinion and parted. Lat 38.53 S Long.132.4 E Sunday 30 May 1819 Too Cold to have service on deck this day. Mr. Butler read prayers in our Cabin in the morning: he being suddenly afflicted with the complaint in his breast in the afternoon, it fell to my lot to read prayers in the Evening and Mr. Kemp read a Sermon from 8 Romans “The Carnal mind is enmity against God” – In consequence of the unpleasant business which has lately taken place we had none of the party from the Cuddy. The Captain read a Socinnian [?] Sermon there, himself for the first time, and it would have been full as well if he had Kept such pestilential trash to himself. It would have become him well if he had given up the Cuddy for Divine Service every Sabbath Day Evening during the Voyage – Empd at times during the Day with Tooi and Teeterree, in reading the Scriptures with Mr. & Mrs. Kemp ____ The wind blows strong right in our teeth Lat 42.24 S Long 134.33 E Monday 31 May Baffling winds and still against us, all hands put upon short allowance of water. Captain Lamb this day called me to him of the quarter deck and in his usual imperious style accused me of being the obstacle, and the only one, of preventing Mr. Butler making the concession which Mr. White’s wounded honor demanded – for the improper language Mr. B. had used. He also charged me with exciting discontent among the Convicts, both of which accusations are false. He talked very loudly and amongst the rest, said he would confine me to my Cabin. I talked as loud as he, and said he might do it as soon as he thought fit, but if he did he should fetch me out again. He got somewhat milder when he found I was not afraid of him. He some time since mentd: in one of his speeches to Mr. Butler in a way calculated to hurt our feelings; that he should be a looser by our party. This thing came into my mind and I took the opportunity to telling him that it would have been better to mentioned it to the directors of the Missionary Society, who were fair and up right men, above all they were Christian men, and would have made up his loss I had no doubt: And that such mode of proceeding would have been much less hurtful to our feelings. I told him that the Missionary Society when they made the agreement with him for our passage could not certainly Know, that the Baring would get aground upon the Brake Sand: That the Voyage would be procrastinated by adverse winds; and the loss he would Sustain in consequence. He acknowledged that the Missionary Society were respectable. That the Gentlemen who made the agreement with him, did not wish him to take less for our passage than he could afford +c +_ and I dare say he would have been glad if he had never mentioned it at all. He acknowledged that he had no Claim whatever upon the Society. I was suffered to depart by this proud man of war, without being sent as a prisoner to my Cabin. Teeterree is very poorly and dejected with a violent pain in his side similar to what he was afflicted wth. in England. Dr. Read bled him. Dear and ever Blessed Jesus Thou wonderful Counsellor help us to look to Thee for wisdom and strength to fight the good fight of faith – let not Satan get an advantage over us Lat: 43.58 S Long 136.5 E _ Tuesday 1 June 1819 Teeterree has had a tolerable good night, and is a good deal better, but weak. The wind is still against us, to the Northwd. Mr. Butler has this day made the apology the wounded honor of Mr White required, afterwards the Commissary and Mr White made an acknowledgement to Mr. Butler who is now gone back to the Captains Mess. Lat: 44.50 S. Long 138.36 E. Wednesday 2d June The wind still to the Northwd. and against us. Teeterree much better and in good spirits. We had a better lesson than usual today. Being the other day commanded by our proud Captain not to go amongst the Convicts any more. I this day wrote a Letter to poor Wilcox to endeavour by Gods help to strengthen his faith. I also sent him a Bible, the only one I could spare an I should like to have given one to each of those who have attended regularly, who are unprovided. Lat 44.24 S Long 138.41 E Thursday 3 June The Wind to the Northwd. and still against us. The people at short allowance of water, weak and discontented. The wood water and Candles nearly out. I can have no doubt our Captain Laments now that he did not put into Rio Janeirio [?], we are in the hands of a precious Jesus, and that is enough – Lat 43.36 S Long 138.13 E Friday 4 June 1819 The wind still dead against us. One & a half wine pint of water p[er]? Man p Day, and 2lb. 10oz biscuit between 6 men p Day. Many very sick and weak. O may these things humble us all, and lay us low in the dust of self abasement before our God, we are said to be 280 miles from Kings Island, where I believe the Captain will make if he can. This is our beloved sovereigns birth day, may the peculiar blessings & favours, and mercys & benefits of our Coverant God be showred down upon him. Lat: 41.51 S. Long: 138.42 E Saturday 5 June The wind is become more favourable, but very little of it, almost a calm. It is now said we shall make for Van Diemans Land. The Lord Knows all about it and that is enough for me. Those who sanctioned and acted in the disgraceful business of making a false alarm at dead of night that we were nearly upon the breakers cannot do just as they please. The Lord is pleased to prevent them making the land so soon as they might by many a day – May they see the hand of God in the dispensation and be humble. It is said that one for the Convicts during last night offered 5/- for a pint of water, but no one in the prison could, or would, supply him. Lat: 41.4. S Long. 139.13 E. Sunday 6 June. Nearly calm the whole day. Mr. Butler read prayers on the Quarter deck and Mr Cross a Sermon from 14 Jeremiah “O the hope of Israel and the Saviour [rubbed out] thereof” – In the evening Mr. Butler read prayers and a sermon from 62 Psalm 12 “Also unto Thee O Lord belongeth mercy. — We have an excellent man on board. Doctor Reid who has behaved with much Kindness and attention to our little part. I lent him my Copy of Milner’s Church History, he was much pleased therewith To shew our gratitude and esteem for his care of our sick. I thought it right to present him with the above book, accompanied by a Letter, wherein I commented a little on Cap: Lambs behaviour to me on the quarter deck the other day. It will I supposed be read by all the men of war who are more Zealous of their own honour than Zealous of Gods honour. I looked to my Jesus in the doing of it. O that he may make it instrumental on his hands of bringing some of these proud men to Know themselves. This morning saw a Young whale got two boats out and harpooned him but he broke the harpoon and took it away with him. – It would have been very acceptable for the oil for lights. Lat 41.35 S. Long. 140.24 E Monday 7 June 1819 Delightful fine Weather. Light airs and sometimes Calm. It was on the 20th May I heard Captain Lamb order a man to look out at the mast head for Land; but we have never seen it yet, we have had nothing but foul winds and Calm. May our Capn see the Lords hand in it! and have a care how he gives countenance to a false alarm of land, at midnight to frighten people. Another of the Convicts died last night named Painter. Employed with Tooi & Teeterree and the New Zealand Language. This evening poor Painters worn out body was committed to the deep. Mr. Cross read the funeral service. Lat. 41.40 S Long. 140.6 E Tuesday 8 June Very light airs of wind but what little there is, is in our favour there is also a current setting us a little on our way. It is a very uncommon thing to have the weather this fine and serene at this season of the year in these latitudes. We are said to be 224 miles from Derwent in Van Diemans Land ? for what place we are bound if the Lord permit to get water and the things we stand to much in need of. Teeterree again afflicted with the pain in his side. Lat: 42.55 S Long. 141.5 E Wednesday 9 June Light Airs and variable – Thick weather and rainy at times. Teeterree somewhat better. The wind is now more favourable for us run^ning through Bassay Straight direct to New Holland rather than towhat [?] at Van Diemans Land. The Lord do with us as seemeth good unto him. In the Evening the wind shifted and it blows favourably for the Derwent, whither we are now steering. Thursday 10 June Smart breezes from the Northward. At day light saw Van Diemans Land, to the Joy of all on board. In the afternoon it fell calm _ we are abt 20 miles from the shore. Thank be to God for bringing us thus far — Employed as before. Teeterree quite well again. Friday 11 June At 4 oClock in the Morning run between the Mew stone rock and the shore, we are much favoured with a fine moon, The wind shifted and blows strong from the Northward, directly against us getting into the Derwent. Tacked ship occasionally working up for that river. Employed with Tooi and Teeterree +c +c — Saturday 12 June During the last night the wind to the Northward and against us, Tacking occasionally in Research Bay. The fire, of the Natives, could be seen in the morning watch, At day light began to work up the River, the tide in our favour. There is abundance of wood an article we are very much in want of. We shortly got into one of the finest bays I have ever seen, called by some, the great Cove: landlocked on every side, and sufficiently spacious to Anchor the Navy of England, nay of Europe. With a gentle breeze we passed through this Bay, and the wind dying away we Anchored in Isthmus Bay for the Night. Tooi & Teeterree went on shore with a party for wood, and much fatigued themselves. Notwithstanding they would go on a fishing party in the boat by Moonlight – We could not restrain them. They did not return till midnight. Sunday } June 13 } 1819 Delightful fine weather such as we have in England the latter end of Augt. or beginning of Sept.: It is now their dead of winter. We got under weigh with a light breeze standing [?] for the Derwent: boats towing occasionally. The surrounding scenery is interesting. We have been very much tempest tossed since we left the Latitude of the Cape, but in this fine, deep broad river the water is as smooth as Glass. The Ground dries gradually from the waters edge to high mountains which are all covered with wood, and very beautiful. Mr Butler read prayers in our Cabin in the Morning and prayers and a sermon in the Evening. Tooi got into a rage this day on account of a pair of stockings which he had hung up to day in the Cabin, being taken down, during the time of Divine Service: he said several unpleasant things, and hard to hear [?]. The Lord help me to bear them, and grant that Satan may not get an advantage over us. Monday 14 June Working up the Derwent with a light breeze: came to an Anchor off Hobarts Town about half a mile from the shore at 12 oClock. After dinner Mr Butler and Son Mr Kemp Tooi & Teeterree and myself went on shore, paid our respects to Governor Sorell, had a nice walk and then returned on board again. Captain Lamb civilly accommodated us with the Jolly boat. Tooi & Teeterree both refused this day to assist Mr Butler in getting a trunk out of the hold: he was surprised at this instance of unkindness: it was a new thing to him, but not so to me. Tuesday 15 June Went on shore with our party, and had a long walk to a place called new town, was exceedingly gratified to see a beautiful Church nearly finished ^at Hobart Town, and the plough at work a very pleasant sight in this infant Colony. May the Plough and the Everlasting Gospel go hand in hand through the world O Jesus we humbly beseech Thee. Wednesday 16 June Went on shore on a shooting parting, had very good diversions, Tooi and Teeterree quite in their Element: the former killed Ten and the latter Nine Wattle birds, about the size of a Pidgeon, and are said to be delicious eating, we were a good deal fatigued. There is something remarkable in the Trees, in this Island, they cast their bark every year but not their leaves they are ever green. O Thou Blessed Jesus who art like the Green fir tree, may our fruit ever be found in Thee, and may Thy peculiar mercy and favours and benefits and blessings rest upon this interesting little Colony. Bartholomew one of our poor prisoners who was sent on shore to sick quarter on our arrival, died yesterday — We have received much Kindness from a Mr Lord and Mr Mitchel who accompanied us on our shooting party. Thursday 17 June 1819 Still laying at Anchor off Hobarts Town, every exertion making to enable to prosecute our Voyage, a great quantity of wood, water, potatoes +c have been taken on board. Employed variously, it is said we shall sail on Sunday. Friday 18 June Went on shore with Tooi Teeterree Mr Butler and Son and Mr Kemp, we waited on the Governor by invitation, and took a lunch with him, we afterwards walked around his Garden. Examined an overfall water mill for grinding Corn upon a simple construction, such an one we hope to see in N Zealand Mrs. Kemp again very sick and poorly more so than she has been since on board. Saturday 19 June Heavy rain almost all day, remained on board. Empd. Empd. reading writing +c. The Ship preparing for Sea and will sail Tomorrow or next Day. Poor Mrs. Kemp is very ill, Keeps her bed and is in much pain. Sunday 20 June A fine serene day. Mr Butler read prayers in our Cabin and afterwards went on shore with Mr Cross to dine with the Revd. Mr Nopwood [?] — It grieves me that Jesus is not preached in this Island – There are about 5000 souls and there seems to be cleanness [?] of teeth for lack of the bread of life: may the God of Truth soon send a faithful labourer or two into this Vineyard. It is pleasing however that a Bible Society has been set on foot. Mrs. Kemp is better, more free from pain, but still keeps her bed. In the Evening we had prayer in our Cabin as usual. Monday 21 June A Delightful fine morning, light breezes from the NE – About ½ pt 11 weighted anchor and made sail down the river. Another of the Convicts named Brown, who was sent on shore to sick quarters on our arrival, died last night. Mrs Kemp I hope Continues to mend. In the Afternoon the wind freshened and was fair for sending us out of the river. At 8 got clear of the Land, but the wind blows strong from the quarter we want to go. We must therefore tack, and tack again, till in pleases the Lord to alter it. It came on to blow during the Night, very hard and directly against us, what the Sailors call a dead muzzeler. The main sail was split by the violence of the wind. Several of our party sea sick again. In the Morning we sailed with the Sun smiling upon us and the Sea as smooth as Glass: in the evening nothing but clouds and storm and Darkness – So it often happens in Christian experience: In the Morning we arise with the Sun of Righteousness shining upon us, and all is Joy and peace, but ere noon, Satan, or our own Corruptions blow up some gale which obscures our views of Emmanuel – we go moping in the dark – all our Joys are fled. But blessed be The Great Josiah Jehovah for His Covenant Love. The foundation of God standeth sure. Tuesday 22d June 1819 For nearly the last 24 Hours the wind to the Northward and against us: we have been standing off and on under the lee of the land, the wind blowing very fresh and in our teeth: In the evening it shifted to the Southward and westward, and we are scudding before it and hope very soon to be at Sydney. Spoke the Brig Daphne Capt. Howard 10 Days from thence. The Hybernia [?] had not then arrived. Empd. as before Wednesday 23d June A fine breeze from the S.W. is carrying us on at the rate of Seven Knots P hour, we are now about 300 Miles from the Coast of New Holland May God of His Mercy bring thither in safety – employed with Tooi & Teeterree & and preparing for disembarking our things. Thursday 24 June_ During the last 24 Hours we have been scudding before a smart SW Gale at the rate of 8 or 9 Knots P Hour which has brought us near the Coast of New Holland – The weather is rather thick but Tooi says he is pretty sure he saw Cape Howe from the Mast head this Evening. The Lord Jesus be thanked for His tender mercys towards us – Employed wuth Tooi & Teeterree +c – Mrs. Kemp bravely and dined with us today. We have run upwards of 190 Miles the last 24 Hours. Friday 25 June The land in sight to our great Joy. Sailing along the Coast of New Holland with a fair wind and expect to Anchor at Sydney Tomorrow. Bless The Lord O my Soul and all that is within me bless His Holy Name – Employed with Tooi and Teeterree and packing up our things. Saturday 26 June Working up the river to Sydney about 12 Came to anchor in Sydney Cove, went on shore and were Kindly received by many who love Jesus, but in particular Mr. Eagar at whos House Mr & Mrs. Butler and Mr. & Mrs. Kemp sojourned for the Night. Sunday 27 June 1819 Mr. Butler received a letter from that friend to mankind The Revd. S. Marsden expressive of his joy on our arrival. Mr. Butler immediately went up to Parramatta. Went to Church and heard Mr. Hill preach from 40 Isaiah 6. 7. & 8. V a funeral Sermon for the Queen of England. Heard Mr. Lawries preach from 12 Mattw. 41 V. Mrs. Kemp again taken ill, obliged to call in Medical assistance. Monday 28 June. Mr. & Mrs. Marsden and part of their family with Mr. Butler arrived from Parramatta. Tooi and Teeterree quite rejoiced to see their old friends again. Tuesday 29 June Employed getting our stores and baggage out of the Baring Wednesday 30 June Employed as in the preceding day – went to Church in the Evening and heard Mr. Crowper preach from the 101 Psalm. Thursday 1 July Still engaged on board the Baring seeing our things got out and conveyed to Mr. Campbells store house Friday 2d. July Got all our personal baggage into a boat and went up to Parramatta where we were most Kindly bid welcome by Mr. Marsden and his family. We give Thee unfeigned thanks O Jesus that Thou hast again answered our prayers and brought us to the place where we have long wished to be – We give Thee unfeigned thanks that Thou hast been with us in the dangers of the Sea and that Thou has delivered us from the craft and policy of Satan and from un reasonable and wicked men. O Give us more precious faith, carry us quickly to our destin=ation and may we there be peace makers, and ever pursue the things which make for peace. ___ Tooi and Teeterree ^are quite at home, and delighted with meeting all their old friends again. Saturday 3d July Employed Variously — Accompanied Mr. Marsden in the Evening to visit the Sick – one poor woman under most dread=ful temptations – she has made many attempts upon her own life – says she is desirous of being in Hell that she may Know the worst of it, thinks she shall have greater punishment than Devils. The powers of Darkness seem let loose upon this wretched Woman – she is constantly tempted to blaspheme God. May The Adorable Jesus make bare [?] His Everlasting Arm in her defence. Sunday 4 July 1819 Was much pleased this day with seeing the Sunday School Several of the Native Children read very precisely, may these sweet signs be as the dawn of Everlasting Life bursting forth upon this benighted part of the world. The natives here been sunk lower than in any part of the universe. They go quite naked both men and women without the least shame – Mr. Butler preached from 61 Isaiah 3 first Versus and in the Afternoon Mr. Marsden from 9 Hebrews 22 “without sheding of blood there is no remission” – O that I could benefit more by the good words & Comfortable words that I hear time to time – In the Evening we had a most delightful meeting at Mr. Marsdens consisting of his family and neighbours, for the worship of Almighty God. I was constrained to say this is none other than the House of God and the Gate of Heaven – Monday 5 July Employed variously. Accompanied Mr. Marsden and Mr. Butler to the Orphan School, an institution, our dear friend has for many Years been anxiously wishing – he is now gratified. We also visited Ranghee Hoo, a House nearly finished for the reception of the New Zealanders +c – Tuesday 6 July – Employed writing. Again visited the woman mentioned on Saturday – She has no hope of Salvation, no desire to hear the Scriptures read, nor that any one should pray with her – She says it is all of no use, says she is full of Devils and they Constantly tempt her to blaspheme God, and she does so in the most dreadful manner – She does not appear to be out of her mind – but a case somewhat similar to one Francis Spira [?] I once read of, as far as I can Judge. Wednesday 7 July Employed variously. Visited poor Mrs. Brown again, her mind seems, I think, somewhat more composed – Received a summonds to attend the Court House at Sydney in Doctor Hallorans business. Thursday 8 July Went down to Sydney in a boat accompanied by Mr. Marsden and Mr. Butler – attended at the Court House with Mr. Butler and waited some hours but were not called upon, and we were very Glad of it. Friday 9 July 1819 Employed in Sydney ordering several things we want to complete our Stores +c. Mr. Marsden finally agreed with the Captain of the American Brig to take us to New Zealand. In the Evening Tooi Teeterree & 2 other New Zealanders rowed up to Parramatta in a masterly style.Observations on the Introduction of the Gospel Into the South Sea Islands Being my first visit to New Zealand in Decr 1814 When the fulness of time drew near for these poor heathen Nations to be favoured with the knowledge of Divine Revelation, the Supreme Governor of the world overruled the political affairs of America and England to further this object, and make the wrath of man to praise him.— One great step was accomplished when America, in July 1776, was declared a free and independent Nation.— A short time before this important event took place, Captn Cook, accompanied by the late Sir Joseph Banks, had been sent by the British Government to visit the South Sea Islands, and during this voyage the great Navigator visited New South Wales and anchored in Botany Bay.— After peace had been established between England and America, in the year 1783, the British Government found that it had now no place to which the national convicts might be transported.— In this dilemma, it has been said, that the late Sir Joseph Banks recommended to His Majesty King George the third, to form an Establishment at Botany bay expressly for convicts; and, upon this suggestion an act of Parliament was passed for that purpose. It is obvious that neither His late Majesty nor his minsters had, in these political arrangements, any intention to convey the Gospel to the nations of the South Sea islands; but merely to provide a recepticle [sic] for the criminal population of Britain. Yet He, who governs the universe and has the hearts of Kings in his own hands, had that merciful object in view.— As a proof of the correctness of this remark it is a well known fact, that when the first Fleet was ready to sail with the convicts for New South Wales, in the year 1787, no Clergyman had been thought of.— A particular friend of mine,— a pious man of some influence, who was anxious for the spiritual welfare of the convicts, made a strong appeal to those in authority, to induce them to appoint a clergyman to superintend the spiritual concerns of all, both free and bond, who embarked to form the intended establishment in New South Wales.— Accordingly through the interest of the late Dr Porteous, the Revd Richard Johnston was appointed Chaplain— The above single fact, therefore clearly shews that the whole was under the superintending providence of an all wise and merciful God— Though He did not establish a Colony in New South Wales, for the advancement of his glory, and the Salvation of the Heathen Nations, in these distant parts of the Globe, by selecting men of character and principle:— on the contrary He took men from the dregs of Society— the scrapings of Jails, Hulks and Prisons— Men who had forfeited their lives or liberties to the Laws of their country:— but He mercifully gave them their lives for a prey, and sent them forth to make a way for His Missionary servants— for them that should bring glad tidings— that should publish peace to the Heathen world— that should say unto them in the name of the Lord “Look unto me, and be ye saved, all the ends of the earth”— “For I am God and there is none else.” Well may we exclaim with the apostle: “How unsearchable are His judgments and His ways, past finding out”.— Having made the above preliminary observations, I need only add, that, on the 26th of January 1788, the first convicts arrived in Botany bay under the command of Admiral Phillip who was appointed Governor of the new Colony.— I shall now proceed to notice the first dawn of the rising of the sun of righteousness upon the poor benighted heathen of New Zealand.— In the year 1793, His Majesty’s ship “Dedalus” Commanded by Lieut: Hanson was in the South Seas on discovery, and during his voyage, the Lieut touched at New Zealand, and anchored in Sandy bay, a little to the Southward of the North Cape.— Some natives came off, in their canoes, to see the ship;— among whom were two young Chiefs*, [*Hoodoo & Tokee] who alone could be prevailed upon to go on board; they were invited into the cabin, and were much entertained with the various objects they then saw.— Soon after they had come on board Lieut Hanson weighed anchor and sailed for Norfolk Island. The two young Chiefs not being aware of the ship’s sailing, and, when they came on deck, seeing themselves at a considerable distance from the Land, and all their Canoes returned to the shore; became much alarmed for their personal Safety— Lieut. Hanson and his Officers did what they could to pacify their minds, being anxious to carry them safely to Norfolk Island, and deliver them to Captain King, who was at that time Lieut Governor of the Island and wanted some New Zealanders to instruct Europeans how to dress the flax which grew there spontaneously and was of the same quality with the flax of New Zealand.— I have always considered this circumstance as one of the first apparent steps, adapted by Divine Providence, to prepare the way for the introduction of the Gospel into New Zealand. Captain King treated “Hoodoo” and “Tokee” with the kindest attention: they lived at Government House, and every thing was done to quiet their minds and gain their confidence. When they had resided with him about nine months, the Merchant ship “Britannia” ( on her way to the Cape of Good Hope for Supplies to the Colony of New South Wales, touched at the Island and was engaged, by the Lieut Governor, to take the two youths to their native Country. He embarked with them, himself, in order to prevent any insults or injury being done to them.— He saw them safely landed among their friends, and gave them some Hogs,— various instruments for agricultural purposes, (such as axes, Spades &c) he also supplied them with clothes, and such other articles as he thought conducive to their future good.— The great kindness and Solicitude, shewn by Captain King, for their welfare, made a deep impression on their minds, and filled them with gratitude and esteem towards the donor, as they afterwards testified to myself and others.— During the nine following years little communication took place between the New Zealanders and Europeans, either at Norfolk Island or at New Zealand, a few of them, however, came occasionally, in the Whalers to Port Jackson, and with some of these I became acquainted as opportunity offered.— About the year 1802-3 a small government vessel “The Lady Nelson” commanded by Lieut. Simmons, was sent with supplies to Norfolk Island, but was driven by violent contrary winds to the east side of New Zealand and anchored in the Bay of Islands. Captain King had by this time returned to England, and Norfolk Island was under the command of an Officer of the “New South Wales Corps”; this change did not however prevent a longing desire in the late chief ‘Tippahee’ and four of his sons, to see the Island (where the two young Chiefs, before mentioned, had been so kindly treated) they were allowed a passage in the “Lady Nelson” and received every attention from the officer in command.— After they had been some time on the Island, His Majesty’s ship “Buffalo” commanded by Captain Houston, arrived from Port Jackson; by which means Tippahee learned that the late Captain King had come out Governor of New South Wales, and expressed his wish to visit ‘Sydney’. He obtained a passage accordingly and the Governor received him and his friends with the greatest cordiality. They were invited to Government House, where they lived at their pleasure. Tippahee was a man of high rank and influence in his own country— He possessed a clear, strong, and comprehensive mind, and was anxious to gain what knowledge he could of our laws and Customs.— He was wont to converse much with me about our God, and was very regular in his attendance at Church on the Sabbath; and, when at public worship, behaved with great decorum.— After satisfying his curiosity, he and his friends returned to their native home.— About two years after Tippahee departed, the young Chief ‘Duaterra’, accompanied by several of his countrymen, came to Port Jackson, which gave an opportunity to me of having frequent communication with this very interesting people.— The more I examined into their national character, the more I felt interested in their temporal and spiritual welfare.— Their minds appeared like a rich soil that had never been cultivated, and only wanted the proper means of improvement to render them fit to rank with civilized Nations.— I knew that they were Cannibals— that they were a savage race full of superstition, and wholly under the power and influence of the Prince of darkness; and that there was only one remedy which could effectually free them from their cruel spiritual bondage and misery; and that was the Gospel of a Crucified Saviour.— But, as Saint Paul observes “How could they believe on him of whom they had not heard, and how could they hear without a Preacher, and how could they preach except they be sent.”— After seriously considering their degraded condition, and embracing all opportunities of gaining a perfect knowledge of their character, I resolved to return to England, as soon as I could obtain leave of absence, and endeavour to get some Missionaries sent out to preach the Gospel to this people.— I was fully convinced that there were no insurmountable difficulties in the way of preaching the Gospel in New Zealand; and I felt no apprehension that the lives of Missionaries, if any were sent, would be in danger, being confident that I could personally go with safety, if I saw it was my duty to do so. Under these impressions I waited on His Excellency Governor Bligh (who had now relieved Governor King in the Government of the Colony) to obtain the necessary leave of absence to visit England; which was granted on condition that the Revd H. Fulton, who was then at Norfolk Island, should perform my duty as Chaplain to the Colony, during my absence (being myself the only Clergyman in New South Wales at that period); Fortunately a vessel was just about to sail for Norfolk Island by which I wrote to Mr Fulton, and another ship very opportunely touched at that place, while on her way to Sydney (about this time) which enabled that Gentleman to comply with my request, so as to arrive at Port Jackson sooner than I expected.— As such opportunities were of rare occurrence, I considered this circumstance a highly favourable dispensation of Providence towards myself, at that time; being aware that a great political Storm was fast gathering in the colony in which (if I remained) I could not well avoid being involved: and to gratify my earnest desire of having the Gospel preached at New Zealand, as well as to secure my own quiet I was most anxious to quit the Colony without delay, lest I should be prevented from proceeding on the design I had formed.— It was therefore a matter of great joy to me, when I obtained His Excellency’s leave of absence, and got on board of His Majesty’s ship ‘Buffalo’ along with the late Governor King— We sailed in February 1807, and arrived in England in the Novemr following. Shortly after my arrival in London, I waited upon the Reverend Josiah Pratt Secretary to the Church Missionary Society, and stated my views on the degraded state of the New Zealanders for the want of moral and religious instruction, and requested that the Committee would take their miserable situation into its favourable consideration. The Revd J. Pratt attended to my request with the greatest kindness, which inspired me with the hope that the Committee would enter into my views, and render the assistance solicited. I remained in England more than fourteen months during which period, I waited upon the Committee several times, and it was ultimately resolved to send three Missionaries out with me, on my return to the Colony.— No clergyman, however, offered their Services on this occasion:— The character of the New Zealanders was considered more barbarous than that of any other Savage Nation; so that few would venture out to a country where they could anticipate nothing less than to be killed and eaten by the Natives.— At length two mechanics agreed to accompany me, and I was very glad of their offer; as I conceived that they, like Caleb and Joshua of old, might open the way for others, at a future time, to take possession of the land.— They accordingly embarked with me, in 1809, for New South Wales.— On our arrival at Port Jackson, in Feby 1810, we received the melancholy news that the Ship “Boyd”, of 600 Tons burden, had been burnt, and the Captain, and Crew all murdered and eaten by the natives of “Whangarroo” in New Zealand.— This most awful Calamity extinguished at once, all hopes of introducing the Gospel into that Country— every voice was naturally raised against the Natives, and against all who were, in any way, attached to their interest.— None lamented this calamity more than myself. Another dreadful occurrence, soon after, took place:— At the time I here allude to, there were seven whalers on the coast of New Zealand; and the Masters of these Vessels, having heard of the fate of the Boyd, sailed into the Bay of Islands, which lies about forty miles to the southward of Whangarroo, and in the night each ship sent a whaleboat with an armed crew, who landed on Tippahee’s Island, and there murdered every man and woman the[y] could find.— In this dreadful slaughter, my friend Tippahee received seven shots, and died of his wounds;— many other friendly disposed people were killed. It was alleged by the Europeans, as a justification of this horrid massacre, that Tippahee assisted in the destruction of the Boyd and her crew; tho’ at the same time he was an innocent man.— The mistake appears to have originated in the near similarity in the names of the two chiefs; that of the chief at the Bay of Islands was ‘Tippahee’ and the name of the other at Whangarroo (who aided in the destruction of the Boyd) was ‘Tippoohee’.— I knew them both well.— After these awful events, the way to New Zealand appeared to be completely hedged up, though I did not despair of the ultimate success of the Mission, from my personal knowledge of the real character of the New Zealanders, provided I could get any vessel to take the Missionaries to New Zealand, who were then with me at Parramatta, and willing to go.— I waited more than three years, and no master of a vessel would venture for fear of his ship and crew falling a sacrifice to the natives. At length I purchased a Brig called the “Active”, which had come from India, and a applied to the then Governor Macquarie for permission to go with the Brig myself along with the Missionaries; but His Excellency refused my request, at the same time he promised that if I sent the Active and she returned safe, I should then have permission to go.— I was satisfied with this answer, but felt at a loss to find a suitable person to navigate the Brig, because the risk of being murdered and eaten by the New Zealanders prevented several Shipmasters from accepting the office.— Mr (now Count) Dillon, who afterwards went in search of ‘La Perouse’, was then in Sydney (1814) and I engaged him to take the command of the Active.— I then wrote a letter to the Chief Deuaterra, or Duaterra, whom I had known nine years before, requesting him to return with the Brig and to bring with him three or four Chiefs, as also to acquaint the Natives that I had sent Missionaries in the vessel to see their country, and that it was my intention also to visit New Zealand provided the Brig returned in safety from their Coast, and that the Missionaries would then accompany me for the purpose of forming a Settlement on the Island.— Under these circumstances Mr Dillon sailed with the Missionaries, and, in due time, returned to Port Jackson without injury to himself, the crew, nor to the vessel. The Active having arrived safely in port, I lost no time in calling upon His Excellency for the fulfilment of his promise.— My leave of absence was immediately granted, and, with all convenient dispatch, I embarked in company with the Missionaries, their families, and five chiefs— namely— Shunghee, Korokoro, Toui, Toui’s brother, and Duaterra. We sailed from Sydney Cove 19th November, and reached the Bay of Islands, in New Zealand, on the 22nd December 1814.— After arranging all matters respecting the Mission, as well as circumstances would permit (which will be detailed hereafter) I left the Island in the same vessel about the first of March 1815. Duaterra was then dangerously ill, and, as I afterwards learned, he died four days after the ‘Active’ sailed for Sydney. The Death of this Chief was a very afflictive dispensation;— he was a man of comparatively great knowledge, loved his country and was most anxious for its welfare. His character, conduct, and sufferings will be better seen in the following Memoir which has already been published.— Memoir of Duaterra In the year 1805 the ‘Argo’ whaler commanded by a Mr Baden put into the Bay of Islands for refreshments. On the vessel leaving the harbour Duaterra embarked on board of her with two of his countrymen. The Argo remained on the coast for about five months, and then returned into the Bay.— On the Vessel’s final departure from New Zealand for Port Jackson, Duaterra sailed in her and arrived in Sydney Cove. After the ‘Argo’ was again ready for sea, she went to fish on the coast of New Holland where she remained about six months and afterwards put into Port Jackson.— During this cruise Duaterra acted in the capacity of a common sailor, and was attached to one of the whale boats. While the Argo lay in Sydney Cove, Duaterra was discharged from her; but received no remuneration for his services during the twelve months he had been on board. On his leaving the ‘Argo’ he entered on board the Albion whaler (then in the Cove) commanded by Captain Richardson; and was six months on the Fishery, in that vessel, off the coast of New Zealand and when she put into the Bay of Islands Duaterra left her, and returned to his friends. Captain Richardson behaved very kindly to him, and paid him wages (in various European articles) for his services on board the Albion.— Duaterra remained in New Zealand six months when the ‘Santa Anna’ whaler anchored in the Bay of Islands on her way to Bounty Island, whither she was bound for Sealskins. Duaterra embarked on board this vessel, commanded by a Mr Moody.— After she had taken in her supplies from New Zealand, she proceeded on her voyage, and arrived at Bounty Island in safety, when Duaterra, with one of his countrymen, two Otaheitans, and ten Europeans, were put on shore to kill seals, and the vessel then sailed to New Zealand to procure potatoes and afterwards to Norfolk Island for Pork, leaving the fourteen men whom she had landed, with very little water, salt provisions and bread. When the ‘Santa Anna’ arrived off Norfolk Island the master went on shore, and the vessel was blown off and did not again make the land for a month. About five months after the Santa Anna left Bounty Island, the King George arrived, commanded by Mr Chase: but, previous to the arrival of this vessel, the Sealing party had been greatly distressed for more than three months for want of water and provisions. There was no water on the Island nor had they any bread nor meat excepting seals and sea-fowl.— Duaterra often spoke of the extreme sufferings which he and the party with him, endured from hunger and thirst, as no water could be obtained except when a shower of rain happened to fall.— Two of the Europeans and one Otaheitan died from the hardship.— In a few weeks after the arrival of the King George, the Santa Anna returned, and the Sealing party had, during her absence procured eight thousand skins. After taking the skins on board, the vessel sailed for England: and Duaterra, having long entertained an ardent desire to see King George, embarked on board as a common sailor, with the hope of gratifying his wish.— The Santa Anna arrived in the River Thames about July 1809, and Duaterra then requested that the Captain would indulge him with a sight of the King which was the only object that had induced him to leave his native Country. But when he made inquiries by what means he could get a sight of the King, he was told sometimes that he could not find the house, and at other times that no one was permitted to see King George. This distressed him exceedingly.— he saw little of London, being seldom allowed to go on shore. He told me that about fifteen days after his arrival, the vessel had discharged her cargo, and the Captain had informed him that he would be put on board the Ann, which had been taken up by Government to convey convicts to New South Wales, and had then dropped down to Gravesend.— Duaterra asked the master of the Santa Anna for some wages and Clothing: but these were refused, and he was told, that the Owners at Port Jackson, on his arrival there, would pay him, in two Muskets, for his Services; but these, he never received. About this time Duaterra, from hardships and disappointments, was seized with a dangerous illness.— Thus, friendless, poor, and sick as he was, he was sent down to Gravesend, and put on board the “Ann”, in which ship I was about to embark on my return, with my family, to New South Wales— At this time he had been fifteen days in the river, from the first arrival of the “Santa Anna”; and had never been permitted to spend one night on shore.— Mr Charles Clarke, the master of the Ann, informed me (after I had recognised Duaterra) that when he was first brought on board the Ann, he was so naked and miserable, that he (the Master) refused to receive him, unless the Master of the Santa Anna would supply him with a suit of slops: observing at the same time, that he was very sick. I was then in London, but did not know that Duaterra had arrived in the Santa Anna.— Shortly after Duaterra had embarked at Gravesend, the Ann sailed for Portsmouth; and when I embarked Duaterra was confined below by sickness; so that I did not see him nor know that he was there for some time. To my great astonishment, I first observed him on the Forecastle— he was wrapped in an old greatcoat, very sick and weak— had a very violent cough, & discharged considerable quantities of blood from his mouth.— His mind was also very much cast down, and he appeared as if a few days would terminate his existence. I inquired of the Master where he had met with him, and then of himself as to what had brought him from [sic] England, and how he came to be so wretched and miserable.— He stated, in reply, that the hardships and wrongs he had endured on board the Santa Anna were exceedingly great, and that the English sailors had beat him very much, which caused him to spit blood, and finally that the master had defrauded him of all his wages and prevented him from seeing the King— I should have been most happy, if there had been time, to call the master to account for his conduct, but, it was too late.— I endeavoured to soothe his afflicted mind by assuring him, that he would now be protected from insults, and that his wants should be supplied. By the kindness of the Surgeon and Master, and by administring [sic] proper nourishment to him, he began, in a great measure, to recover his Strength and Spirits, and got quite well before we reached Rio de Janeira [sic].— He was, ever after, truly grateful for the attention that was shewn to him. As soon as he was able, he did his duty as a common sailor on board the Ann till she arrived at Port Jackson; in which capacity he was considered equal to most of the men on board. He accompanied me to Parramatta (after leaving the ship) and resided with me there till the November following, during which time he applied himself to Agriculture. In Octr 1810, The ‘Frederick’ whaler arrived from England, and was bound to fish on the coast of New Zealand.— Duaterra having been long absent from his friends, and wishing to return home, requested me to procure a passage for him in the Frederick— One of Tippahee’s sons was, at the time, living with me, as were also two other New Zealanders, all of whom united in the same request. I applied to the Master of the Frederick for their passage, who agreed to take them, on condition, that they should assist him to procure his cargo of oil while the vessel remained on the New Zealand coast, and when he finally left it, he would land them at the Bay of Islands.— They were four very fine young men who had been a good deal at sea, and were therefore a valuable acquisition to the Master: and, on his promising to be kind to them, I agreed that he should take them on his own terms.— They all left Port Jackson, in the Frederick, in November, with the gratifying hope of soon seeing their country and friends. When the ship reached the North Cape of New Zealand, Duaterra went on shore, for two days to procure supplies of Pork and Potatoes as he was well known, in that place, and had many friends among the Natives.— As soon as the ship had procured her necessary supplies, she proceeded on her cruize, and, in little more than six months’ time, procured a Cargo, and was ready to depart from the Coast.— Duaterra, finding that the Master intended to sail for England, naturally requested that he and his companions might be put on shore, on the specific terms of their engagement with the Master, made by me, on their behalf.’ The ship lay (at the time) in the mouth of the Bay of Islands, where the residences of all their relatives then stood, and Duaterra had got every thing ready to put into the boat— expecting they would be immediately put on shore— The Master, however, on his being urged to land them, said he would do so by and bye, when they had caught another whale— and the vessel then bore away from the Harbour. Duaterra felt great distress on this occasion, as he had been from home about three years, and was most anxious to see his wife and friends:— He earnestly solicited the Captain to land him on any part of the coast, he cared not on what place— if, all he wished, [sic] was to get put on shore, and he would find his way home. The master was deaf to all his entreaties and told him they would proceed to Norfolk Island, and from thence direct for Britain and that he would be landed as they passed New Zealand on their way to England.— When the Frederick arrived off Norfolk Island, Duaterra and his three Companions were sent on shore for water, and were all nearly drowned in the surf, having been washed under some hallow [sic] rocks (with which that Shore abounds) which placed him in such danger of his life, as he emphatically observed to me afterwards “that on reaching the surface of the water, his head was full of sea.” It is generally very dangerous for a boat to to [sic] land at Norfolk Island on account of the great surf among the breakers.— When the Frederick was sufficiently supplied with water and wood &c— so that the Master had no further occasion for the services of Duaterra and his Countrymen— he had the cruelty to inform them, that he would not again touch at New Zealand; but, proceed direct on, for England. This occasioned great distress to Duaterra— who reminded the Captain of his violated promises— The cruel usage to which he had been subjected, by not being put on shore, while the ship lay at the Bay of Islands, within two miles of his home, and being subsequently prevented from leaving the vessel when off the North Cape:— that it was a great addition to his misery, to be left, with his companions, in a destitute situation, on Norfolk Island, after all the assistance they had rendered him (the Master) in procuring his Cargo. Nothing, however, which Duaterra could urge, had any effect on the callous mind of the captain, who proceeded on board his ship, and left the New Zealanders to provide for themselves as they best could.— Duaterra further stated that the Master came again on shore (before he left) and took Tippahee’s son on board with him by force, though the lad wept much and entreated the Captain to leave him with his friend, Duaterra— (No tidings have been heard of that young man since he was, thus forcibly taken from Norfolk Island.— The ship was taken by an American, while on her passage home, after a severe action in which the Captain was mortally wounded, and the chief Mate killed). Some time after the Frederick had sailed from Norfolk Island, the ‘Ann’ whaler touched there for refreshments (she was then commanded by Mr Gwynn) and after procuring supplies she was to proceed to Port Jackson.— Duaterra made early application to the Master who very humanely granted him a passage. On the Ann’s arrival at Port Jackson the Captain informed me, that he had found Duaterra in a naked and distressed state, at Norfolk Island, where, the Master of the Frederick had left him and his companions without clothing or Provisions.— Mr Gwynn further observed, that, the legal share of the Frederick’s cargo of oil, due to Duaterra and his three countrymen would have come to about £100 each, had they accompanied the ship and got her safe, to England; and he considered that they had been very much injured, by the Master of that vessel.— Mr G.— kindly supplied Duaterra with clothing and other necessaries, for which he was exceedingly grateful. Duaterra was very happy when he got once more to Parramatta:— he gave me an affecting account of the distress which he suffered when in sight of his own district, and yet denied the pleasure of seeing his wife and friends, from whom he had been so long seperated [sic]:— and, what he felt also, when the Frederick finally sailed from Norfolk Island,— leaving him on that spot with little prospect of ever returning to his own country.— When he left Sydney in the Frederick, he was in possession of some seed wheat,— Agricultural tools, and other useful articles with which he was supplied:— but he was despoiled of these, on his voyage, and, on his return, had nothing left, of all he had received.— He continued with me at Parramatta till the Ann, whaler, belonging to the House of Alexander Birnie, of London, arrived from England.— She was bound for the New Zealand coast, and he requested me to procure him a passage, that he might make another effort to see his country and friends. The Captain agreed with me, to take him on condition that he would remain on board and do the duty of a sailor while the ship continued on the Coast.— Duaterra readily consented to go on these terms, and took with him some seed wheat and tools for Agricultural purposes, a second time.— The Ann was about five months on the coast, and Duaterra was ultimately landed in safety at home, to the inexpressible joy of his relations and of himself— During the time he remained with me he laboured early and late, to obtain knowledge and, particularly, to make himself acquainted with practical agriculture. He seemed well aware of the advantages of Agriculture, in a national point of view, and was a tolerable judge of the qualities of land.— He was anxious that his country should reap the advantages, which he knew it was capable [sic], by the cultivation of the soil, on waste lands:— and was fully convinced that the wealth and happiness of a country depended greatly on the produce of its soil.— On his landing from the Ann, he took with him the seed wheat &c which he had received at Parramatta, and acquainted his friends, and his neighbouring Chiefs of its great value:— stating that it was from it the Europeans made the biscuit, which they had seen and eaten on board of ships.— He gave a portion of this article to six different Chiefs, and some to his own common men, directing them, at the same time, how to sow it.— And he reserved, of course, a proper proportion for his own use, and that of his uncle Shunghee, who is a very great Chief; having a domain extending from the east to the west side of the Island.— The people to whom Duaterra had given seed wheat, put it properly into the ground, and it grew well; but, before it was ripe, many of them became impatient for the produce, and as they expected to find the grain at the root of the stems, like their potatoe crops, and finding, on examination, that there was no wheat under the surface, they all (with the exception of Shunghee) pulled it up and burnt it.— The chiefs ridiculed Duaterra about his wheat speculation, very much— telling him that because he had been a great traveller, He thought he could easily impose on their credulity— by telling them fine stories & ca— Nor could any thing in his power to urge, serve to convince them that wheat would make bread.— Shunghee’s crop and his own came in due time, to perfection,— and were reaped and threshed— which convinced the natives that the grain was produced from the top, and not from the bottom, of the stem, as they had supposed; yet, they could not be persuaded that Bread could be made from it.— About this time the “Jefferson” whaler, commanded by Mr Thos Barnes, put into the Bay of Islands: and Duaterra being anxious to remove the prejudices of the Chiefs respecting the wheat, and to prove (what he had before asserted) that it could be made into biscuit; requested the loan of a pepper or Coffee Mill from the Master, to grind some of his wheat into flour (if such an instrument could do it) that he might make a cake before them; but the mill was too small, and he did not then succeed in his design.— He sent me word, by a vessel proceeding from New Zealand to Sydney, that he had sown his wheat and it had grown well, but he had not timely thought of a mill to grind it; and requested me to send him some tools of agriculture— which I determined to do, by the first opportunity. A short time after this, the ‘Queen Charlotte’ cleared out from Port Jackson for the Pearl Islands; and, as this vessel would likely have to pass the North Cape of New Zealand, I thought there was a probability of her touching at the Bay of Islands, and I therefore put some hoes, and other agricultural tools, as also a few bags of seed wheat, on board, and requested the Captain (Mr Wm Shelley) to deliver them to Duaterra should his ship touch at [the] Bay of Islands.— Unfortunately the Queen Charlotte passed New Zealand without touching anywhere; and was afterwards taken by the Natives of Otaheite: and while she was in their possession all the wheat, as well as other things, I had put on board were either stolen or destroyed. When I received information of that calamity, I felt much concerned that Duaterra, should from time to time, meet so many disappointments in his benevolent exertions to improve the condition, and to civilize his Countrymen. I was fully convinced that nothing could be done effectually for New Zealand without a vessel, for the express purpose of keeping up a regular communication between Port Jackson and that Island.— When Mr Kendall, who had been sent out under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, arrived in the “Earl Spencer” I soon determined either to take up a vessel or purchase one, for the service of New Zealand, and thereby make an attempt to establish a Settlement, as had been resolved on by the Society in 1808: and for the purpose of which, Messrs Hall and King, with their families, accompanied me out, from England to New South Wales, on my return to that colony.— I endeavoured to hire a vessel but could fine none willing to make a voyage under £600, which I considered too much for one voyage to New Zealand.— The Brig ‘Active’ having about this time arrived from the Derwent, the owner proposed to sell her, and I therefore, became the purchaser and ordered the vessel to be got ready for sea— directing Messrs Hall and Kendall to proceed in her to Bay of Islands. When the Active sailed, I sent a Message to Duaterra, to inform him, for what purpose I had sent over Messrs Kendall and Hall; and invited him to return with them to Port Jackson, and to bring two or three Chiefs along with him.— I sent him, on this occasion, a Steel Mill to grind his wheat, a sieve to clean it, and a few other useful presents.— On the arrival of the brig at her destination, the settlers were kindly received by Duaterra, and the other Chiefs, and every attention was paid to them, during the six weeks they remained on the island.— Duaterra was greatly rejoiced by the receipt of the Mill:— He quickly set to work and ground some wheat in the presence of his countrymen, who danced and shouted for joy, at seeing the flour.— He told me that he made a cake, baked it in a frying pan, & gave it to the people to eat; which fully satisfied them of the truth of what he had repeatedly told them:— namely,— “that wheat would make bread.”— The chiefs then begged some more wheat, which they received, and sowed, and there can be little doubt, but they will soon learn to appreciate the value of wheat.— Previous to the time the Active reached New Zealand, Duaterra had resolved to visit Sydney by the first vessel which might sail for Port Jackson in order to procure a Mill, some hoes and other articles which he much wanted:— He therefore greatly rejoiced when the ‘Active’ anchored in the Bay of Islands, trusting to get a passage in her; but, on receiving the Mill and wheat &c, which I sent, he altered his mind, observing that he would now apply himself to Agriculture for two years, as he had the means of cultivating his land and grinding his wheat.— His uncle Shunghee had, at the time, a great desire to visit Port Jackson: and being a powerful Chief at home, and having no friend at Port Jackson, who could speak English and the New Zealand tongue; Duaterra was induced to accompany him, although his wives, friends, and people, earnestly requested him to stay at home.— He endeavoured to persuade them that he would return in four Moons, but they disbelieved him under an erroneous idea, that the “Active” would not again return. Their Priest told him, that his head wife was sure to die, before his return, if he left her— (This very woman hung herself the day after Duaterra died, on account of her tender affection, and love for him.) He told the Priest he had often returned before, and would soon return again.— He accordingly took leave of his relatives and friends, and embarked, with his uncle and a few other natives, for New South Wales. About a month after, he, once more, reached Parramatta in safety.— During his stay at my house, I often observed him to be very thoughtful, and I asked him the occasion of his uneasiness. He replied “I fear my head wife is either dead, or very sick.” What the Priest had told him respecting his wife’s dying during his absence, evidently made a deep impression on his mind.— Though he had been about three years in my family before, and had acted with great propriety all that time, and willingly received religious instructions on all proper occasions; yet, the superstitious notions of the religion he had imbibed from his infancy at New Zealand, were deeply rooted in his ideas.— He had great confidence in what the native Priests asserted, and in the effects of their prayers.— His death has been the subject of much pain and regret to me, and appeared to be a very dark, and mysterious dispensation. During the last ten years of Duaterra’s life, he had suffered every danger, privation and hardship that human nature could well bear: and on my arrival at New Zealand, with him and the settlers, before named, he appeared to have accomplished the grand object of all his toils— an object which was the constant topic of his conversation,— namely the means of civilizing his countrymen— He said with joy and triumph in his eyes “I have now introduced the cultivation of wheat into New Zealand.— It will become a great country; for, in two years more I shall be able to export wheat to Port Jackson, in exchange for hoes, axes, spades, and tea and Sugar.”— Under this impression he made arrangements with his people for a very extensive cultivation of the land, and formed a plan for building a new town, with regular streets, after the European mode; to be erected on a beautiful situation, which commanded a view of the Harbour’s mouth and the adjacent country round.— We, together, inspected the ground fixed on for the township, and the situation of the intended church. The streets were to have been all marked out before the Brig sailed for Port Jackson: but at the very time of these arrangements being made Duaterra was laid on his dying bed. I could not but look on him, with wonder and astonishment, as he lay languishing under his affliction, and could scarcely bring myself to believe that the Divine goodness would remove from the earth, a man whose life was of such infinite importance to his country, which was just emerging from barbarism, gross darkness, and Superstition. No doubt, he had done his work, and finished his appointed course, though I fondly imagined that he had only begun his race.— It may not be uninteresting to some of my readers, to subjoin also the Memoir of another young Chief named “Mowhee” who likewise was instrumental in promoting the introduction of the Gospel to New Zealand. When Mowhee was about eight years old, he became desirous of visiting New South Wales from the accounts he had heard of the Europeans mentioned to him, by ‘Koadoo’ and ‘Tokee’— and to effect his purpose, he embarked on board a whaler at the Bay of Islands (the Captain of which intending to call at Port Jackson) and on their way the vessel touched at Norfolk Island, when Mr Drummond (the Harbour Master) went on board, and took Mowhee on shore to his own house, and treated him with great kindness: and promised to keep him as one of his own family, if he agreed to remain.— Mr D. then placed him at a day School where he learned to read and write.— Sometime after Mowhee’s arrival in Norfolk Island, Mr Drummond removed to New South Wales (taking the lad with him, and settled on a farm at Liverpool (a town about seven miles south from Parramatta). I visited Mr D. shortly after he had settled on his Estate, and found Mowhee living with him there, as a servant, or acting rather in the Capacity of shepherd.— This sort of employment did not seem to suit Mowhee’s turn of mind,— he wanted to be placed in a situation where he could see and learn more of civil life.— I proposed that he should come and live with me, to which Mr D. agreed; and he was accordingly removed into my family. By this time he had learned to speak English tolerably well, and could read a little— He possessed an amiable disposition, and seemed anxious to learn all he could. He remained with me till November 1814; making the period of his stay with Mr Drummond and me together, to be more than eight years. He accompanied me, when I sailed to New Zealand in the Active, and possessed, at that time as clear a knowledge of civil life, and of the christian Religion, as human instructions could well communicate, to one just emerging from savage life.— On 23d Decr he arrived in the Bay of Islands to the great joy of his friends, and it gave me great pleasure to see with what kindness and affection Mowhee was received by his tribe. Terra the head chief, said (on my presenting him with a few trifling articles) “that he could accept of nothing from one who had been so kind to his countryman.” And while I remained, he did all in his power to promote the objects I had in view.— When I returned to N. S. Wales, Terra’s brother, Tupee, with several other chiefs, accompanied me: and I considered these ample security, for the safety of the Missionaries, and their property, after my departure. Mowhee was left with his relations, at New Zealand; that he might assist the Missionaries in their intercourse with the Natives, being qualified for that task by his knowledge of the English tongue. About twelve months afterwards Mowhee became anxious to improve his knowledge by a visit to England, having heard much of that Kingdom; for which purpose he entered, as a common sailor on board the ‘Jefferson’ whaler, home bound, and arrived in the river Thames in May 1816. The Captain of the vessel having then no further occasion for his services and knowing that he was connected with the Missionaries at New Zealand, took him to the Church Missionary Society’s House in Salisbury Square. His case and circumstances were laid before the Committee of that benevolent Institution; which immediately resolved to provide for the friendless stranger— He was taken under the protection of the Society until an opportunity should offer to return him to his native Land. The Rev. Basil Woodd got him under his more immediate care, and provided accommodation for him in a respectable family.— He was sent to a charity school belonging to the ‘Bentinck Chapel’ and during his attendance on it, he was taken ill (on the 25th) and died 28th Decr 1816. The Rev. B. Woodd published a very interesting Memoir of him, in the Church Missionary Register for Feby 1817, to which I refer the reader. Mowhee was the first fruit of New Zealanders offered up to God, as far as I may judge from his pious life, while he lived with me, and I have little doubt from what I have seen in that Island, that several of his countrymen, have died since in the full assurance of faith, and are now in Glory to the everlasting praise of the Redeemer. The Rev. Basil Woodd in his Memoir of Mowhee observes as follows. “Our first attention was to procure him board and Lodging in a creditable family near the Edgware-road, a few doors from one of the Charity Schools connected with the Bentinck Chapel, the masters of which were requested to pay him every attention in heir power, and to take care that he was sup[plied with whatever was reasonable and expedient, and to be particularly careful of what acquaintance he made. “Having furnished him with suitable apparel, I then sent him to a day school kept by Mr. Hazard, a pious and intelligent man, in the adjoining street.— I desired that he might be instructed in reading, writing, and the first rules of Arithmetic: and that particular attention might be paid to his religious instruction. I especially urged that he should learn to repeat the admirable summary of the Divine Law in the Church catechism in order that he might be thoroughly instructed in his duty to his God and to his neighbours: in humble hope, that through the Divine blessing, he might be brought to examine himself by the Law of God, by that law, might attain to the knowledge of his sins, be convinced of his fallen nature, feel the need in which he stood of a Saviour, and with a penitent and believing heart, might understand the design of the death of the Lord Jesus Christ, and trust alone for pardon and acceptance to the Lamb of God who taketh away the sins of the world.— I requested, also, that Mr Amis, one of the Masters of the Bentinck schools, and another friend, Mr Short, would bring him with them to attend the worship of God at Bentinck Chapel, and see that he was present at the public catechising of the Schools, at the afternoon Service. I felt the care of this young stranger from a far distant land peculiarly interesting.— It struck me as a golden opportunity, or rather as an opportunity more precious than Gold, not to be lost; that good was to be done to him now, or perhaps never; that, in a few months we must part to meet no more on earth; and, therefore, that it was an imperious duty, the dictate of Christian Charity, to afford him in that compressed form which the shortness of his abode in this country demanded all the general knowledge possible. Our earnest desire and prayer was, that, when he returned to New Zealand, he might carry back with him, a competent acquaintance with the arts of civilization, the general principles of Christian morality, and the sublime truths of the glorious Gospel of the Blessed God.— This was our object; and in a short time, the intelligent youth amply repaid the expense and attention of the Society. He discovered great tenderness and humility of mind, an ardent thirst for all useful knowledge, a perfect readiness of compliance with the advice of his instructors, and a devout ambition to qualify himself to be useful in his native country.— He took great delight in attending the House of God, in hearing religious conversation, in reading profitable Books, and in frequenting the Schools. Occasionally at the Sunday Schools, he undertook the instruction of a class of little boys, that he might learn how to teach the children in New Zealand— He was particularly delighted (when I took him one day; to visit Bentinck girl School) with the practical simplicity of Dr Bell’s System of education: and he thought he understood it sufficiently to attempt to instruct upon that plan. During my annual residence at Drayton- Beauchamp, I was prevented from paying him that attention which I earnestly wished: but I left him under the care of friends, who, I trusted, were actuated by principles of Christian duty, and would not be inattentive to their charge.— Immediately on my return, my first office was to call on Mr Hazard, and inquire how Mowhee was going on.— Mr H. gave me a very satisfactory account of our young friend. I found that he had improved surprisingly; and that, under the kind attention of his instructor, he had gained more information than I had anticipated.— He had acquired a knowledge of the first principles of drawing and perspective— Had done several of the first problems of Euclid, and had drawn various plans and elevations for building of houses. He gave me specimens of all these, selections of which I have presented to the committee of the Church Missionary Society.— Considering, however, that a regular report would be more satisfactory to his kind friend, I requested Mr Hazard to give me a written testimony of his general improvement.— From this paper I have learnt, that beside the usual hours spent in the school, he generally occupied two hours in the evening in religious instruction, drawing, &c.— He was, while thus engaged, all attention and obedience, frequently expressing his anxiety to improve, that he might be able to instruct his countrymen, and that especialy [sic] in the knowledge of a Saviour. He often declared his astonishment at the goodness of God in bringing him from a State of darkness into the marvelous [sic] light of the Gospel. He spoke with great gratitude of the instruction he had received; and often intimated his hopes that he would be able to assist Mr Kendall when he returned. When asked, one day, whether he would like to continue in England, he instantly replied, with much feeling, “Oh no!” I can do no good here; but I may do some good in my own Country.” One day, after having been at my house, where I had shown him a collection of Indian Idols, he said to Mr Hazard, on his return: “O! what a blessing it is to be delivered from these vanities, to serve the living and true God!” In the months of October & November he was frequently unwell. Mr Hazard said to him,”Mowhee you had better stay at home a day or two, till you are better.” His reply was, “No, Sir! I am never so happy as when at school.” Mr Hazard assures me that he never saw him out of temper; and that on all occasions, he manifested a spirit of humility, patience, and meekness, which would be an acquisition to many who bear the name of Christian. Though in general, very silent and reserved, he was always very communicative with his teacher; he seemed to have formed a great regard for him; and several times said to him, with joy sparkling in his eyes, “O! Sir! I shall often think of you when thousands of miles off.” It was very remarkable that he discovered no desire or interest as to any public sights which attract the populace. When informed, on the 9th of November, that the Lord Mayor of London would pass through the streets, in grand Procession attended with Men in Armour, Music, Flags &c, and that it was such a sight, as he might never see but at this time, he could not be prevailed on to walk to Westminster to witness it. But if invited to see a new School, an examination of children— a meeting of a Society for Christian benevolence, the distribution of Bibles, or the support of a Mission to the heathen— He was all life and attention. Mr H. informs me that he was very regular and constant in his Seasons for devotion; and he made use of his own expressions in his prayers: and that he always prayed for the success of the Church Missionary Society, for the conversion of his countrymen in New Zealand, and for the Ministers of the Bentinck Chapel.— Another friend whom I requested to take notice of him, who brought him with him to Chapel, and often accommodated him in his pew (Mr Short), has informed me, that he never heard him use an improper word, that not a symptom of the ordinary profane language of sailors, ever escaped his lips, and that he never mentioned the name of God, but with awe and reverence. He seemed also very cautious in his words, to speak plain truth with great simplicity. One Sunday, as they were walking home from Chapel, when the Subject of the discourse had been the Sufferings and death of the Saviour, Mr Short asked him if he understood what he had heard.— Mowhee replied, “Yes, “indeed! I did understand it! and I hope I shall ever remember it. My poor “country is in a dark state; but at the day of judgment this country will have more to answer for; for this country has the light shining before them; and it certainly must be their own fault if they walk in darkness.” After a while he added, “Alas! my poor “country knows no better, but I hope before long they will have these glorious truths “revealed to them; and how happy shall I be, if I should be able to return and assist in “teaching them.” At another time, on Advent Sunday, Mr Short having asked him ‘What was the design of the Redeemer’s coming into the world; Mowhee immediately replied: “He “came into the world to save Sinners, had he not come and suffered, you and I could “never have reached heaven;— Had He not died for our sins, “we must have perished “forever.” I cannot here pass over the great kindness of another esteemed friend— Mr Coates. On my leaving London, I requested him also, occasionally to visit Mowhee, and to explain to his capacity, the Doctrines and duties of our most holy religion.— I thought that the instructions of persons of different attainments and education might contribute by its variety to render Divine truth more easy to be understood by our young friend. With my request Mr Coates very kindly complied frequently inviting Mowhee to spend the evening at his house. On these occasions he studied to excite him to diligence and application in obtaining all the knowledge, which might render him a fit instrument for promoting the civilization and the moral and religious instruction of his Countrymen.— His constant Method of spending the evening was to desire Mowhee to read a Chapter in the New testament, on which he himself made such observations as the subject naturally suggested, and in this manner, endeavoured to engage Mowhee in a familiar conversation.— On one of these occasions when Mr Coates pointed out the extensive blessing which he might be the means of conveying to New Zealand, by religious instruction, civilization, and various branches of useful knowledge, for which distant generations might have cause to render thanks to God, his countenance assumed great animation, and he seemed to realise the prospects which had been opened to his view: but, in a moment, it passed away, and he observed with a dejected air, “But my countrymen will not attend to what I tell them.” After my return to London, I desired him one morning to accompany to the Philological School myself and the Sultan ‘Kategerry’, who is lately come from Tartary to acquire information that he may hereafter benifit [sic] his Countrymen.— Here he was greatly delighted; the first principles of Geography were explained to him, in a New and Simple Method. The longitude and latitude of his own of his own [sic] Country, and the probable employment of its Inhabitants, at the different hours of the day, were pointed out to him, with all this he seemed much gratified.— The damp and foggy weather of November greatly tried his constitution.— He contracted a very bad cough; and for a time, contended with the usual Symptoms of rapid consumption. I instantly put him under the care of a medical relative, Mr Chas Woodd; and in a short time was happy to find that under his kind attention, all the alarming symptoms were completely removed, as it was evident however that this damp and cold atmosphere did not agree with him, it was judged expedient to recommend to the Society that as soon as an opportunity offered, he should return to his native country. At this period I was indulging the pleasing hope that Mowhee would in a short time, return to New Zealand, moderately qualified to instruct and assist his countrymen, in building their small houses, to improve them in civilization and the duties of justice and Mercy, and to assist in teaching the sublime and holy truths of the Gospel of our God and Saviour.— Such was our delightful contemplation, when a Mysterious providence by an unexpected event, said, on a sudden: “Dust thou are, and unto dust shalt thou return.” On Christmas day, Mowhee complained of great pain, in his head and back, and was so unwell, that he was advised to keep at home.— On thursday morning I was informed that his face was considerably swelled, and that Symptoms of dysentery appeared. I was engaged that morning to attend the funeral of a respectable friend, and proposed calling to see him on my return, but the after part of the day brought on a heavy rain; and not being very well; I did not venture out.— I had previously desired that medical aid might be immediately called in. On Friday morning, immediately after breakfast, I repaired to the house where he lodged. The account given me was very alarming. I went upstairs, and the Scene was the most distressing and dreadful, that I have ever witnessed. The floor of the chamber was covered, as it were, with blood, as appeared also the countenance of my poor young friend. He seemed totally debilitated; and spoke very faintly and with extreme difficulty. The room was offensive in the extreme. The disorder appeared to me quite unintelligible. I had never seen, among the many cases which I have visited, any thing of the kind before.— I sent immediately to Mr C. Woodd, who had offered to attend him without expense to the Society, and requested that he would as soon as possible, meet me at Mowhee’s apartment. He had arrived first and sent for me from a school, which I was attending. When I entered the room, he said, “It is not safe for you to be here.— This is one of the most rapid, and most malignant, putrid fevers that I have ever met with.”— The fact was that the whole System, if I express it rightly, was as it were, decomposing his blood was oozing from every pore— the mouth, nose, ears, and eyes exhibited this awful spectacle. On a near approach I observed the whole of his countenance covered with purple spots, and that blood seemed mixed with his very perspiration.— I retired with my medical friend; and immediately. some medicines and other strengthening aids, were sent for the poor sufferer. It then struck me, that it was not right to leave this young stranger to die, solitary and unattended by ministerial consolation. I therefore judged it to be my path of duty to return to him.— Accordingly I took some port wine, directed a fumigation of nitrous acid, &c. to be prepared, dipt my handkerchief in vinegar and returned to the bedside of poor dying Mowhee.— I had been told, that he probably would not survive the ensuing night. No time, therefore, was to be lost, especially as delirium was apprehended. I said, “Mowhee you seem very ill. Life is always uncertain, if it be the will of God, I pray that you may recover; but if not, I trust you have got good by coming to England.” “I trust, Sir”, he replied, “I got good to my soul before I came to England, when I was at Norfolk Island, and in New Holland.” After a pause he added, “Also since I have attended the school Mr Hazard has been very kind, and has taken great pains. He often read the Scripture with me, and explained them.: I said “You are sensible of your state before God.”— He shook his head, and replied in his usual manner of assent, “Oh, yes! Oh! yes! very sensible of that.” I then said, “I hope all your dependence for pardon and mercy at the hand of God is wholly and entirely built on the death and merit of our blessed Saviour.” He again shook his head, which was his ordinary custom when anything interested him, and replied: “Oh, yes! Oh yes! on him alone.” He that believeth on Him, shall have everlasting salvation.”— I again observed “I trust you endeavour to submit to the will of God, your heavenly Father, and I hope, that, in your present Situation, you feel the support, and consolation of the Gospel of Christ.” He replied: “Oh Sir! I cannot express what I feel.” —“I have not words; but it is in my imagination.— It is in my thoughts.” Perceiving that he was greatly exhausted, and, from the blood which collected in his mouth, spoke with difficulty, I then said: Mowhee, would you wish me to pray with you? He instantly said: “Oh, yes. I should be very glad.” Accordingly I kneeled down by his bedside, and offered a short prayer, for his support, and for the pardon of his sins— that his repentance and faith might be strengthened— that he might be enabled to say, “My Father! not my will, but thine be done!” and that should the disorder end in death He might through the merits of the great sacrifice, be received to the arms of his merciful God— and that hereafter, as we now joined in prayer in an hour of affliction, we might meet again and join in praise, in Glory everlasting.— After prayer, he thanked me very affectionately.— I then said: “Mowhee, when I write to Mr Marsden, have you any message to send to him?” he immediately said that “Oh, tell him! I am under everlasting obligations to him, for his great kindness to me and to my poor countrymen.” I then added, Mowhee, what shall I say to Mr Kendall? He instantly replied: “Tell him that I never forgot his instructions.” On this I addressed him: “Well, my dear friend, May the Lord bless you, and keep you! May he lift up the light of his countenance upon you, and give you peace! and when called hence to be no more seen, may He receive you to His Heavenly Kingdom! I then withdrew.— Soon after, as the disorder advanced, he became delirious; but at intervals he was intelligent and seemed at those periods, engaged in lifting up his heart in prayer to God. The next morning he appeared, for a time a little revived; and lay very tranquil, resigned and happy.— He had been literally in a sweat of blood, but it considerably abated. Two persons were with him, and frequently bathed his face with vinegar, which seemed to refresh him.— About five in the morning, one of his attendants read by him the prayers of the service for the visitation of the sick. He seemed to hear with attention, and to be wholly occupied in prayer; but nature was nearly exhausted. he lay in this state, till about half past seven, when death closed his eyes, on the 28th day of December,1816: and we humbly trust that “Mortality was swallowed up of life, even Life everlasting.” How Mysterious is the Providence of God! How unsearchable are His judgments! and his ways past finding out. Still we must not be discouraged. Our work is the Lords. The event at which we aim is certain— the uttermost parts of the earth will become the possession of the Son of God! I had often looked at Mowhee, and anticipated with great delight, the day when he would return to New Zealand, and the natives would hear from the lips of a New Zealander of the unsearchable riches of Christ.— From his piety, capacity, and application, I had fondly conjectured, that it might eventually happen, that as Sattianaden, Nanaperagason, Adeykalam, and Abraham, ordained by the Lutheran Church Native Priests, are now labouring in India, under he Society for promoting Christian Knowledge: so I trusted, it was not impossible but that Mowhee, under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, might be employed in New Zealand, and direct his fellow natives to Him who is “the propitiation for the sins of the whole world.” These pleasing prospects are now, alas! but as a dream when one awaketh. Mowhee is no more! I left his dying bed with a deepened impression of the duty of supporting the Missionary exertions of these two Institutions; & I can truly add, with cordial exultation in the conversion of the Heathen, if accomplished, under the Divine blessing, by the zeal of those Societies which are not of our communion, The Lord prosper them! We wish them Success in the name of the Lord!— This thought then occurred to me— Mowhee is dead; but his work is not yet done. Let his Grave address his countrymen. Who can tell, but they yet may hear and believe!— I give, therefore, this Memoir to the Society. Let it, if approved by the Committee, be printed in a good type, in the form of a tract, after it has received their perusal and corrections. Let Mowhee’s family be especially considered. Perhaps they may read, or at least hear it, with some interest; and thus may we say of Mowhee: “By it, he, being dead, yet speaketh.” and O native of New Zealand! whoever thou art that mayst hear or read this little tract, remember that Mowhee on his deathbed, remembered and prayed for thee.— May his prayer be answered in thy conversion! May the God and Saviour Who taught Mowhee By the Holy Spirit, the path of life, be your God and Saviour in life, and death, and forever!— To this prayer let all the faithful in Christ Jesus who may read the Memoir say Amen!” The death of Mowhee in London will shew the Christian world, the power of Divine Grace, and encourage the faithful, whose single desire, is the increase of the Redeemer’s kingdom, to go on in their work and labour of love.— The Lord of Hosts is with them and has blessed their labours to the honour and glory of His grace, and is raising up a people to serve Him in that heathen and benighted land, who will finally sit down, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of God for ever and ever.” I shall now proceed with the particulars of my first voyage to New Zealand.— When I was preparing to visit that Island, Mr John Liddiard Nicholas, a Gentleman who came out (two years before) to settle in this Colony voluntarily proposed to accompany me. I readily accepted his offer, and we embarked on board the ‘Active’ brig on Saturday the 19th Novr 1814, and sailed down the harbour early that morning, but were obliged to anchor again, near the Mouth of the harbour by contrary winds; here we were detained 9 days. On Monday the 28th we weighed Anchor, and got out to sea, the number of persons on board (including women and children, were thirty-five— Mr Hanson, Master, his wife and son, Messrs Kendall, Hall, and King with their wives and five children;— 8 New Zealanders— two Otaheitans and four Europeans belonging to the vessel, besides Mr Nicholas, myself, two Sawyers, one Smith, and one runaway convict (as we found him to be afterwards). We had also on board, one entire horse, two Mares! one Bull and two Cows with a few sheep and poultry of different kinds: intended for the Island:— The Bull and Cows had been presented by Governor Macquarie, from His Majesty’s herd. Nothing of consequence happened during our voyage. I suffered much from Sea Sickness, and though I have been so frequently at sea, I cannot get the better of that unpleasant complaint; I am always sick and frequently compelled to keep my bed.— On the 16th Decr. we saw the “three Kings” some small Island [sic] (thus named) which ly off the north end of New Zealand, about 12 leagues. We sailed close by them in the afternoon; and, as I wished to pass a day at the North Cape, we stood in for it, with a light breeze, in the evening and saw the land before sul [sic] set.— We had little wind all night: the next morning, at day light, we were nearly four leagues from shore.— We stood in till about 8 A.M.— I was anxious to have an interview with the Chiefs, in order that I might explain to them, the object of my voyage; and introduce the Settlers to them, and prepare the way for my future attempts to promote their welfare. After breakfast the ship’s boat was hoisted out, with a view to visit the shore; I directed Duaterra, Shunghee, Koro Koro, Tohee (or Tooi) and Terra, all the chiefs we had on board, to go in her but no Europeans, so that they might open an intercourse between us and the Natives, and bring us some supplies. The boat was well armed, that they might defend themselves, if any attack should be made upon them.— Before the boat had reached the land, a canoe came alongside the Active with plenty of fish, and shortly after a Chief followed from the shore, who immediately came on board with his son: in his Canoe, there were some very fine looking men.— I asked him, if he had seen Duaterra, whom I had sent on shore; he told me he had not, and immediately shewed me a pocket knife, which he had tied to a string round his wrist and which he highly valued, and informed me that it had been given to him by Duattera along [sic] time before. I was much gratified that we had been so fortunate as to meet with a chief, who knew our friend Duaterra as we were now likely to obtain fully the object of our visit. I told them my name, with which they seemed well acquainted and immediately enquired after a young man belonging to that place, who had lived with me some time previously; his brother was in the canoe and greatly rejoiced he was to see me, he made the most anxious enquiries after his brother, and I gave him every information I could. We were now quite free from all fear, as the natives seemed desirous to shew their attention to us, by every possible means in their power.— I informed the Chief that we wanted some hogs, and potatoes; he requested me to send one of his people on shore in his canoe, and he would send for some immediately— I ordered one of the New Zealanders, belonging to the vessel, into the canoe, as I did not think it prudent to send any European.— The Chief and his son remained on board, they seemed very happy, and much gratified with our confidence in them, and I explained to the Chief, the object of our voyage.— In a short time other Canoes came to the Active and brought an abundance of the finest fish I ever saw, our decks were soon covered with them. We had now a number of natives on board and alongside who behaved with the greatest propriety. We traded with them for fishing lines and other articles of curiosity. Before Duaterra and the other chiefs returned with the boat: I [sic] large canoe came off to the vessel, she was very full of stout, fine looking men, and sailed fast, though the sea was rather rough, and we were at some distance from the land. It was pleasing to behold with what ease she topt the rising waves. One of the principal Chiefs was in the war Canoe with a number of his attendants, and a young Otaheitian known to Europeans by the name of Jem, whom I had known some years before, as he had resided a considerable time with Mr. McArthur at Parramatta: this Otaheitian had married the Chiefs daughter, and his wife was in the Canoe.— He was much surprised to see me, and I was no less so to meet him there, so very unexpectedly.— He had been in the habit of calling at my house, when at Parramatta, and was well acquainted with my Situation in New South Wales, and he could speak English exceedingly well.— I fully explained to him the object of my coming to New Zealand and the nature of my intended plans for the future success of the design.— He was much pleased at the Idea of Europeans residing on the Island.— This young man, being very intelligent and active, appeared to have obtained the full confidence of his father-in-law, and to have great weight and influence at the North Cape— I made himself, his father in law, and the other principal men a few presents, which were gratefully received.— After some conversation, I mentioned that the New Zealanders had been guilty of great cruelties towards the Europeans, particularly in the case of the “Boyd”. They replied “The Europeans were the first aggressors; by inflicting corporal punishment on their chief.” I also told them that Mr Barnes (the master of the Jefferson whaler) when at Port Jackson, had informed me, that they had acted treacherously towards him in attempting to cut off two Boats, belonging to the ship, when she was last at the north Cape in Company with the King George.— I said, I was much concerned to hear these reports and that, if they continued to act in this manner, no European ships would visit them.— In reply to this, the Otaheitian young chief stated; that the Masters of the Jefferson and King George had in the first instance, behaved very ill to them— they had agreed to give 150 Baskets of potatoes and 8 Hogs for one Musket; The Potatoes and Hogs were delivered, and divided between the two vessels: After which the Otaheitian and one of the chiefs went on board the ‘King George’ for the musket, (which was delivered) at the same time, the Master of the “King George” demanded more potatoes and Hogs— The Chief was detained on board, and the Otaheitian sent on shore for the Articles demanded— The Head Chief said, he had fulfilled the agreement for the musket, by the 150 baskets of potatoes and 8 Hogs, and he would give no more.— The Chief that was detained prisoner on board the King George, was the Head Chief’s brother and was with us at this time, on board the Active.— The Otaheitian was sent to the King George to inform the Master that no more potatoes and Hogs would be given, and to request him to relieve the Chief, whom he had unjustly detained. This, the Master refused to do, and he also kept the Otaheitian a prisoner. In two or three days they were put on board the Jefferson & there they remained for some days, till they were ransomed, at 170 baskets of potatoes and 5 hogs.— the people on shore were greatly enraged, all this time, and alarmed for the safety of their Chief, the vessels being out of sight.— After the potatoes and Hogs were delivered, two boats were sent on shore with the Otaheitian and the chief. Great numbers of the Natives were assembled on the shore, to receive them.— They were no sooner landed than the natives fired upon the boats, and I have no doubt but they would have massacred the crews at the moment.— If they could for the fraud and cruelty before stated. The Otaheitian told me it was not possible to restrain the people from firing upon the boats.— The Chief spoke with great warmth and indignation at the treatment he had received. I assured them that both King George and Governor Macquarie would punish any act of fraud or cruelty committed by the Europeans, whenever the proper information was given.— I then gave them Governor Macquarie’s instructions to Masters of vessels, and explained the nature of them, which was clearly understood by the Otaheitian who explained it to the rest.— I told them that the ‘Active’ would occasionally visit them and by that means they might easily obtain redress from the Governor of New South Wales, and requested them never to commit any act of violence upon Europeans in future, but refer their complaints to Governor Macquarie.— They seemed much pleased and promised they would not injure the crews of ships that might touch there.— I also informed them that the Masters of the ‘King George’ and ‘Jefferson’ would be called upon to answer for their conduct, when they came to Port Jackson, as I should inform Governor Macquarie of what they had done.— While the Principal Chief and his party remained on board, the boat returned with Duaterra and the rest that had gone in her.— Duaterra and the principal Chief seemed well acquainted, and were very polite to each other: The most friendly salutations past between them, and Duaterra, being now, comparatively, very rich, made several presents to his friends, as did the other chiefs who had come with me from Sydney.— Duaterra renewed the conversation relative to the firing upon the Jefferson’s Boats, and laid the strongest injunctions on them not to injure the Europeans in future but refer their complaints to the Governor of N. South Wales.— This was one of the most interesting and pleasing days I had ever enjoyed, I was never more amused and gratified than upon this occasion. Before evening we had an abundant supply of fish, hogs and potatoes. I informed the Natives, we should sail that night for the Bay of Islands. They pressed us much to stop another day, and they would bring us more hogs, potatoes, and fish. I told them we had enough for the present and that I would call and see them, on my return to Port Jackson, and, in the mean time, if they would prepare me some flax, I would buy it from them. The Chief promised to have some ready. As soon as evening came on they took their leave in a very warm and affectionate manner, and went into their canoes, to return to shore, apparently much satisfied with the reception they had met with on board the “Active”, and the information they had received relative to the Active visiting them again, and the Europeans settling on their island.— When the[y] [sic] had left us we made sail, and proceeded on our Voyage with a fair breeze.— During the night the wind died away, and in the morning the little we had was against us, so that our progress along the coast was but slow.— The hills and woods appeared very beautiful to the eye, and the fires of the natives smoked in all directions on the main land, the wind continued nearly the same during the day. The next morning we beat up against the wind, and passed the mouth of the harbour of Whangarooa (the place where the Boyd was cut off) but could not weather the “Cavalles” some small inhabited Islands, a few miles from the Main. The Natives informed [us] there was a safe passage between these islands and the Main, and we therefore endeavoured to beat through them, but could not, for contrary winds. As we were not far from the Cavalles, I wished to visit the people, residing on them, and had the boat hoisted out for that purpose. Messrs Nicholas and Kendall, with Koro-Koro and Tohee, accompanied me on shore. As soon as we landed, all the Natives ran off, and secreted themselves in the bushes excepting one old man, who, being lame, was not able to make his escape, we walked up to him; he appeared alarmed till he saw Koro-Koro. I then made him a present of a few trifles; and in return he offered us a basked [sic] of dried fish, which we declined.— Korokoro immediately left us, and went in search of the natives. Mr Kendall sat down with the old man, who was much fatigued in getting up the hill, from the steepness of the shore. Mr Nicholas and I went after Koro-koro, but were some time before we could find him; he had gone to enquire after his relations, who lived upon this Island. After some time we found Korokoro who had met with one of his own men. By this time, the natives began to recover from their alarm, and to come out of their hiding places.— While we were talking with Koro-koro and some of the Natives, his aunt was seen coming toward us with some women and children.— She had a green bough twisted round her head and another in her hand, and a young child on her back:— When she came within one hundred yards, She began to make a very mournful lamentation, and hung down her head, as if oppressed by the heaviest grief.— She advanced to Koro-koro with a slow pace; Koro-koro appeared much agitated, leaning upon his musket, as his aunt advanced she prayed aloud and wept exceedingly: Tokee (Koro-koro’s brother) seemed much affected, and, as if ashamed of his Aunt’s conduct, he told us he would not cry:— I will act like an Englishman”, he said. “I will not cry.” Koro-koro remained motionless, till his Aunt came up to him, when they laid there heads together, the woman leaning upon a staff, and Koro-koro upon his gun and in this situation they wept aloud, for a long time, and repeated short sentences alternately, which, we understood, were prayers, and continued weeping, the tears rolling down their sable countenances in torrents.— It was impossible to see them without being deeply affected; at this time also, the daughter of Koro-koro’s Aunt sat at her Mother’s feet weeping, and all the women joined in their lamentations.— We thought this an extraordinary custom amongst them, and a singular mode of manifesting their joy; but we afterwards found that this custom was general in the Island of New Zealand. Many of the poor women cut themselves in their faces, hands, and breasts with sharp shells or flints. till the blood ran down in streams. When their tears and lamentations had subsided, I presented the women with a few presents. Tohee had sat all this time labouring to suppress his feelings (having declared he would not cry). In a short time we were joined by several fine young men, among them there was a youth, the son of a chief on the Island; when Towhee saw him coming he could contain his feelings no longer but instantly ran to him, and they were locked in each others arms— weeping aloud:— After they had saluted each other and the women had gone through various ceremonies, we entered into conversation with them.— I enquired why they all ran off into the bushes; they told us that they had supposed, when we landed, that we were going to shoot them.— These people were greatly rejoiced when they found us to be their friends.— They did every thing in their power to please and gratify us.— After spending a few hours we returned to the place where we left Mr Kendall talking to the old man; a number of the natives attended us, and we enjoyed a very pleasant day; as every object arrount [sic] us was new and interesting, particularly the Inhabitants. From the top of the Cavalles, the view of the main land, together with the Ocean, and the numerous small Islands scattered upon it, is the most delightful I ever saw (at least I thought so). When we arrived we found Mr Kendall had been visited by some of the natives, who were still with him, and had much entertained him during our absence.— In the evening we returned to the vessel accompanied by the son of the chief and other chiefs from the main, who remained on board all night.— The next morning, the wind still continued against us, and we had been labouring more than a day and a night, to work the vessel, either round the Islands, or between them and the main, to no purpose.— I thought it most prudent, as there good anchorage, to bring the vessel to Anchor, and wait for a fair wind.— I communicated my wishes to the Master accordingly; and we came to anchor between the Islands and the main, in seven fathoms of water. Here we lay about five leagues from Whangarooa harbour, where the Boyd was cut off, and her crew Massacred, and one league from that part of the Main which belonged to the Chief Shunghee who came with us from Port Jackson. Duaterra and Shunghee, had often told me of the bloody war, which had been carried on between the people of Whangorooa and those of the Bay of Islands, from the time the Boyd was destroyed till that period. During the stay of these Chiefs in New South Wales, they were always apprehensive, that the Chiefs of Whangarooa would take advantage of their absence to make an attack upon the people at the Bay of Islands.— However we here learned that there had been no disturbances since they had left home. It appeared that after the Boyd had been cut off Tippahee (a chief belonging to the Bay of Islands) and who had visited Port Jackson, where he received great attention, was accused of being concerned in that dreadful massacre, and in consequence of which the whalers, who were at that time on the coast, and had come into the Bay of Islands, shortly after that affair, united their force, and sent seven armed Boats, before day-break, to attack the Island of Tippahee, where, on their landing, they shot every man, woman, and child that came in their way; in this attack Tippahee received Seven wounds, and soon afterwards died. Duaterra and Shunghee always declared that Tippahee was innocent of the crime for which he suffered; and that Tippoohee, of Whangarooa, committed it.— Whangaroa is situated about thirty miles nearer the north cape, than the Bay of Islands. Tippahee was in the habit of trading with the people of Whangarooa, and happened to go there with a cargo of fish, on the day, in which the ‘Boyd’ was taken, and the whole of her crew massacred.— When he arrived five only of her men were alive and in the rigging, whom he took into his own Canoe and landed them, with a view of saving their lives, but, being followed by the people, who committed the outrage, these five were forcibly taken from him and instantly put to death. This is the account given by these natives who had first visited New South Wales. They originally declared that Tippahee was innocent of the destruction of the Boyd. The people at the Bay of Islands in consequence of the murder of their chief Tippahee, declared War against the people of Whangarooa.— Several desperate Battles had been fought, and the war was likely to continue.— I had often told Duaterra and Shunghee that it would be to the interest of all parties to make peace, and that I wished to see it established, before I quitted New Zealand.— Duaterra expressed his doubts as to the accomplishment of this object.— I told him I thought if I could obtain an interview with the Chiefs, I might bring it about, and that it was my determination to visit Whangarooa before my return, to try what could be done.— The wind continued in the same Quarter next day, which obliged us to remain at anchor. I again visited the Cavalles, and there learnt, that the Chiefs of Whangarooa were on the main and all the principal warriors: they had come to the funeral of some great Warrior who had died a few days before, and were then encamped on the shore opposite to our Anchorage. At this information, I hastened on board and consulted with Duaterra— told him how anxious I was to make peace, now that Europeans were come to settle among them.— that this would secure the lives of the Europeans and tend to the general benefit of their country.— I expressed my wish to visit the camp of the Whangarooa people, and hear what the chiefs had to say on the subject.— As he had never met these people, since the loss of the Boyd, except in the field of Battle, he hesitated for some time.— I did all I could to induce him to try the experiment.— He was not afraid of himself, but was apprehensive that some accident might happen to me, or to the persons of my party,—he at length consented to go on shore with me; Shunghee and Koro-koro agreed to accompany us— and Messrs Nicholas, Kendall, King and Hanson volunteered to do the same. We took several loaded muskets in the boats with us.— The beach on which we landed belonged to Shunghee and was covered with his people. On approaching the Shore we saw the Whangarooa Chiefs with their warriors encamped on [a] high sugar loaf hill, to our left, with colours flying &c— The foot of this hill communicated with the sea.— As soon as they saw us land, our distance from them being about half a mile, they took to their spears, struck their colours, and ran off as fast as they could.— Duaterra took a brace of large pistols, and desired me to follow him slowly— for he would come up to them at a certain point, where they must speak to him, because they could not escape by any other way. We accordingly followed Duaterra, in a body, and were surrounded by a crowd of men, women, and children belonging to Shunghee’s tribe.— A few of the principal people ran in different directions to clear the way, and keep the crowd from pressing on us.— In a short time Duaterra returned to meet us, and called on me to come forward, we accordingly mended our pace and soon came in sight of the Whangarooa people who had stopped to receive us.— A line was formed on each side for us to pass through them.— An old woman whom I took to be a priestess, made a very great noise, and waved a flag in her hand as we advanced. The Chiefs were all seated on the ground, according to their custom, and their warriors standing up, with their Spears fixed in the ground uprightly— these instruments were from 15 to 20 feet in length— they were also armed with patooes.— Duaterra, with a Pistol in his hand, stood at some distance from the chiefs, and on my coming up to them, he fired off the pistol, and directed those who had muskets to do the same. This being done, the Whangarooa party returned the compliment by discharging their fire arms— which I considered as a favourable omen to the success of my mission. One of the principal chiefs (who had cut off the Boyd) had been at Parramatta and knew me; he had also acquired tolerable English from being on board of Whalers— He was known to Europeans by the name of George. I made a few presents to the chiefs, and after some conversation on various subjects—particularly on our visit to New Zealand, I enquired how they came to cut off the Boyd and to murder the crew.— Two of them stated, that they were at at [sic] Port Jackson when the Boyd was there; and had been put on board by a Mr. Lord in order to return home.— that George (their head Chief) had fallen sick while on board and was unable to do his duty as a common sailor, in consequence of which, he was severely punished— was refused provisions— threatened to be thrown overboard, and many other indignities were offered to him, even by the common sailors, he remonstrated with the Master, begged that no corporal punishment might be inflicted on him— observing that he was a Chief in his own country, which they would ascertain on arrival at New Zealand.— He was told he was no Chief with many abusive terms, which he mentioned, and which are but too commonly used by British seamen. When he arrived at Whangaroa, his back was in a very lacerated state, and his friends and people were determined to revenge the insult which had been offered to him; he said, if he had not been treated with such creulty [sic] the Boyd would never have been touched.— From the accounts which these people and their Chiefs gave of the destruction of the Boyd ‘Tippahee’ had had no hand in this melancholy affair. It was wholly their own act and deed.— This appeared to be strictly true (for I saw no reason to disbelieve their declaration) that Tippahee and his people suffered innocently, and that their death was the cause of much bloodshed,— for many men since that rash act was committed, have been cut off belonging to the Bay of Islands, as well as to the Whangarooa tribe, with whom the affair originated.— I never passed Tippahee’s Island without a sigh;— it is now desolate without an inhabitant and has been so since his death.— The ruins of his little Cottage, built by the kindness of the late Governor King, still remains and I hope that those Europeans who were engaged in that fatal transaction were Ignorant at the time, that they were punishing the innocent.— I think it probable that the mistake (if there was one) originated in the affinity between the Name of Tippahee and that of the Chief of Whangaroa, who was principally concerned in the destruction of the Boyd, styled Tippoohee.— This chief I saw and conversed with on the subject. Having fully satisfied myself respecting the loss of the Boyd and explained to these people, the reason of the Active’s coming to New Zealand— I found as night was coming on I could not accomplish the grand object I had in view, namely to establish peace among them without loss of more time.— I therefore resolved to remain in their camp all night.— Shunghee had given directions to his people to prepare supper for us, nearly a mile from where we then were; I told the chief we would go to visit Shunghee’s people, and when we had taken some refreshment; Mr Nicholas and I would return, and spend the night in their camp; in order that we might have a little more conversation with them: to this the [chief] readily consented, and with a view to show us some marked attention, they entertained us with a sham fight, a war-dance, and a song of victory before we went to Shunghee’s people.— After these ceremonies were over, we took our leave and returned to the place where we had landed, attended by a great number of natives.— Shunghee’s Servants had got our potatoes and fish prepared— Duaterra and the party who had come with us from the vessel now returned on board— leaving myself, Mr Nicholas and Shunghee to spend the night on shore.— We sat down, to supper, on the ground, but were soon almost smothered by the natives, who crowded so close around us, that I was compelled to draw a circle and direct them not to pass it. We were here much amused by these people, and they appeared equally so with us— They manifested every desire to serve us: and after spending about an hour with them, we returned to the Camp of the Whangaroa warriors who had removed about half a mile from the place where we had the first interview with them, and had taken their Station on a level piece of ground, which I estimated to contain about 100 acres. When we arrived, they received us very cordially, we sat down among them and the Chiefs surrounded us.— I then renewed our conversation relative to the destruction of the Boyd with a view of bringing about a reconciliation between them and the inhabitants of the Bay of Islands, as I considered the establishment of peace between these contending parties of great importance to the Mission. The Chiefs told me the state the wreck of the Boyd was then in, and promised to give me the guns and whatever remained belonging to her; if I would go into their harbour.— They had got some of the Guns on shore and would get the rest.— The Chief George told me that his father and five others were blown up in the Boyd, when she took fire. His father had got part of the powder on deck with some of the Muskets, and was trying one of the flints, in a musket lock, whether it would strick fire, when a spark from it, caught the powder and the explosion killed all within its reach.— He pressed me much to go into their harbour:— I told him I probably might do so before I left New Zealand provided the wind would permit; but I could not then go, on account of the Stock and number of people I had on board the Active.— I then addressed him on the subject of peace, pointed out to him, how much more it would be, for their interest and happiness, to turn their attention to agriculture, and the improvement of their country, than continue to fight and murder one another, and particularly now as the Europeans who were about to settle amongst them, through whom they would obtain wheat to sow their land and tools to cultivate it. I assured them, that every assistance would be given by the Europeans to promote the improvement of their present situation; and that, if they would only attend to the cultivation of their land, and lay aside all sorts of war and murder they would soon become a great and happy people.— George replied— he did not want to fight any more, and was ready to make peace—Much conversation then passed chiefly respecting New Zealand and Port Jackson, which George had visited. I endeavoured to impress upon his mind the great degree of comfort we enjoyed as compared with his countrymen’s enjoyments— our mode of living, Houses &c. which he had seen, and that all these blessings might be obtained by them, by cultivating their land, and improving themselves in useful knowledge, which they would now have an opportunity to acquire from the European settlers. He seemed sensible of all these advantages, and expressed a wish to follow my advice— the other Chiefs and their people stood around us.— As the evening advanced the people began to retire to rest in different groups— About 11 P.M. Mr Nicholas and I wrapped ourselves up in our great coats and prepared for rest also. George directed me to lie by his side, his Wife and Child lay on one hand— myself on the other, and Mr Nicholas close by the family. The night was clear, the stars shone brightly, and the Sea, in our front was smooth— around us were numerous spears stuck upright in the ground, and groups of natives lying in all directions like a flock of sheep upon the grass, as there were neither tents nor huts to cover them— I viewed our situation with new sensations and feelings that I cannot express; surrounded by cannibals, who had Massacred and devoured our countrymen, I wondered much at the Mysteries of providence, and how these things could be.— Never did I behold the blessed advantages of civilization, in a more grateful light, than at that moment. I did not sleep much, during the night, my mind was too anxiously occupied by the present Scene, and the new and strange ideas it naturally excited.— About three oclock in the morning I arose and walked about the Camp surveying the different groups of Natives, some of whom put out their heads from under the tops of their ‘kakkahows’, which are like a bee-hive, and spoke to me.— When the morning light appeared, we beheld men, women, and children asleep in all directions, like the beasts of the field.— I had directed the Boat to be brought on shore, for us at daylight, and soon after, Duaterra arrived in the Camp. I then invited the Chiefs to breakfast on board the Active, which invitation was readily accepted— We immediately went in the boat together, and several canoes put off at the same time for the Active— At first I entertained doubts whether the Chiefs would trust themselves to us or not, on account of the Boyd, lest we should detain them while We had them in our power; but they shewed no signs of fear, and went on board with apparent confidence. I communicated to Duaterra my intention to make them some presents, he told me whatever article I gave to one, I must give a similar article to another, and each article was to be given seperately [sic] and to the eldest chief first. The Axes, Bill hooks Prints &c &c which I intended to give them were all got ready, after breakfast. The Chiefs were seated in the Cabin, in great form to receive the presents— I sat on one side of the table, and they on the other; Duaterra stood and handed to me each article seperately, [sic] that I was to give them. Messrs Kendall, Hall, and King with the Master of the Active and his son were all, one after another, introduced to the chiefs; and the chiefs were, at the same time, informed what duties each of these persons was appointed to do i.e. Mr Kendall to instruct their children Mr Hall to build houses and boats &c &c— Mr King to make fishing lines, and Mr Hanson to command the Active which would be employed in bringing Axes and such other articles, as were wanted from Port Jackson, to enable them to cultivate their land, and improve their Country.— When the ceremonies of giving and receiving presents, was over I expressed my hopes that they would have no more wars, but from that time, would be reconciled to each other. Duaterra, Shunghee, and Koro-koro, all shook hand [sic] with the Chiefs of Whangaroa, and saluted each other, as a token of reconciliation, by joining their noses together,— I was much gratified to see these men at amity once more, and sincerely wished, that this peace might never be broken, and I considered the time well employed, while we had been detained by adverse winds.— The Chiefs took their leave, much pleased with our attention to them, and promised never to injure any European in future.— Having nothing more to do, and the wind having become favourable we weighed anchor in the afternoon, and stood for the Bay of Islands— we reached the mouth of the harbour, and were met by a war canoe belonging to Korokoro, who resides on the south side of the harbour. In this canoe were Korokoro’s son and a number of his servants, who were all greatly rejoiced to see their Chief. He left his son on board and immediately went on shore himself— at 3 p.m. on thursday 22nd Decr we anchored on the north side of the harbour, about seven miles from the Heads in a cove opposite to the town of Rangheehoo, where Duaterra was wont to reside, to the great joy of his people. The Active was soon surrounded by canoes from all quarters, on going ashore Duaterra and Shunghee found all their friends and relatives well, who wept for joy at their return and the women cut themselves in a similar manner to those of the Cavalles with shells and flints, till the blood flowed down. It was in vain to attempt to persuade them not to do this, because they considered it the strongest proof of their affection.— The next day we landed the horses and cattle, and fixed upon a place for the present residence of the settlers; and began to clear away the rubbish, and prepare for erecting houses, for their reception, on a piece of ground adjoining to the native town pitched upon by Duaterra and the other Chiefs of the place.— About 8 Oclock on Saturday morning, Korokoro who lived about nine miles from the Settlers, came to pay his respects to us; he was attended by 10 Canoes full of his warriors accompanied by some women and Children.— The Canoes came down in a regular line with colours flying on observing which, we immediately hoisted ours. Some of his officers stood up and regulated all their movements by word of command, and signals made by means of their large Patooes (which were ornamented with feathers) these they held in their hands, and kept in constant motion. Korokoro was dressed in his native clothing, and his brother Tohee both were painted with red ocre and had feathers in their hair;— the warriors were likewise painted.— The whole presented a grand warlike scene.— They advanced with great speed towards the Brig, and kept a regular line, every man striking his paddle at the same instant so that the whole sounded as one stroke— they sung the war song, as they approached and performed all their gestures and threats, as if they were determined upon attacking the vessel in earnest— We saluted them with a discharge of thirteen small arms, the song of victory was then sung in the canoes, and their customary rejoicing performed.— After this, Koro-koro, with the chiefs who had accompanied him, came on board, and made us several presents in the most polite manner— A number of chiefs from other districts were also on board; and Koro-koro introduced them all, one by one, to his European friends, commented on the particular attention they had shewn to him when at Port Jackson; and lamented that the poverty of his country prevented him from returning their kindness according to his wishes.— He was also very particular in explaining, to the other Chiefs, for what purposes Messrs Hall, and King had come to reside in New Zealand. Duaterra and his friends were present on this occasion and assisted in regulating the necessary ceremonies, and forms, in which Korokoro and his party were to be received. It had been previously arranged, between Duaterra and Korokoro, unknown to us, we were to be entertained with a sham fight— After taking some refreshment, preparations were made to go on shore.— Korokoro was to make an attack upon Duaterra’s people and take the place by storm; Duaterra then went on shore to prepare for the defence of his place.— A number of canoes, full of people immediately joined us belonging to other Chiefs, when Korokoro left the vessel accompanied by Mr. Nicholas, the Settlers and I,. Duaterra had got all his men drawn up in order, armed with their spears and other weapons of war— Korokoro’s canoes advanced towards the shore in the same order of Battle in which they had approached the Active, a chief belonging to Duaterra, quite naked, ran furiously to and fro along the beach, making a most horrid noise, and daring the sham enemy to land.— As the Canoes came nearer to the shore, those in them increased their shouts and furious gestures— at length they all jumped out of their canoes into the water, and in one compact body began the attack.— Duaterra’s men all retreated as fast as possible, and the others pursued them a considerable distance when Duaterra’s men, suddenly wheeled round, and attacked their pursuers; The Battle then became general— a number of women were seen in the heat of the action, among whom were Tippahee’s old widow (apparently about 70 years of age, and Duaterra’s wife, bearing her hand, a patooe about seven feet long made of the jawbone of a whale;— She brandished this weapon about, in the very centre of the mock fight, and went through all the various movements usually performed by the men in advancing and retreating. After both parties had run and struggled together, till nearly exhausted (some having been trampled upon and others accidentally knocked down) they formed a close body and united in the shouts of victory and in the war-dance, which ended the scene.— Duaterra, during the action, commanded one party and Koro-Koro the other. The former passed the remaining part of the day in preparing for the Sabbath. He enclosed about half an acre of ground with a fence, in the centre of which, he erected a pulpit and a reading Desk, and covered the whole with either Black native made cloth or some duck which he had brought with him from Port Jackson. he also procured the bottoms of some old canoes, and fixed them up as seats for the Europeans, on each side of the pulpit; intending to have Divine Service performed the next day. These preparations were made of his own accord, and in the evening, he first informed me that every thing was ready for public worship.— I was much pleased with this singular mark of his attention.— The reading Desk was about three, and the pulpit, six, feet from the ground;— The black native cloth covered the top of the Pulpit and hung over the sides.— The bottom of the pulpit, as well as the Reading-Desk, was made of part of a Canoe and the whole was becoming and had a solemn appearance. He had also erected a flag staff on the highest hill in the Village which had a very commanding view.— On Sunday morning, when I went upon deck I saw the English flag flying, which was a pleasing sight in New Zealand. I considered it the signal for the dawn of civilization, liberty, and Religion in that dark and benighted land.— I never viewed the British flag with more gratification, and I flattered myself, they would never be removed, till the Natives of that island, enjoyed all the happiness of British subjects. About 10 A.M. we prepared to go on shore to publish the glad tidings of the Gospel of Christ, for the first time, on this Island. I was under no apprehension for the safety of the vessel, and therefore ordered all on board to attend Divine Service on shore, except the Master and one man)— On our landing we found Korokoro, Duaterra, and Shunghee dressed in Regimentals, which had been given them by Governor Macquarie;— their men drawn up, ready to march into the enclosure, to attend Divine Service.— They had their Swords by their sides and switches in their hands.— We entered the enclosure and were placed on the seats, on each side of the Pulpit. Korokoro marched his men on, and stationed on my right and in rear of the Europeans, while Duaterra placed his men on the left of the Inhabitants of the village, including women and children, and the other Chiefs formed a circle round the whole— A very solemn silence prevailed— the sight was truly impressive:— I got up and began the service by singing the old hundredth psalm, and felt my very soul melting within me, when I viewed my congregation and considered the state they were in.— After reading the service, during which the natives stood up and sat down at the signal given by the motion of Korokoro’s switch, which was regulated by the movements of the Europeans, it being Christmas day, I preached from the 2nd Chr of St. Luke’s Gospel v. 10th “Behold I bring you glad tidings of great joy & ca. The Natives told Duaterra they could not understand what I meant— he replied they were not to mind that now; for they would understand by and bye, when he would try to explain the meaning as well as he could— When I had ended the Sermon [in pencil above: done preaching], he informed them, of what I had described in my discourse [in pencil— been talking about] been— Duaterra was very much pleased, that he had been able to make all the necessary preparations for the performance of Divine Service in so short a time; and we felt much obliged to him for his attention. He was extremely anxious to convince us, that he would do every thing for us that lay in his power; and that the good of his country was his principal consideration. In the above manner the Gospel has been introduced into New Zealand, and I fervently pray, that the Glory of it may never depart from its Inhabitants till Time shall be no more. After the service we returned on board, much gratified with the reception we had met with, and we could not but feel the strongest persuasion that the time was at hand, when the Glory of the Lord would be revealed to these poor benighted heathen, and that those, who were to remain on the Island, had strong reason to believe, that their labours would be blessed and crowned with success.— In the evening I administered the Holy Sacrement [sic] on board the ‘Active’— In rememberance [sic] of our Saviour’s Birth and of what He had done and suffered for us.— On Monday Morning, as there were no timber at Rangheehoo, fit for erecting the necessary buildings for the Settlers, I determined to take the Brig to the Timber district, which I understood was about 20 miles distant, on the opposite side of the harbour— up a fresh water river: because this would supply what was wanted, at once, and save considerable expense. I therefore ordered all the Iron and various other articles to be landed and given in charge of Duaterra.— The poultry were also sent on shore— the Sawyers and Smith with Mr Hanson Junr left the vessel likewise— I directed them, with the assistance of the Natives, to build a hut 60 feet by 16, and to thatch it for the immediate accommodation of the settlers and their families. When we returned from the Timber District the Natives seemed very willing to assist us as much as they could.— I found now I should be much distressed for want of axes, and other articles of trade, as the presents I had made at the North Cape and along the coast, had very much reduced my stock.— We had also omitted to bring coals with us from Port Jackson: and I hardly knew how to remedy these defects— As nothing could be done in our mechanical operations, nor could we purchase provisions from the natives without carpenters tools; Such as Axes &c. I had no alternative but to erect a Smith’s shop and burn Charcoal— in order that the Smith might get to work, and make axes &c to supply our present wants. I consequently desired that some of the Natives might assist the Smith in burning Charcoal and in erecting a workshop until the Active should return.— Having given such instructions as I deemed necessary and prudent, We sailed for the Timber District on tuesday taking with us, the Settlers and their families (This district belonged to a chief named ‘Terra’ an old man apparently seventy years of age). Terra was then the head Chief on the south side, and possessed considerable influence— I therefore judged it prudent to wait upon him and to obtain his permission— in the first place, to cut what timber we required in order to prevent any misunderstanding. Accordingly when we came opposite to his village I went, accompanied by Messrs Kendall, Nicholas, and King, to visit him and took with me a young man about seventeen years of age, who was related to the Chief, and who had been almost nine years from New Zealand— the latter part of which period he had lived with me in Parramatta— He had also lived several years with a Mr Drummond at Norfolk Island, from whom he experienced great kindness.— When we landed I found Terra sitting on the beach with some of his subordinate Chiefs and people;— He received us very cordially, and wept much on account of the young man’s return, as did many others, some of whom wept aloud.— I presented him with an axe, an adze and two plane Irons with several other trifles.— He said he did not want any present from me, but only my company, as he had heard so often of me, from his own people and others.— I told him, that I had waited on him, to beg his permission, to cut some timber in his district for building houses to the Europeans and Rangheehoo. [sic]— He expressed a strong desire that they would come and reside with him. I pointed out to him, that they could not well come then, but must settle with Duaterra in consequence of our long acquaintance with him; but, that in time some Europeans should come and live with him. He gave his consent for us to have what timber was wanted.— He informed me that the wheat, which had been given him when the ‘Active’ was first there, was growing. I went to see it, and found it almost ripe. As the Vessel had gone on, and I was informed, we were several miles from the place at which she would anchor— I wished to take my leave before the night came on us, but the old Chief would not consent till we had first taken some refreshment.— He therefore ordered his Cook to dress some sweet potatoes as soon as possible (these are, with them, esteemed a choice food). In a short time a basketfull of them were roasted and placed before us.— The Chief sat by us, as did his wives and a number of Men, Women and Children; he would not eat with us himself nor permit any of his people to do so, and when we parted with him, he ordered two baskets of Sweet potatoes to be put into the boat for our use. I invited him to come on board the Active which he promised to do, and we took our live [sic] being much gratified with the attention of this Chief and his people. The next morning we were visited by numbers of the natives from different districts; and I contracted with some of the subordinate Chiefs for a cargo of timber. The Brig lay about eight miles from the fresh water river where the pine trees grew, there not being sufficient depth of water to bring her nearer. I went up, accompanied by Messrs Nicholas and Hall, to see the pines, and we found a considerable village upon the Banks of the river, which they called Koua-koua. When our arrival was known, we were soon surrounded by numbers of the natives, who vied with each other in their attentions— None of us were under the least apprehension of danger any more than if we had been among our own country folk— In about ten days we had got our Cargo, and were ready to return to Rangheehoo. During the time the natives were getting the timber, Mr Nicholas and I visited different places for several miles round; and passed one night with an old Chief who gave us an account of Captn Cook’s visit and stay at the Bay of Islands. He said that he was then a young man, and shewed us where the sailors pitched their tents, washed their linen, watered their ships, and cut their wood; he also related several occurrences which took place while the great Navigator remained there.— Our Cargo being completed on friday the 6th of Jany 1815 We weighed anchor and sailed for Rangheehoo. When we got there the hut which I had directed to be built was almost finished. It was my intention, as soon as the Settlers and their luggage were safely landed, to visit either Whangarooa or the River Thames, as the wind at the time might permit.— Several of the natives of Whangaroa had visited the Active, since the peace had been established between them and the people of the Bay of Islands. As the Hut would not be ready for the reception of the Settlers for, at least, four or five days, I agreed with Shunghee, to visit one of his villages twenty five miles distant in the interior. Mr Nicholas volunteered to accompany me— early on Monday morning the 9th. Shunghee, Duaterra, his wife and several other chiefs came off to the Brig in a War Canoe, in which we were to go up one of the Western branches of the harbour, from the head of which we were to walk to a place called Waimate where the village alluded to was built.— After breakfast, we left the Active and went into the Canoe, which was large and commodious;— Sixteen persons could row on each side and we could sit or lie down at pleasure. These Canoes go very quick thro’ the water, and afford the most pleasant conveyance for passengers.— Some of them are 80 to 90 feet in length,— A smaller canoe also accompanied us, with some of Shunghees common Servants.— About eleven oclock, we reached the head of the cove, which we estimated to be about 15 miles from the Active.— Here we landed in a potatoe Garden belonging to Shunghee’s Brother named Kangarooa; where we were to take some refreshment before we proceeded on our journey. Duaterra and his wife had already gone to their farm, the servants were all busy some in digging potatoes, others in making fires to roast them.— Hearing the sound of a fall of water at a little distance; I went to examine it, while the potatoes were roasting, and found a fresh water river falling over a bed of rocks, which there extend from bank to bank. I estimated the fall to be about 91 [sic] feet perpendicular height— The water is sufficient to turn mills of any kind. A regular bed of solid rock, I think of whinstone, runs direct across the head of the salt water cove, and forms a dam similar to many of the artificial dams in England.— The water seemed to be supplied from regular springs and heavy rains.— The land on both sides of the river appeared very good.— After taking some refreshments, about 10 oclock we set off for Waimate.— For the first three or four miles we past through a rich uneven country.— The land in general was free from timber, and could easily have been plowed, it appeared to me to be good strong wheat land, and was then covered with fern.— For the next six miles the land seemed of various qualities some exceeding good, some of it stony, a part swampy, and the other portions of a gravelly nature— The whole of this part of country taken collectively would form a good Agricultural Settlement. It is watered by several fine streams running through it about a mile apart from each other and it is skirted in various places by lofty pine trees, and other timber.— When we had walked nearly 10 miles we entered a very fine wood in which there were some of the largest pines I had ever seen. One measured more than thirty feet in girth, and probably not less than one hundred feet in height, without a branch, it appeared to be nearly the same thickness at the top as at the bottom.. While passing thro’ this wood, we met with a Chief’s wife who was overjoyed to see us; her husband’s name was Terria a very fine handsome looking man, he had been on board the Brig a few days before; he informed me that some time back, a boat’s crew belonging to a whaler had entered his potatoe ground, in the Bay of Islands, to steal his potatoes, and that he had set his father and some of his people to watch them, when the Europeans shot his father dead, and killed another man and a woman, he afterwards watched them himself, and killed three European sailors.— I understood that the Europeans belonged to a Whaler called the New Zealander.— After meeting Terria’s wife, we came to his village situated on the banks of a fine run of fresh water, and a deal of rich land around it.— We enquired how many wives he had and were told ten. Terria was from home but his wives pressed us much to have some refreshments with them. There were a number of servants both men and women.— We accepted the invitation and Shunghee having shot a wild duck, we had it dressed while Terria’s Servants prepared abundance of potatoes for the whole party. We stopped in this village about two hours; they had a number of fine hogs but no other animal was seen exce[p]ting dogs— The New Zealanders are a very cheerful race: We were here entertained with a dance and song— and they continued their mirth during our stay. We took our leave of them a little before the sun went down.— Proceeding on our journey, we arrived at Shunghee’s village, just before dark, where we were received with the loudest acclamations of his people, several of whom wept for joy.— This village contains about two hundred houses and is situated on the summit of an almost inaccessible hill, and strongly fortified both by nature and art.— Three very deep trenches have been cut round the sides of the hill, one above another, and each trench fenced round with whole and split trees, from twelve to twenty feet high.— We entered this extraordinary fortification through a narrow gate way, when Shunghee shewed us how he defended his place in time of war. — He had one small Secret corner where he could be concealed and fire upon the enemy, every little hut, in this enclosure, is fenced round; Some [the] Store houses for the reception of their spears and provisions, are about 30 feet long and twenty wide.— they are also well built, the roofs are thatched some of the eves [sic] extend three feet over the sides in order to carry off the water, and keep the building dry.— In the centre of the Fort, on the very summit of the hill, a stage is errected [sic] upon a single pillar, about twenty feet long and three broad, hewn out of a solid log, and elevated about six feet from the ground. Upon this the Chief sits either for pleasure or business just as occasions require him to consult with his people.— It commands a most extensive view, of the surrounding country in all directions. Near this stage is a little hut about four feet from the ground, three feet long and two wide, with a little image placed up on the side of the door (which does not exceed one foot, a seat also is placed in front, upon which the Chief’s Lady sits when she eats her provisions, which are deposited in this little building.— About nine Oclock, we were informed that the room was ready where we were to sleep, some clean Mats had been placed upon the floor for us to lie on, we wrapped ourselves up in our great coats.— A number of the natives lay in different situations, some under cover, and some in the open air.— We had enjoyed a very pleasant day, and our long walk had prepared us for a Sound sleep, tho’ not indulged with feather beds. Early on tuesday morning the 10th we rose with an intention of visiting a fresh water Lake [called Morberrie— Hocken] about 5 miles distant from the village.— We set off attended by Shunghee, and several Chiefs with a number of servants.— Our way lay thro’ a wood composed of various sorts of timber besides the noble pine. We could not but view these wonderful productions of nature with reverence and wonder.— On our way to the Lake we also passed through some very rich ground and soon arrived at a small village where Shunghee’s people were at work preparing ground for planting potatoes.— There was a very fine crop nearly ripe in one part.— The land appeared dry and rich, and the potatoes mealy— I have never seen better potatoes under the best culture.— When we had walked two miles further we came to the Lake: it might be about 12 Miles in circumference, and we were informed, that it empties itself into the head of a River, which ran into the Ocean on the west side of the Island. It’s head was about an hours walk from the Lake.— The land appeared good on the north side of it.— We amused ourselves about two hours in viewing this Lake, and the neighbouring grounds, and then returned to the last mentioned Village; where we dined on a wild duck and potatoes (aided by the provisions we had brought with us) the Duck was shot by Shunghee. After this we returned to the Fort, and slept there for that night.— Shunghee’s people here appeared very industrious, they rose at the dawn of day, both men and women, some were busy making baskets for potatoes, others dressing flax, or making mats, none remains unemployed.— Shunghee and his brother Kangorroa have a large track of Country similar in extent [‘in extent’ crossed out in pencil] to one of the counties in England; It extends from the east side to the west side of New Zealand, and is well watered.— We saw much land well adapted for cultivation. Shunghee had near the village we were at, one field which appeared to me to contain forty acres, all fenced in with rails and upright stakes tied to them to keep out the pigs.— The greater part of it was planted with turnips, common, and sweet potatoes, which were in high cultivation. They suffer no weeds to grow but, with incredible labour and patience root up every thing likely to injure the growing crop.— Their tools of Agriculture are chiefly made of wood, some formed like a spade, and others like a crow bar, with which they turn up the soil.— Axes, hoes, and Spades, are much wanted. If these could be obtained their Country would soon put on a different appearance.— No labor of man, without Iron, can clear and subdue uncultivated land to any extent. The New Zealanders seem to do as much in this respect, and the strength and wisdom of man, in their situation is equal to.— Shunghee shewed me some fine wheat, the seed of which I had sent him about seven months before, it was nearly ripe, and the ear was full and large, he put a very high value upon it, as he appeared to know its worth from his few month’s residence at Parramatta.— I had also sent over a little English flax seed, this also had been sown and it came to great perfection, far superior to any I had observed in New South Wales— Shunghee treated us, during this visit to his village, with all the attention and hospitality his means afforded.— He had slain two hogs, and we had what we used of them, dressed after our own mode. Early on Wednesday the 11th we took our leave of this Extraordinary fortification, and the people who resided in it, intending to breakfast at the village belonging to Terria, about five miles distant.— Shunghee sent his Servants with two fine hogs for the use of the vessel.— We arrived at Terria’s Village a little after 7 a.m., where we were very kindly received, the fires were soon lighted and preparations made for breakfast.— Several natives joined us here, whom we had not seen before. Terria was not yet returned.— After Mr Nicholas and I had breakfasted I had tea made for Terria’s wives and Shunghee’s, who surrounded us— They all refused to take any— Shunghee told me they were all tabooed, and thereby prohibited from taking any thing but water.—I pressed Shunghee to allow one of his wives (who had a little child about a month old, and who had followed us from the village, to take it, he said she could not drink any, for if she did his child would die.— I was fully convinced that their refusing to take the tea was founded upon some superstitious notions.— They were all very fond of bread and Sugar; and I distributed what remained of these articles, among them, while Shunghee and the other Chiefs drank the tea— In about two hours, we proceeded to the cove where we had left the War Canoe on Monday morning.— The distance we had to walk was about eight miles, and our party consisted of twenty five persons, all natives of New Zealand, except Mr Nicholas and myself.— In about three hours’ time we reached the Canoe, here we stopped and took dinner, and afterwards set off for the Brig.— [In pencil- Active] When we had got within seven miles of the vessel we met Duaterra in his war canoe, with a supply of provisions, particularly tea, Sugar, and bread; he was apprehensive we should want these articles, as we had been about one day longer than was intended when we left the Active.— As Shunghee and Duaterra approached each other, the[y] mutually fired a piece, which is held by them as a mark of respect.— These two canoes were nearly matched, and these chiefs were determined to try their strength and skill to see which would go the quickest.— Shunghee commanded one and Duaterra the other;— they both ran at so rapid a rate, that it was not possible to tell at times which had the advantage, we were much amused with the exact order they struck their paddles, and their skill, in Struggling for the superiority.— One man in each canoe gave the signal, for every stroke, which changed every few seconds, sometimes the strokes were long and slow, at others short and quick.— In a little time we reached the Active.— On Monday Morning previous to leaving the vessel I directed that the Settlers, their families and every thing belonging to them should be landed, as soon as the building was ready for their reception. On my return I found Mr Kendall and his family were on shore, and every preparation made for Messrs Hall and King.— As I intended to sail either for Whangaroa or the River Thames as soon as the Brig was cleared, I went on shore to make the necessary arrangements for my departure. On landing I was informed that a Chief named Werrie (nephew to the late Tippahee) was very much enraged and had beat his wife, in consequence of finding a nail in her possession.— The nail had excited Werrie’s jealousy, which caused him to demand where she had got it; She told him that a man belonging to the Active had given it to her as a present.— Werie [sic] could not be persuaded that any man would give his wife so valuable a present, as a nail unless her conduct had been improper.— I was apprehensive that this unpleasant circumstance might be attended with serious consequences unless the chief’s mind could be satisfied with respect to the chastity of his wife.— I sent for Duaterra and consulted with him, when it was agreed that the man who was said to have given Mrs Werie the nail should be sent for, and if any improper act could be proved against him, he should be confined to the vessel.— A public investigation therefore took place, in presence of the chief and many of the inhabitants.— held on the open beach where they dance and exercise.— The New Zealand woman and the accused European were brought forward. She defended herself very warmly, but said she could not Identify the man, who had given her the nail, [in pencil, but] affirming however that she had received it as a present.— After a long examination, she was acquitted by the unanimous voice of the Chiefs, to the satisfaction of all parties tho’ I could not but entertain suspicions of the Lady’s chastity from her hesitation to point out the person, who had given her the nail.— I took this opportunity to assure them, that if any person belonging to the Active, either insulted or injured any of their people, he or they should be punished.— After this business was settled Mr and Mrs Hall were landed with the remainder of the stores.— On the following morning, Friday the 13th Mr and Mrs King were also landed and the vessel supplied with water and wood to be in readiness for sea.— About 3 P. M. we weighed and sailed down the harbour; it was my intention if the wind permitted, first to sail for Whangorroa, having been invited by several of the inhabitants of that place who had come to Rangheehoo, since the peace was established.— I had Duaterra and Korokoro, with 25 New Zealanders, as a guard on board they were very fine young men, and could be depended on— Many of them being the sons of Chiefs on both sides of the harbour.— I thought it prudent to take a sufficient number of men, in case any difference should happen to arise either at Whangoroa, the river Thames, or at any other part of the coast, at which we might touch.— When we got to sea, the wind was fair for Whangorroa, and we directed our course thither, but when we came over to the Cavalles, the wind suddenly changed and compelled us to anchor between the Cavalles and the Main, about five leagues Southward of Whangarroa, here we remained all night. Soon after we anchored three canoes came off from the Cavalles and other Islands around.— Some of the people came on board and remained till after the sun went down.— When they had gone, the Carpenter missed one of his chisels with which he had been at work.— Duaterra was very angry, as we were convinced that some of the natives had taken it;— the Boat was immediately manned by Duaterra’s men, well armed and proceeded to one of the above mentioned Islands:— I requested Duaterra, provided he should find the thief, not to injure him, but merely to take the chisel from him.— In about an hour’s time they returned without being able to find the thief; having landed on the wrong Island (as the the [sic] night was very dark)— The next morning (Saturday the 14th) at break of day, a canoe came off to inform us where the thief was, and wanted assistance to take him, but I thought it more prudent to let the matter rest, lest it should detain the vessel too long, as we had then got up the anchor, intending to sail for Whangarroa; a light breeze having sprung up:— It however soon became calm and obliged us to anchor again.— In the afternoon the wind blue [sic] pretty fresh, but directly against us, with a prospect of its continuing in that quarter, which would prevent us from entering the harbour of Whangarroa. I therefore determined to proceed for the River Thames: to which we bore away, as soon as the anchor was weighed.— On the same evening we passed the mouth of the Bay of Islands, with a gentle breeze which continued all night, and in the morning we were not far from the Poor Knights (some small Islands which lie a few leagues from the main)— About 10 A.M. a Canoe was observed coming to the Brig. Duaterra ordered his men under arms, and directed them to lie down upon the deck, that they might not be seen when the canoe came alongside.— The Canoe came up, it contained only one old chief, three men and a woman;— a rope was thrown to them to secure the canoe, the old chief got immediately on the side of the vessel to come on board, he had not observed the New Zealanders; who just as he was coming over the Gangway, sprung up some presenting their muskets and others their spears, which so alarmed him that he fell back into the canoe, and almost upset it, there he lay some time before he recovered from his fright; the New Zealanders making a most dreadful noise, at the same time.— The old chief came afterwards on board, and was much rejoiced to see so many of his friends, and laughed heartily at the trick which had been played on him.— After some conversation with him, we understood that he had learned who we were, & the object we had in view.— He took his leave with much apparent satisfaction but they had not gone far before another canoe came off from a different part of the coast, with a number of very fine young men in it: they had learned where we were going, as one of them had visited the Active before when she lay at Kouakoua and requested I would allow him to accompany us, to the river Thames which was granted.— By this time we were near a very high part of the coast, called ‘Bream head’ by Captain Cook; the Chief of that district with his son had visited the Brig when we lay at Kouakoua.— I had made him a present of a few things and among them piece of red and white India print, and informed him, that I intended to visit the River Thames, as soon as we had passed Bream head, the wind blowing very fresh, and observing two Canoes labouring hard to reach the vessel, one of them had a signal flying, I desired the Master to bear away for them. When we came up, I found that the Canoe with the flag, contained the son of the above mentioned Chief, and his Colours were a part of the piece of print I had given to his father;— He pressed us much to go on shore and visit his Father, but I told him we could not stop then, as the wind was fair, but would see him on our return.— The young man provided us with abundance of bream, and other fine fish, which they had in the Canoe.— After we had received this liberal supply of fish— we directed our course again towards the River Thames and the same evening passed Point Rodney (one of the heads of the harbour) and saw Cape Colville, the other Head, which is very high land and not much less than twenty leagues distant from the first.— On Monday the 16th we found ourselves pretty far advanced up the River Thames in which there are several Islands, on the east side and on the west.— About 11 A.M. we came opposite the residence of the Head Chief Houpa, of whom we had often heard, and from those accounts, were taught to believe, that he was a man much esteemed as well as feared, and possessed very great power. In a short time we observed a war Canoe full of men, advancing towards the vessel, we hove to— when they came near, they lay upon their paddles and viewed the Brig and informed us that Houpa was in the Canoe.— I requested him to come on board, which he did with one of his sons.— Houpa is one of the strongest and best made men, I almost ever beheld;— he was greatly surprised to see such a number of New Zealanders on board, and so few Europeans.— We had one chief in the Active named Timmaranghee who was intimate with Houpa, and who had lived on board the Brig for some time; he informed Houpa, who we were, and that we had come to the river Thames (which they call Showrakee) to see him and his people, and also that some of the Europeans were settled at the Bay of Islands with a view of instructing the Natives.— I made him a present of a few things and in return he directed two fine mats to be presented to me out of his Canoe; he expressed a wish for us to come to an Anchor near his residence.— I told him it was my intention to visit his place, when we returned down the river, but as the wind was then favourable, we would take the advantage of it, and proceed.— He directed us what course to steer, and told us we should get the vessel aground if we kept too much to the right.— After holding conversation with several of the natives on board, he took his leave expecting to see us again on our return.— We then made sail up the river, and were at the time on the western side, about four leagues from its mouth.— We had left Houpa more than an hour, before the wind began to blow very fresh, so that the water soon became so rough that we could not perceive the channel, when we had got almost to the head of the harbour it was then high water, and on sounding found that we had only three fathoms, and there being no appearance of the Gale abating we were induced to put the vessel about, by which means we got into deeper water before the tide fell too much for the safe riding of the Brig— At this time we were on the east shore not far from land.— We worked to windward for several hours, and in the evening came to anchor in four fathoms water, where we lay all night during which it rained and blew very hard.— The harbour here is very open, there is no shelter for shipping, which renders it very dangerous.— On tuesday [sic] about 4 oclock (as the gale increased, we weighed anchor, in order to work the vessel to windward, if possible and to get her under the land, as the place we lay in, was not safe should the vessel be driven from her anchor.— The Sea was so rough and the Brig had so much motion, that the New Zealanders who had never been before on board ship at sea, were much alarmed and imagined that they would be lost. About 6 P.M. the gale abated and we came to anchor again about two miles from the west shore opposite a large village.— Tho’ the inhabitants had seen us all day, yet they dared not venture out in their canoes on account of the weather.— After we came to anchor, the boat was hoisted out and ten New Zealanders went on shore to open a communication with the natives. Shortly after the boat had reached the Beach, we heard a great noise; Duaterra was uneasy because the boat did not return as soon as was expected;— he was afraid that some quarrel had taken place, between the inhabitants and the people in the boat; and observed— “if they had injured any of his men, he would immediately declare war against them with all the force he could command.— In about an hour after dark, the boat returned safe and they informed us, that they had been very kindly received, and that the noise we had heard was only their rejoicings.— They told us there were plenty of fine hogs and potatoes on shore, both of which we much wanted, the Brig being full of people.— This information determined me to visit the village in the morning.— However on the following day a Chief named Pithi (nephew to Houpa) came after the Active.— He was a very stout handsome man and in the prime of life, with mild manners, and a countenance both pleasing and interesting.— I invited him on board;— The Chief Timmoranghee was well known to Pithi: After the usual salutations, relative to our voyage and all affairs connected with it, as far as Timmoranghee knew: I gave him some biscuit (which they are all fond of) and shewed him some wheat in the straw, which had been grown at New Zealand by Shunghee, informing him that the biscuit was made from wheat, and I gave him some for seed; he shewed much anxiety to learn the culture of wheat, and enquired how many moons it was from sowing to reaping time, and expressed his determination to try if he could grow some at his settlement.— I made him a present of a few articles and (accompanied by Mr Nicholas, went on shore taking 12 New Zealanders with us.— On landing the natives received us with every mark of friendship.— The women and children were numerous, but not so the young men,— we enquired the reason, and they told us, that they (the young men) had gone to war, and that few, except old men, and those who had been taken prisoners, remained in the village.— At this place we found the New Zealanders sold their prisoners of war or kept them to work as slaves.— Several of the natives of the Bay of Islands had brought with them a little trade, some a few nails, others small pieces of iron-hoops, some a few feathers, and some had fishing hooks with a variety of articles of no value to Europeans, but of much value to themselves.— The village was all in motion they crowded together like a fair, from all quarters.— Some of the inhabitants brought their mats to sell and various other articles, so that the whole day appeared a busy scene, and many things were bought and sold in their way of trade.— When the fair was over, the Ladies entertained us with several dances and songs.— One of them had on a very fine upper garment, which a Chief from Rangeehoo (who had come with us) wanted to procure for his wife:— he had brought a box of feathers, neatly dressed, the pithy part of the quill having been all cut off, and only the external part remaining, to which the feather was attached— he made the feather wave gracefully with the smallest breeze, when placed in the air— He opened it in presence of the Ladies, many of whom wanted these feathers, he, on the other hand, wanted the fine garment.— After placing them very tastefully— two or three feathers in each of the Lady’s [sic] hair, she that had got the fine garment beheld how elegantly they appeared on the heads of those who wore them and became seemingly impatient to possess such an ornament. He asked her to sell her Garment, she hesitated for some time; at length he laid a certain number down at her feet,— this proved a temptation she could not resist— and she instantly threw off the fine Garment, and delivered it to him for his feathers.— The Chief intended this article as a present to his wife, and he presented it to to [sic] her, on his return.— After this Mr Nicholas accompanied me to Houpa’s fortified village, it was situated upon a high hill, nearly a mile from where we then were.— It was, in many respects, similar to that already described belonging to Shunghee.— Here we found no men;— it was entirely left to the care of some women and one of Houpa’s wives;— they told us the men had gone to war.— In this place there some very fat hogs, and fine plantations of potatoes;— The women afterwards told us: they could not sell the hogs, as they belonged to the men, who had gone to the war— Houpa’s wife said she had a very large one belonging to herself, which she would make me a present of, if I would stop till it could be brought in, for at that time it was out feeding. She sent the servants to look for the hog, along with one of our people but they returned without it— I made her a present of some print, and some other trifles— She was very anxious we should wait, till the hog could be found, but, we could not conveniently stay longer, and therefore left this romantic place— This Lady’s face, arms, and breasts were all covered with scars, which had been lately cut, in consequence of the death of one of Haupa’s children— She was a very fine tall woman.— Haupa did not reside there at the time.— I observed that the pillars leading into the Fortification, were carved with various figures, such as men’s heads &c and some of them had round Caps on their tops, similar to those on Gateways in many parts of England, and were about fourteen feet high.— Shortly after we left Haupa’s Lady, we received a Message from Duaterra to inform us that he was coming on shore for us;— We met the boat and Duaterra landed— Pethi the Chief came at the same time and wished us to go to the upper end of the village, where he resided, the distance was about two miles along the shore. We agreed to visit him, and ordered the Boat to follow us.— When we arrived we met some of the finest men and women I had yet seen in New Zealand. They were well dressed and received us very cordially. There were three of Haupa’s nephews and their Ladies who wore fine mats fancifully wrought which reached from their shoulders to their feet; and had a very graceful appearance.— I had taken a few pieces of print some plane Irons, common nails &c with me— of which I made the Chiefs and their Ladies a few presents.— We had a few baskets of potatoes dressed— Several songs and dances, in which the Chiefs and their Ladies took an active part, and exerted all their strength and voices to amuse us. [sic] It was now about 5 P.M. We therefore took our leave and retained [sic] on board to dinner.— When we had set down, I was informed that two Canoes were coming off with the Chiefs and their Ladies— I went on deck to receive them, and invited them to dine with us, which they readily accepted. I told the Chiefs I wanted some potatoes and hogs for the vessel, but as the men had gone to war, to whom they belonged, I could not purchase any, and therefore it was my intention to sail that evening for the Bay of Islands.— They wanted me much to stay, and told me to take whatever we wanted on shore, regardless of what the people said; I told them I could not steal nor take by force any thing from the inhabitants but I was willing to purchase, but would take nothing unless what was legally bought and paid for.— They urged me much to Stop and get my Supplies, which I would have done, if I had been sensible, they could be procured without giving offence to the natives; but I was convinced they could not, from what I had been told on shore, unless the male proprietors had been there.— As soon as we had dined, I desired the Master to prepare for sea immediately,— the Anchor was soon weighed and the Vessel put under sail dash [sic]. The Chiefs and their Ladies still remaining, unwilling to leave us they had several dances on deck;— At length I got the Ladies into the Canoes, but the Chiefs shewed no inclination to part, and again had another dance, when the Ladies once more leapt on board and joined them in the dance and song, which continued till we had sailed a considerable distance, when they were compelled either to leave us, or go to sea.— When they had got into the canoes the 28 natives I had on board, began to sing and dance in their turn, to amuse the Chiefs and their Ladies who lay upon their paddles all the time.— As soon as the dance ended on deck, they began again in the Canoes, and continued till we could hear them no longer:— They then waved their hands and returned to the shore.— One of these Chiefs promised to visit Port Jackson and to see Duaterra at the Bay of Islands from whom they had received and returned presents during our short stay here.— These people shewed us the kindest attention and did all they could to amuse us. I gave several of them wheat, which I hope will prove advantageous to them, I also told them, they would be able to procure axes and other tools from the Europeans at Rangheehoo for they will give any thing for axes— Duaterra with his armed men having dressed himself in European clothing with a sword by his side, commanded considerable respect from these chiefs when on shore. I trust our visit to the River Thames will unite in friendship the leading men of Rangheehoo and those of this part of New Zealand; and that if in future any European settlers should be sent to the River Thames, they will be welcomed by the natives.— I felt much gratified with the conduct of the people, but sincerely regretted that I could not see Haupa again; the Wind was so strong against us, we could not make his Settlement, and were therefore obliged to stand out to sea.— As my stay in New Zealand was limited I could not wait for a change of wind. The next morning (tuesday the 19th) We saw Point Rodney about seven Leagues off.— There being little wind we did not reach it till 12 Oclock when we entered Bream Cove, and Sailing into it, we ran along shore a little distance from the land.— The ground was, in general, level, and a grove of Pines, appeared behind the banks of the Cove.— When we had reached near Bream-head, the natives told us, there was an harbour at the head of the Cove into which a fresh water river ran from the interior.— We sailed up to the mouth of this harbour; Mr Hanson (the master of the Active) saying it would be a very safe place for a vessel to lay in as she would be completely sheltered from the sea. We enquired if any ship had ever been in that harbour, the natives told us that the Venus from Port Jackson had anchored there along [sic] time ago, and, further, that she had put in at the North Cape also and had taken two native women one from the Bay of Islands and one from Bream Cove; that she went from thence to the River Thames where her people got Houpa and one of his daughters on board with an intention to take them also away:— But when the Venus sailed from the River Thames Houpa’s Canoe followed her, and he waited his opportunity to leap over board, which he effected and was taken up by his own Canoe, but, none of the women have ever since returned. The Venus Brig belonged to Messiers [sic] Campbell and Coy of Calcutta— She was taken by some Convicts, who were on Board of her, at Port Dalrymple, and carried off the Coast.— Such are the horrid Crimes, which Europeans, who bear the Christian name, commit upon the Savage nations.— We lay to all night in the Cove, as I wished to see the Chief who resided near this place; and whose son supplied us with fish, as we past when bound for the River Thames.— We now began to fish and in a short time got abundance of Bream and other sorts of fish— I expected we would have seen the Chief, but the vessel had not yet been observed.— The next morning at daylight, we sailed, and shortly after passing Bream head, we were seen from the shore, when a Canoe put off for the Brig; as soon as it came along side I observed the Chief, whom I had wished see [sic], in it; he told us that he had not seen the vessel the night before, as he and his men had been busy at work on their Potatoe ground, which prevented him from looking out.— Mayhanger a young man, who is mentioned in Mr Savage’s account of New Zealand, and who accompanied that Gentleman to England, on his return from New South Wales to Europe, was also along with the Chief.— Mayhanger enquired after many persons he had seen in England, and who had been kind to him.— The Chief was anxious we should return with him for one day, saying he had abundance of hogs and potatoes and would supply all our wants— I told him I could not detain the vessel if the wind was fair, but must proceed— I gave him a little wheat for seed, some nails and a Cat with which they returned on shore highly pleased with their visit, and requested only that I could but stop one day, for him to make me some return— Shortly after they were gone, the wind changed and continued against us all day.— At 6 P.M. We were about two legues [sic] from Shore, the sea being smooth and likely for a fine night, I determined to visit the Chief, and had the Boat immediately hoisted out.— Mr Nicholas accompanied me, we had none but New Zealanders in the Boat— The sun was set before we reached the shore— The natives beheld the Boat, and one of them stood upon a rock pointing out where we were to land.— There is a bar which runs across the mouth of this harbour, and upon it the sea breaks with great violence, as we approached, it appeared impossible to us, that the boat could pass through the surf—yet two canoes came dashing through the waves, as if they bade defiance to the destructive rocks and foaming billows that rolled over them with a dreadful noise; to direct us, where it would be safe for the boat to land— When the Boat came near the shore a number of natives rushed through the surf, laid hold of the boat, and conducted us safely in. The Chief’s residence was on the east side of the harbour but we were compelled to land on the west side, on account of the surf, and had therefore to cross the water in a Canoe. The whole place was surrounded with broken rocks which resembled more the ruins of old abbies [sic] than any thing else.— Some formed very large Arches, others deep caverns, some were like old Steeples and others like broken Massy Columns;— in short they represented the most curious group of ruins which time, storms, and Seas have made.— A numerous crowd of men, women, and children came to meet us.— The Chief and Mayhanger were overjoyed at our visit. The Chief who had been on board was the War Commander, or one whom the New Zealanders call the Fighting man— Yet we now found there was another higher in authority than our friend, to whom we were conducted— He was seated on the ground and a clean mat was placed by for Mr Nicholas and me: the war Commander stood all the time with a Spear in his hand. The head chief was a very old man with a long grey beard, and little hair upon his head; he was an exceeding pleasant man.— Korokoro came with us, he related to the Chief all the wonders he had seen at Port Jackson the attention paid to him, the riches of our Country, and for what purpose our Brig had come to New Zealand. The old Chief laughed much, and made many enquiries and wanted us to stay till next day; he ordered us some pork and gave a few baskets of fish for the people.— We stopt till about 10 oclock, when we took our leave; having enjoyed a very pleasant evening.— They conducted us through the surf and we made for the vessel, she was by this time so far distant that we could not even hear the muskets which were fired as signals, tho’ we could observe the flash of the powder which directed us to the vessel.— We got on board, when a breeze sprang up and we made sail, and the next morning [Sat Jan 21/15- Hocken] discovered Cape Brett in sight.— As we sailed along the coast, we were visited by ten Canoes, which brought us plenty of fish.— About 3 P.M. we anchored in the harbour of Rangheehoo; and found all on the Settlement well, and assuming the pleasing appearance of civilization from the buildings erected and erecting and from the Sawyers, Smiths, and others at work.— Having now completed every thing relative to the Establishment of the Mission that appeared to me necessary as far as regarded the intercourse of the Settlers with the natives— I had opened a communication nearly two hundred miles along the Coast and the Chiefs in all the different districts were acquainted with the object in view; and they all seemed sensible of the benefits which they were likely to derive from the residence of Europeans among them.— A more promising prospect could not be looked for, than the present for civilizing this interesting people.— We had had no differences, during the whole time of our stay, (and we had no means of protecting ourselves against such numbers, as are in these districts) but were wholly in the power of the natives.— I put no restraint upon them, but suffered them to come at any time and in any number, to the vessel, Sundays excepted, when we had Divine service. A number of the chiefs lived constantly on board and many of their servants also.— We had only two small thefts committed while the Brig lay in this harbour.— One of the chiefs detected a common man with about 2 lbs of Iron, and brought him to me he was in a violent rage with him.— I ordered the man to be confined in the hold, till Terria, the head chief, came on board; when he arrived, he was informed of what the man had done; Terria desired the thief to be brought on deck, and on the man’s approach Terria made a blow at him with a billet of wood and would have instantly put him to death if I had not interferred [sic] to spare his life by getting him out of the brig into a Canoe. The Chief then ordered him to quite [sic] his dominions and return to them no more.— I afterwards lost two razors, and the Chiefs were much concerned when informed of the circumstance saying they hop’d I did not suspect either of them— or that they could be guilty of such a crime— (as no chief would steal.— They said I had been too indulgent in allowing their servants to come on board, who could not all be trusted; and assured me, that if ever they found out the thief at any period however distant, he should be put to death.— They also presented me with a very valuable mat— one of the finest I had seen, as a Compensation for my loss, observing that while I remained in their districts I should not suffer any loss which they could remedy.— They were all much concerned about these thefts.— One of them sat upon deck two days and nights, and would not come into the cabin to eat, from vexation— saying he was so much ashamed of such conduct.— (Theft & adultry [sic] they punish with death) On passing up the river Kouakoua I observed upon the summit of a very high hill a Roman cross; and asked the natives what it was for; they told me it was to hang thieves on whom they first killed, and then hung up their dead bodies till time or the vultures destroyed.— During our stay at Kouakoua I had many interesting conversations with the chiefs relative to the nature of crimes and punishments, and I pointed out to them, that there was no comparison between a man who would steal a potatoe and another who committed murder— and yet their punishment (in New Zealand) was the same— for they will as soon kill a man for stealing potatoes as for murder. The Chief has the power of life and death over his people.— They appeared much astonished, when I told them that King George had not the power to put any man to death, tho’ a much greater King than any in New Zealand,— I explained to them the nature of a British jury— that no man could be put to death in England unless twelve Gentlemen had examined into the case of the accused prisoner on [sic] any alleged offence, and if they pronounced him guilty of a crime deserving death then King George could put him to death but if these twelve Gentlemen said he was not guilty King George could not put him to death;— and even when a Criminal is condemned to die— King George has the authority to pardon him if he wishes to do so.— They remarked that such a law was very good; and one of them asked what Governor we should send them— I replied that we had no intention of sending them any; but wished them to Govern themselves.— I mentioned some Crimes which were punished with death, and others which we punished with banishment; and observed that punishment should be regulated at all times by the nature of the offence— I told them, if a man had two wives, in England, tho’ he was a Gentleman yet he would be banished from his Country.— One of the Chiefs said, he was of opinion that it was better to have only one wife, for where there are many the women will always be quarrelling, others said that their wives made the best overseers, and that they could not get their grounds cultivated if it was not for the industry of their wives; and for that reason only, they thought to have more wives than one was good policy these conversations sometimes past while the women were present, and they were generally of opinion that a man should have no more than one wife— Some of the Chiefs thought there were too many kings in new Zealand and that if there were fewer they would have fewer wars and be more happy.— I told them there was only one king in England, at the same time there were more Gentlemen than in New Zealand— but that none of these Gentlemen could put a man to death nor dared they to go to war one with another— King George would not allow it, and they could not do this without his permission on which account there was no fighting with, nor murdering of one another in England as there were among them.— I had one young man a native of New Zealand, belonging to the vessel who had lived some years at Port Jackson, a very good interpreter, who generally attended me, to explain any thing which the natives could not clearly understand: and by his assistance I also obtained any information I wished relative to the Island and Inhabitants of New Zealand and was enabled to communicate much useful knowledge to them— Our conversation was generally touched [sic] Religion, Civil Government, Agriculture and Commerce.— They always shewed an anxiety for information respecting the habits or customs of the people in other parts of the Globe. Shortly after our arrival at Kouakoua, a chief named Weevea came on board the Brig to request me to visit his settlement. I promised I would, as soon as i could conveniently leave the vessel.— This Village is situated on the banks of a fresh water river, called Wycaddee about 12 miles, from where we lay, at the head of one of the coves. The village takes its name from the River— Having now compleated [sic] our cargo I informed Weevea that I would accompany him to see his people. The next morning his Canoe was got ready, and being joined by another Canoe, we set off for Wycaddee— The rain fell very heavy— I was soon wet through my great coat and other clothing— The wind and tide were against us, and the fresh water river had risen in consequence of the late heavy rain, so that we made but little progress— When we had got about four miles on we came to a little village on the west side of the harbour— The Chief came to invite us on shore, but this I declined, as I was as wet as if I had been in the river— The Chief waded after our canoe notwithstanding the heavy rain, from a desire to know what was going on, and Weevea had enough to tell him of what he had learned on board the Active.— He pressed us much to take some refreshments with him— but, I was too cold and wet to leave the Canoe.— When he had taken his leave, Weevea said to me “this Chief is a great King give him a nail”. I complied with this request by giving him a few nails, and he returned on shore highly delighted with his presents.— We proceeded to Wycaddee but the higher we got up the river the stronger the stream ran against us So that at length the men could not stem the current with their paddles but were compelled to go close in shore, and get out of the canoe to drag it along, and with all their exertions they could not reach the village with the canoe.— We therefore landed a little after dark, in order to walk up the remaining distance (about one mile) to the place.— The rain still continuing we had to pass thro’ some swampy ground, which was in many places flooded with water. I however followed my guide, sometimes up to the knees in mud, and sometimes sunk in deep water holes, for the night being dark, we could not see to pick our way;— at length I discovered a light like the twinkling of a star; appearing and disappearing at short intervals— it was a signal that the village was near.— As one light only appeared, I inquired where it was and was informed that it proceeded from the Chief’s residence.— Weevea was a little behind at this time, and I was walking along with one of his officers.— Before we entered the village the Officer who was with me called aloud to the Inhabitants and informed them that I was coming— Many of these people had visited the Active.— I made for the spot where I had first seen the light (In order to get in shelter from the rain) and when I came up to this hut I had to creep into it, through a small door-way about two feet high and eighteen inches broad— A number of women and Children and a few of Weevea’s servants, composed the inmates.— There was about a handful of fire in the centre of the hut (made of a few small sticks) round which were the children all naked.— Sometimes the little fire blazed for a moment and then went out, and the hut was full of smoke (as there was no vent for it to get out) except at the small doorway already mentioned.— This strange group of natives were all rejoiced to see me— I took off all my clothes, being very wet and cold. The children ran out to collect some firewood. Weevea brought me two clean mats, to wrap myself in, as bed clothes to sleep upon, and a log of wood for a pillow.— The women and Children were busy in mending the fire and drying my clothes— I found the smoke very offensive, but I thought it more prudent to put up with this inconvenience, than run the risk of catching cold by sleeping in a hut where there was no fire— Weevea told me he could not remain in the hut, on account of the smoke, as I would not leave it, he retired into another by himself— and left me with the company before mentioned who entertained me a great part of the night in talking of their Chief and his concerns. The women and children were very kind and attentive and they did all in their power to make me Comfortable. When they sleep they lie upon the ground have little covering and some none at all. A log of wood was laid in the centre of the hut which ran the whole length, being about 30 feet long, and the natives lay on each side of the log with their heads reclined on it.— At this time I had no Europeans with me nor any other person exceept Weevea’s people.— My object was to gain as clear a knowledge of the character and habits of these Islanders as possible, while I was in the Country; which could not be acquired without sacrificing for a time, the comforts and conveniences of civil life.— I was under no apprehension for my personal safety as I had never met with the smallest insult from one of them.— About mid-night Weevea came to the hut and informed me that one of his wives was very ill, and her little child— that he was afraid she would die, and requested I would pray with her in the morning which I promised to do.— He appeared much concerned about this woman.— I had heard a person moaning very much for some time, as if very weak and in great pain; and I also heard a child cry occasionally. Early in the morning I rose to see the poor woman, and found her lying with a child about three days old, by her side in the open air, sheltered only by a few reeds placed in the direction from which the storm of wind and rain blew.— She had been exposed all night in this manner, notwithstanding the stormy weather and looked very ghastly as if death was near.— I talked to her for some time— she could scarcely speak, but smiled feebly, and seemed pleased with my attention to her. I knelt down by her side, along with Weevea and some of his people and offered up my supplications to the Father of Mercies on her behalf— She well understood the meaning of prayer tho’ not the language in which it was then offered; as the New Zealanders consider that all their afflictions come from some superior Being, whom they are much accustomed to address while in trouble.— The poor woman wanted nourishment. I presented her with a piece of biscuit but she gave me to understand that she was forbidden to eat any thing except potatoes.— I spoke to Weevea who told me God would be angry if she eat the biscuit— He took the bread and, after repeating many petitions over it placed it under her head and told me the presence of God would be in the biscuit but his wife must not eat it.— I lamented that the poor woman had been in the open air all night which was enough to occasion her death; and learned that it was the prevailing Custom among the New Zealanders when people were sick, to carry them out of the huts into the open air lest the huts should be defiled— these people neither eat nor drink in their houses, but always in the open air for the above reason. I could not learn that the New Zealanders have any graven images or likenesses of supposed deities; as other heathen nations have; but they consider their God to be an intelligent spirit or shadow for, when I enquired of one of them what God was like, I was told He was an immortal shadow— yet they suffer much, in times of sickness from their superstitions— being compelled to lie in the open air; and to refuse food and water, for days together under an impression that if either be administered to the sick, they will surely die.— I had often been struck previous to my present visit to Wycaddee with the weakly and aged appearance of young women who had born children, which I now attribute to the colds and other complaints caught, no doubt, by exposure whilst giving birth to their offspring.— In passing thro’ the village I saw a little naked child lying on the ground in the presence of a number of people.— A Chief informed me it was his Child, and was two days old, and shewed me its mother who was walking about— she would would [sic] probably have been lying there too if she had been sick— the child was not very well— I mention this as a proof that both women and children, at the critical time of danger, are exposed to sufferings unknown to civil society— At a small distance from where Weevea’s sick were lying— there was a little hut and a stage erected in it— Weevea took me to it and told me his Father had been slain in battle, and that his body was wrapped up and placed upon that Stage where it would remain till the bones moulded [sic] away— I could not observe any part of the body, as the covering had been drawn up into a round form, and not stretched out like our dead. The Chiefs in New Zealand, when they die, are generally placed on stages, in some secret groves, several of which I saw. The natives do not like to visit the places allotted to their departed friends, and there is generally some frightful image erected near the spot, to terrify all who approach near the repository of their dead.— I was therefore surprised that Weevea had his father’s remains so near his dwelling and in the centre of the village. This village is situated in the centre of a rich valley, the land good and fit for cultivation; I also observed many noble pine trees.— Weevea was anxious to have some European residents at Wycaddee and pointed out the spot where their houses might be built, where the advantages of situation and soil for cultivation (owing to the vicinity of the water &c). I told him that in time, his wishes might be complied with; but, that we must first see how the inhabitants of New Zealand conducted themselves towards the Europeans at Rangheehoo;— if they were well treated, more should be sent.— He wished then to accompany me to New South Wales— I told him the number I had already agreed to take were as many as the vessel could well accommodate: but I would give directions to secure a passage for him at a future time should he then feel inclined to visit me; with this he was satisfied and said he would come.— I then told him, as the Vessel would leave Koua-koua that day I must request the use of a Canoe that I might get on board without delay; he replied that he could not suffer me to go until he had presented me with two or three hogs— He then immediately through [sic] off his clothing, took a boy and a dog to the river, plunged, with them, into the water and swam across holding them above water with one hand and swimming with the other— On reaching the other side he ran off into the Forest, like a Lion (the boy following) and in a little time, returned with three hogs, which were put into the Canoe, and all was got ready for my return. He made me a present of some mats, at the same time, and told me he would accompany me to the vessel— When we got to the Canoe, he put in one of his sons, a fine boy about nine years old. I asked him what he was about to do with his boy— He told me that he intended to take him to Rangheehoo, to live with Mr Kendall, in order to be instructed.— I observed that Mr Kendall’s house was not yet ready to receive pupils, but as soon as it was and Mr K. be able to accommodate him; I would speak to Mr Kendall who would then, I had no doubt, receive him— with this he was satisfied— It may not be improper to notice here a conversation I had with the two Chiefs Tupee and Timmoranghee, some time after, respecting Mr Kendall’s School— He had already begun to teach the Children, and had taken into the School two fine boys, the sons of a common man at Rangheehoo; Those Chiefs told me, it was of no use to teach the children of the common people; that they had no lands, or servants and could never rise higher in rank than their parents— but that it would be very good to instruct the sons of the chiefs— From which I could learn that there is no middle class of people in New Zealand, they are all either Chiefs or, in a certain degree, Slaves— At the same time the Chiefs do not give the Commands to the people indiscriminately, as a body, with that authority which Masters in civil Society exercise over their Servants— nor do their dependants feel themselves bound to obey such Commands, it is true they have the power to put any of their people to death for criminal conduct, but, as the Chiefs have no means of remunerating the services of their dependants, there being reciprocal contracts between them as master and servant, they cannot command the people, as a body, to labour on their grounds— In time of war or other common danger the Chiefs assume Sovereign authority and compell [sic] the people to put themselves under their orders and all subordinate Chiefs must also (with their dependants) attend their immediate superiors to the field of action— The Chiefs have their domestic Servants, to Cook their provisions, manage their Canoes, cultivate their land or do any menial service required— and these only are wholly under the Chief’s Authority. I now took my leave of this people and returned to the Brig which had got under way, but was obliged to anchor again, the tide running so strong, she could not stem it with the light wind she then had.— When I arrived I was informed by some of the Chiefs, that the Jefferson Whaler had come on the Coast and was anchored in the Cove near Terria’s Village, and that their [sic] had been a serious difference between the people on board, and the chief Terria, whom they had threatened to shoot— Further that if any injury was done to Terria, it was designed to cut off the ship and kill her crew, and they therefore requested me to go down and know the cause of the quarrell. [sic] I was much concerned to hear this account, and told them I would go on board the Jefferson and if any injury had been done to Terria;— the party who had done it, should be brought on board the Active and taken to Port Jackson where he would be punished by Governor Macquarie.— I took the largest Carpenter’s axe we had in the Vessel, with me as a present to Terria— (knowing that nothing would be more acceptable to him) and set off in a Canoe for his Village.— I found him at home, and, after presenting the axe, I told him what I had heard; he stated that he had been on board the Jefferson, and that a pistol had been pointed at his breast by a person who threatened to shoot him.— I desired him to go with me and point out the person who had thus insulted him— He ordered his Canoe and we proceeded on board accompanied by his Brother and another Chief— When we got on board, he pointed out the person who had threatened to shoot him and stated because [sic] of their difference, but, as the matter was at length settled to the satisfaction of the chief and his friends, it is not necessary to say more than it appeared to me that the Europeans were wholly to blame. I remained on board the Jefferson all night— while walking upon the quarter deck, in company with the second mate I saw one of the Chiefs in a dreadful rage and Tupee (Terra’s Brother) pointing up to the mast head, at the same time; making signs to some of the natives, as if he wanted to hang some person up— I immediately went with the mate to know what was the cause of the uproar; The Chief, who was too angry, pointed to a young man who had a sword in his hand and said he had struck his wife several times with the sword, and when he forbade him he had made several stabs at himself.— I told him to be quiet and the man should be punished, if he had done wrong. I then turned to the young man who still kept the sword, and when I spoke to him was very insolent, and used extremely bad language before his officer and me— He refused to be reconciled to the chief tho’ neither he nor his wife had given the smallest offence. I told the Chief I should represent the man’s conduct to Governor Macquarie, and that Mr Kendall, who was appointed by the Governor to hear their complaints against the Europeans, would be sent for and he would write them on paper and I would take them with me to Port Jackson, which was done.— They attended the examination; when the young man was brought before Mr Kendall, as a Magistrate, and they were perfectly satisfied with what was done.— I enquired of Tupee what he meant by pointing at the Mast head, he said, that he was recommending to his countrymen not to injure any person on board but the man who had struck him and his wife with the sword, and to hang him only at the mast head— Masters of vessels should be very particular and not to place swords in the hands of young thoughtless sailors when they are among savage people.— The number of natives on board and alongside the Jefferson, could have taking [sic] her in one moment. The Natives should either be prohibited altogether, excepting the Chief of the District, from coming on board or care should be taken not to insult any of them, to whom this permission may be given.— Previous to this time I had had frequent conversations with the Chiefs respecting the loss of the Boyd, and pointed out to them, the injustice of putting to death the innocent with the guilty, as the people of Whangaroa had done in that instance; they readily admitted that the guilty only ought to suffer. I was pleased to find that Tupee was strongly impressing upon the minds of the natives, the same idea and instructing them not to injure any person on board the Jefferson except the man who had given the offence.— All differences being now settled, I waited for the arrival of the Active— She soon appeared in sight and anchored not far from the Jefferson, where we intended to take in our water, and then to proceed to the settlement at Rangheehoo.— While the Active was taking in her Cargo at Koua-koua and [sic] number of native women came on board every day.— I told them I could not allow any of them to remain on board at night— unless their husbands were with them;— Accordingly in the evening the vessel was searched and if any women were found they were sent on shore (sometimes not very well pleased). During my stay on board the Jefferson I saw many of my old female, acquaintances who laughingly said they were not now on board the Active and that the Jefferson was not tabooed when the evening came like the Active— there was no iriauta (meaning, there was no command to be off— I replied that I was angry with the Master and Crew of the Jefferson, for suffering them to remain all night in the Vessel and that these were all very bad men.— The women smiled, and expressed their confidence that they would not be molested.— The next day I accompanied Mr Kendall to Rangheehoo in the Jefferson’s whale boat; where I found Duaterra dangerously ill: this was a very distressing circumstance to me: I called to see him but the superstitions of the natives would not permit me for several days to do so— Having at length gained admission, I found Duaterra lying on his back, facing the sun which was exceedingly hot, in a high fever— his tongue very foul— he complained of violent pains in his bowels, and from every appearance he was not likely to survive long. Two of his wives, his father-in-law, the Priest, and several attendants were with him.— He was much pleased that I had come to see him.— I asked him if he had any thing to eat or drink— he replied he had not excepting potatoes and water. I told him whatever he wanted he should have, and ordered him a supply of tea, sugar, rice, and wine: for which he expressed his gratitude.— I had some wine and water got for him as soon as possible, part of which he took; he also eat some rice, and drank some tea, which revived him a little.— It was his intention to have laid out a new town with regular streets to be built after the European mode in which ground was to be set apart for the erection of a Church. I had examined the spot; which appeared delightful— the situation is on a rising hill fronting the cove and commanding a view of the whole harbour being about 8 miles from its mouth.— He mentioned his intention to me and hoped he would recover in time to have the town properly marked out before I sailed. I told him I should be ready to attend him, but hoped to see him better first and recommended him to take what nourishment he could— Having obtained permission to see him at all times I called the next day and found that he spoke much better and I entertained hopes of his recovery but on the following day he appeared worse.— He was supplied with all the necessaries he could wish for— by Messrs Kendall, Hall and King, who willingly did all they could for him.— All the utensils used in conveying meet [sic] or drink to the sick chief were detained by his relations, who said if these were removed Duaterra would die; and he was himself of the same opinion. So strongly rooted is superstition in the human mind when once admitted.— I had hitherto met every thing in New Zealand to my full satisfaction and nothing to give me pain till this unexpected affliction of Duaterra which was to me, very distressing, because, upon his wisdom, zeal, industry, and influence I had calculated the production of many advantages to New Zealand. My hopes were now likely to be blighted, as I could entertain little expectation of his being restored.— I know Infinite Wisdom cannot err, what the Great Head of the Church ordains to be done will in the end be best; but, as David moaned [sic] for Abner —I shall long moan for Duaterra— now removed by Death: for as a great man fell in Israel when Abner was killed, so did a great man fall in New Zealand when Duaterra died, so far as natural causes may be considered to operate.— I attributed Duaterra’s sickness to his exertions, he was a man of great bodily strength, and possessed an active and a comprehensive mind: which on his return to New Zealand he exerted to the utmost day and night to carry the plans he had formed into execution.— His grand object was agriculture— He calculated that in two years he should be able to raise sufficient wheat for all his people, to supply other chiefs with seed, and in a short time to export some to Port Jackson in exchange for Iron and such other articles as he might want. With this view he had visited his different lands, or farms, some of them forty miles distant from Rangheehoo— laid out the ground he intended to clear and cultivate and marked out the work for his men having first enquired of me how much ground a man might break up in a day at Port Jackson. He was seldom at home but constantly at his farms, excepting when he went with me to the River Thames, and on this account I fear he will be a great loss to his Country.— He had introduced agriculture and paved the way for the civilization of his Country men.— When he last came to New South Wales, in Augt 1814, he brought his half brother with him, and left him with me, desiring that the boy might be instructed in useful knowledge— The boy is now about 10 years of age— and is a very fine intelligent youth exceedingly well disposed and industrious— This youth is next in Authority and will succeed Duaterra in his estates. I intend him to remain till he can speak the English language and gain a knowledge of Agriculture— He is every day at work either as a carpenter or a farmer and I entertain hopes that should Duaterra be removed by Death this young man will soon be able to fill his place— I have a person instructing him also to read a little before he returns to his native home. I trust that in these mysterious dispensations Divine goodness is preparing a way to bring these poor heathen into the church of Christ and that if one instrument fails another will in due time be provided— In the day of trouble we may say with Abraham “God will provide himself a lamb for a burnt offering.” On friday 24th February the Brig Active was ready for sea, Duaterra still continuing in a dying state, and my time being limited by Governor Macquarie’s order I could not remain to see the result of his sickness.— I was happy however in the consideration, that those I was about to leave behind would cheerfully administer to all his wants and would do every thing in their power to restore him to health— for they were all very kind to him, and anxious for his preservation— I had given permission for ten New Zealanders to accompany me to Port Jackson, eight of whom were Chiefs or sons of Chiefs,, and two servants.— They all embarked on Friday and their friends assembled from every quarter to take their leave of them and me— before my final departure from the Island, I wished to obtain, and as far as possible secure a legal claim to the land occupied and required by the Europeans who I was about to leave in the country; and for this purpose application was made to two nephews of the late Tippahee who were the legal proprietors of the land in question which adjoined the village of Rangheehoo.— These two chiefs readily consented to sell us the land (they were related to Duaterra). I went with them and the settlers to ascertain the proper dimensions or boundaries, but we had no instruments to measure the exact quantity, which I took to be about 200 acres.— The natural land marks or boundaries were inserted in the Deed of Sale made and executed on the friday (24th February 1815) in the presence of several Chiefs from the several districts around.— The land was purchased on behalf of the Church Missionary Society for twelve axes: and the Deed of Grant or Sale contains (by way of seal and signature) all the curves and lines which are taboued [sic] on the Chiefs faces which renders it a very singular and curious document— I took this opportunity to inform the assembled Chiefs that as the land now belonged to the Europeans— they were all at full liberty to come or send from any part of New Zealand for such things as they might wish to purchase, and that the Smith would make them axes, hoes, and other useful tools, but on no account was he to repair fire arms or make any warlike instruments whatever, not even for the greatest Chiefs on the Island. Ahoodea o Gunna (one of the chiefs from whom we purchased the land) declared that the ground was no longer theirs. But, wholly and solely the property of the white people and was tabooed for their use only.— The ceremony of executing the deed was performed on the newly purchased land, and a son of Mr King’s (the first white native of New Zealand born at Rangheehoo) was publicly baptized on this occasion which with many other impressive circumstances will render this truly interesting scene a subject of long remembrance to the New Zealanders and of gratitude and praise to the few followers of Jesus, then present, who were the humble instruments of the work. Ahoodea O Gunner , a sensible man and very partial to the Europeans, is the chief man in Rangheehoo, where the settlers reside. It is the largest and most populous town or village, we had seen on the Island & It contains upwards of 200 Huts.— Mrs OGunner, wife of the chief, was a pleasant woman and had much improved in her appearance and cleanliness before we left— She spent most of her time with the Europeans assisting the women in any thing she could do— Ahoodee O Gunner requested I would send him a suit of clothes to wear on the Sabbath, as he did not like to attend Divine Service in his native dress, which he thought improper, and I promised to attend to his request. [in pencil – Insert here the deed & title &c. [Sat. Feb 26/15]] Having finally arranged and settled all matters respecting the Establishment of the Missionary Settlement at Rangheehoo— I embarked in company with Mr Nicholas and on Saturday morning the 26th we weighed anchor and sailed— Many of the Chiefs came on board and accompanied us down the harbour. There was much weeping and lamentation at the parting scene.— Messiers Kendall, Hall and King, were also on board: and the Chiefs promised very kindly in reference to them— saying that if Duaterra should die— they would take care of the Missionary Settlers that none should hurt or molest.— Many requested to go with me to N. South Wales— but, I was obliged to refuse them, partly because we had not room in the Vessel and partly on account of the heavy expense necessary to maintain them on the passage and while the vessel might lay at Port Jackson. I told them I would at all opportunities permit a few to have a passage at a time and that they should come in turn by rotation, and with these prospects— they were satisfied— the Head Chief’s wife wept greatly, and cut her face, arms and breast with shells &c— till the blood streamed down her person; she said that she would neither eat nor drink during five days and nights but would sit in her hut and weep and pray for us all that time.— She was a very intelligent young woman, could then speak a little English and was partial to Europeans: and her husband was equally well disposed to them.— Terria was urgent to have one or two Europeans sent to reside in his district: and it was my intention, provided I heard favourable accounts of the settlement, and could meet with suitable persons, to send a man and his wife by the next return of the Active to New Zealand.— We proceeded [in pencil – sailed] down the harbour till we neared the heads when the Canoes returned with our weeping friends, here we had to anchor till the turning of the tide: and during this interval, we were visited by a Chief from the River Thames who had just arrived.— About noon we put out to sea and bore away for the North Cape and came in sight of it about noon next day (Sunday the 27th). I determined to put in and spend a day according to my promise, if the wind would permit.— [in pencil – & derived the marlin to] We accordingly steered for it. The wind was not unfavourable during the Sunday night, and on Monday [in pencil – Feb 28] morning we were four or five leagues from the shore with a land breeze.— The Vessel had passed the north east point where I had intended to touch, but we could not make it.— We endeavoured to work to windward by carrying all the sail we could, and about 10 o’clock a canoe put off for us from a different part of the shore where the chief lived whom I wished to visit.— When the natives came on board, I was informed that the Chief had got a quantity of flax dressed and ready for me; and that Jem, the Otaheitian was about four miles in the interior. I requested the principal native to send his Canoe on shore to inform Jem of my arrival, but, to remain himself on board— this accordingly was done.— He, like many others, wished for a passage to Port Jackson which [in pencil – but], for the reasons already assigned [in pencil – want of room], I could not grant [in pencil – his wishes]. Shortly after another Canoe reached us, in which I went on shore accompanied by Mr Nicholas and the chief who had come on board. We landed at a Small Village near the Beach— this surf was high and the place where we landed appeared to me very rocky and full of danger, but, relying on the knowledge and dexterity of the natives in such cases we ventured thro’ all, and got safely on shore, our only damage being the sprinkling of a little salt water [in pencil – the waves]. We here found some pretty little cottages and their gardens in high cultivation, well laid out and neatly fenced in— The potatoes and yams &c were planted in separate beds, and no weeds were to be seen in these plots of ground. In passing through the village I observed a man’s head stuck on a pole in the front of the cottage; the chief stole silently from behind me and took it down and then carried it into the hut; he was not aware that I had observed it and by his cautious conduct, I concluded, he was desirous I should not; on which account I took no further notice but passed on.— It was from this village a Messenger had been sent for Jem the Otaheitian who had not yet returned. We walked about two miles into the interior on the path by which Jem was expected to pass and a number of natives attended us— We saw on our way some beautiful plantations of potatoes and other vegetables.— The women appeared as if they were little acquainted with Europeans— Most of them kept at a distance for some time, and always fled away when we spoke to them.— Being informed that Jem had taken another road and was gone down to the Beach, we returned towards the sea by a different way to that by which we left the village being conducted by the natives.— We met the Chief’s son dressed in the India print I had given to his father, when on my way to Bay of Islands [sic]. The edges of his garment were ornamented by a white hog’s [sic] skin with the hair on, which looked tolerably handsome the Print being red and white gave it a tasteful effect.— He was an exceeding fine youth.— He produced the printed Orders of Governor Macquarie (given by me to his father) they were wrapt up and covered with great care in order to keep them clean.— At his request I consented to give him a passage to New South Wales.— Being informed that his father was waiting to see me at the head of the Bay (about 3 miles off) I set off to visit him, and was met by Jem— who told me the flax was ready— It being almost dark and the wind blowing fresh from the land, so that the Brig could not get up; I was apprehensive she would be driven out to sea, and therefore thought it prudent to get on board without delay; with this view we returned to the village, and on our way saw two women leaning on a rock weeping and making loud lamentations.— I enquired the cause and learnt that it was on account of their husband, the Chief who had applied for a passage. I desired them not to weep, for I could not take their husband with me because the vessel was full.— When we got to the village I requested a canoe from the natives to take us on board; they launched one immediately and filled her with men— The sea was rough and the Brig a considerable distance from shore— and I expected we should meet with some difficulty in getting on board.— But as the natives apprehended no danger I endeavoured to persuade myself that my fears were groundless and therefore entered the canoe which soon passed over the raging surf and reached the Active in safety. Some of this [sic] Canoes are 80 feet long and it is astonishing to see with what skill these people manage them in a rough sea.— Previous to leaving the shore, I informed Jem that the Brig would lay to all night— if not driven off by the wind, and in the morning we should stand in for the land, in order that I may see his father in law before I left, and get the flax he had prepared on board.— As the wind continued the same all night we could not make nearer the land in the morning than in the evening before— Jem came off however pretty early with a message from the chief requesting me to go on shore. I desired him to return and tell the chief the sea was so high and not being accustomed to their Canoes I was afraid to venture, and that if he had any thing to send the vessel should wait till I heard from him again: at the same time I sent him a present of some edge tools which I had reserved for his use— In about three hours Jem returned with a quantity of potatoes and about 3 Cwts. of flax: he also brought a boy whom the chief wished me to take to Port Jackson with a request that Jem might accompany him and return by the Active on her next trip to New Zealand.— I was unwilling to disappoint the wishes of this Chief who placed such confidence in me— and I therefore gave my consent for them both to remain in the vessel.— We then made sail and bore away with a fine breeze for Port Jackson.— Jem told me the chief’s eldest son, whom I had seen on shore, was very anxious to come, but, his Mother would not consent at this time.—I had how twelve natives as passengers, besides the one employed in the vessel, on board, and it was with the most heartfelt satisfaction that I left New Zealand. I had not met with the slightest accident provocation or insult.— I had fully accomplished the object of my voyage and satisfied myself respecting the real character and disposition of these heathens. I had obtained satisfactory evidence that there existed to [sic] real obstruction to the introduction of christianity and civilization among them, and that nothing more was requisite than common prudence on the part of the persons who might be engaged in this humane and benevolent undertaking. Nothing material happened during our passage till the 20th of March when we had a very heavy storm of thunder and lightening [sic] from the south east:— It blew a very hard Gale which compelled us to lay to for two days and nights, at this time we were not far off the Coast of New South Wales [in pencil – New Holland].— Some of the New Zealanders were greatly alarmed for their safety and expected the vessel to be dashed to pieces every moment— particularly the chief Timmerangha who wept and said he would never see his wife and children any more— and begged the Captain to take all the coats from the masts (meaning the sails, for they would kill the ship.— Tupee on the other hand was quite composed during the Storm— he said that “neither thunder, lightening [sic], nor wind would destroy the vessel [while] he and I remained in it”— and exhorted Timmorangha not to be afraid for he was safe enough.— Notwithstanding all that Tupee could say Timmorangha’s fears continued as long as the Gale lasted: he neither rested by night nor by day.— Tupee was often accustomed to pray, and sometimes he would have some of his countrymen with him.— He had a strong confidence in some Supernatural [supreme] being (the God of New Zealand) as he was wont to call the object of his worship.— I was very sick during the storm and could seldom get out of my cott. [sic]— Tupee would sit beside me and put his hand on different parts of my body and pray to his God.— He was a dignified and a superior character and was always the same— very mild and even tempered— In this Gale we were driven more than 200 miles to the northward of Port Jackson.— When the storm abated the wind became favourable to us and we anchored safely in Sydney Cove on Wednesday 23d March 1815.— I shall conclude this detail of the voyage by observing that the New Zealand Chiefs are a warlike race, proud of their rank and jealous of their dignity [crossed out in pencil – jealous of their].— They seemed to be men who never forget neither [crossed out in pencil – neither] a favour nor an injury. They retain a grateful remembrance of those Europeans who have been kind and faithful to them.— and a spirit of sovereign contempt and revenge to such as have abused their confidence or otherwise injured them.— The people appear to live in amity and peace among themselves when under the government of one Chief.— I saw no quarrelling nor domestic broils while I was on the Island. They are kind to their women and children. I never observed a mark of violence on any of them— nor did I see a woman struck: & the Missionary Settlers informed me that they had never seen any differences among the native people of Rangheehoo during the period they had resided there.— I have reason also to hold the same opinion generally of those of them who inhabit the districts on the south side of the Bay of Islands— especially when connected with each other by the ties of blood or being of the same tribe and belonging to the same village.— I was likewise informed that no injury had been done, in these parts of the country, to any European since the time of [crossed out in pencil – of] Captain Cook’s voyage [in pencil – was there]. The two Brother Chiefs Terria and Tupee are exceedingly well disposed men, and have never allowed acts of violence towards Europeans, altho’ often provoked by insults from the latter.— They frequently stated to me the nature of the injuries which they and their people have sustained or suffered from English seamen and that not long ago a master of a vessel had shot two of their men dead; but notwithstanding this outrage they had not retalliated [sic] upon the Europeans and mentioned the circumstance only as a proof how much they wished to cultivate our friendship.— The[y] wished me to be under no apprehension for the safety of our Brig [in pencil – the Active] while on their coast— because she would be protected by the unanimous [crossed out in pencil] good will of the people. I said in reply that the vessel was intended to be constantly employed for their benefit and the improvement of their country— and they might therefore consider her as belonging to New Zealand; but, it was not intended that she should come to the Island under the expectation of making profit or securing any advantage from them.— One of the chiefs observed in answer that they were convinced of the latter fact. because they had nothing to give! [in pencil – ^v R: 521 b]— I am of opinion that little good can be done among the New Zealanders without the aid of a vessel to ply regularly between that Island and New South Wales [crossed out in pencil – ply regularly between that Island and New South Wales] which would supply necessaries and secure the lives of the Missionary settlers.— It would also give opportunities for the native Chiefs to visit Port Jackson where by seeing the habits and tasting the comforts of civilized life, they would acquire more useful knowledge in one month, than they would in a long time in their own country even when instructed by Europeans.— A single view of our houses and furniture,— our public buildings, such as Churches the King’s stores, Magazines and Grannaries [sic] &c. and of our arts and method of cultivating the land would make impressions on their comprehensive minds never to be forgotten— and would therefore materially assist the gradual process of missionary instruction. As an instance of such effects I may state, that when I took Tupee and Timmorangha to see our General Hospital in Sydney their minds were greatly excited by surprise and astonishment— They immediately took the dimensions and particulars of it, in their own way, in order to be able to describe what they had seen— and the[y] contrasted the work with their own country labour: observing to me that “their people were in an ignorant state— no work was done there”! but notwithstanding this remark of Tupee I believe the natives are an active and an industrious race of men.— I think however that besides the labours of a few solitary European residents among them, they will require to be frequently encouraged by visits and supplies of agricultural tools.— Iron is the only article which they at present value (fire arms excepted)— They are bold and daring and will undertake very difficult enterprizes with little apparent means to accomplish them. Having scarcely any means to cultivate the land for want of Iron; and no grain of any kind (till supplied by the Active) nor any sort of commerce with other nations. The only profession of the chiefs may be said to be solely that of War.— It is no uncommon occurrence for the people of the North Cape to travel throughout the Country to the east cape, a distance of 200 miles, to make war; this is a great undertaking when it is considered that there are no regular roads on the route— no bridges over rivers,— and little means of subsistence in an uncultivated country like New Zealand. Jem, the Otaheitian, told me he had been three times, within the last five years, at the East Cape to war, accompanied by a thousand men each time.— When, with all this travel and toil, they get to the territory of their supposed enemies, the spoils to be gained consist of nothing more than a few mats and the prisoners who may be taken in Battle.—While the Active lay at the River Thames we observed a number of Canoes on the Beach and were informed that they belonged to Warriors who resided on the west side of the Island, and that they had brought there [sic] Canoes, overland, and were going to war with some of the tribes at the east Cape.— I wished much to visit their camp and see the men who could under take such an arduous task as to carry those large heavy canoes so far over a hilly and an uncleared country.— Duaterra however recommended me not to visit their Camp as it would not be safe, and I took his advice.— The Camp appeared to be about three miles from our Anchorage.— The New Zealanders are all Cannibals and [They did not – Hocken] appear to have any idea that it is an unnatural crime.— When I expressed abhorrence at their eating one another— They said it had always been customary to eat their enemies.— I could not learn however that they ever eat human flesh merely to satisfy hunger or from choice nor in cool blood but solely from a spirit of retaliation and revenge for injuries sustained— and as far as I could form an opinion of this horrid custom I am inclined to believe that [in pencil – N Z ers do not consider it any more crime to eat] these people consider the eating of their enemies [in pencil – men ambiguous[?]] in the same light as we do the hanging of a criminal (condemned by the laws of his country) and that the disgrace reflected on [in pencil – nations so to hang on offender; at the same time it reflected as much public disgrace upon us the public exception of a criminal in Europe] the surviving relatives of the victim is nearly the same as that reflected on a [in pencil – upon the] family in Europe by the public execution of one of its members [in pencil – of the sufferer]. When I informed them that this was a custom unknown in Europe and considered there as a great disgrace to the nation which practises it— they seemed surprised and Shunghee, tho’ a man of great authority, has since told me that he thought it was wrong and that his people would never be guilty of it again:— a few others made a similar promise.— I took opportunity as [^ all] occasion offered, to convince them of the inhuman nature of this practice by picturing the horror it excited in the bosoms of all good men—of [sic] If other nations in whose opinion they were disgraced and dreaded on its account.— It may be proper to remark here that altho’ we met a friendly reception on every part of the coast at which we stopt or touched, I should recommend Masters of vessels who may visit New Zealand to be very cautious unless they can depend upon the proper behaviour of their respective crews;— The New Zealanders will not be insulted with impunity nor be treated as men without understanding, but will assuredly resent and revenge an injury as soon as an opportunity permits.— At the Bay of Islands, I would consider any ship as safe, in the event of a difference between the natives and the crews, as she would be at Port Jackson: but, not so in any other port or harbour in the Island. When I take [in pencil – into consideration] an Estimate of what I have seen of these Islanders, and of what I have learnt from the numerous conversations on various subjects which I have had with them I am [^ strongly] inclined to believe and hope that under the blessing of an Omnipotent and merciful God—[in pencil – will soon be wanted] they may e’er long rank among the civilized and Christian nations of the Earth [in pencil – if their wants in from are supplied]. The want of Iron is at present however a great obstacle to their further improvement and without it I fear these people could scarcely rise much above their present Situation— but, if means be adopted to supply them with that essential article Their Country will soon produce to them all the necessaries and conveniences enjoyed in civil Society:— and as such comforts increase, to reward their labour, so will their wants increase to stimulate them to greater industry and thus lay a solid foundation for their progressive social and mental improvement in the arts of Civilization and in that, which is the grand and most important object of all, a Saving knowledge of Christianity which is the ultimate and leading feature of all the proceedings contemplated by (that benevolent and blessed Institution) the Church Missionary Society and the most hearty wish of all who love the Lord Jesus, and sincerely pray for the prosperity of Zion. [v. R 523 and esp. M.B.]Second Voyage in 1819 [T. M. Hocken] The following statement contains an Account of my Second visit to New Zealand. In the beginning of the year 1819 the Rev. John Butler Mrs Butler & their Son, with Mr & Mrs Kemp & Mr Francis Hall came out as Missionaries from England to join the New Zealand Mission. At this time the Brig Active was gone to New Zealand and it was very uncertain when she would return. Independent of the Missionaries, there were several Mechanics wanted at the Bay of Islands for the erection of the necessary buildings, as well as New Zealand Chiefs waiting at Parramatta wishing to return to their friends. As the Master of the “General Gates” an American brig then in the harbour intended to proceed to New Zealand I made an arrangement with him to convey the above Missionaries, Mechanics & Chiefs to the Bay of Islands. It was now about four years since my first visit & wishing to see the state of the Mission I made application to the late Governor Macquarie to accompany the Missionaries & obtained his sanction, having left directions for the Active to follow me to Ne in order that I might return in her. The number of persons who accompanied me were twenty two, we sailed from Sidney on the 29th of July, and on the 10th of August we made the North Cape and came up with about forty Canoes full of men all fishing for Guard Fish: We had some conversation with them, when they informed us they were all tabooed, and on that account they could have no communication with us though I was acquainted with some of them. We now proceeded on our voyage with a fair wind, and came opposite to the Cavalles at sunset, when several canoes came off to visit us; in one of which was the Chief, Okeeda, whose son had lived with me twelve months at Parramatta, and was gone again in the Active. He requested to remain on board till we arrived at the Bay of Islands, which was complied with. Okeeda informed us that they were assembling their men to go to war with the people of Whangarooa; and that Shughee [sic] was to leave the Bay of Islands on Friday Morning, with his war Canoes and Warriors to join the people on the main opposite to the Cavalles. Okeeda told us the cause of the difference between Shunghee and the people of Whangarooa was this: a whale had been driven on the Shore which belongs to Shunghee, and the peope of Whangarooa had eaten it, which was considered a public theft & Shunghee was going to punish them for it. About twelve o’clock at night, the “General Gates” anchored safely off Ranghee-hoo in twelve fathoms, and the Natives immediately fired several muskets, to welcome our arrival though midnight. Several Natives with the Pilot, came off immediately; but we could not admit them on board till morning; and therefore requested them to return on shore, and inform the Settlers which they complied with.— Aug. 13th 1819. At day break the vessel was surrounded with Natives. Some of the Settlers came on board and told us all was well. Our meeting afforded mutual satisfaction to all interested in the Mission. When we viewed the shores of New Zealand, and the Natives of New Zealand flocking around us, our hearts were warmed within us; and we considered that we had arrived at the Land of Promise. About eleven o’clock Shunghee arrived, with his War Canoes and fighting men, on his way to Whangarooa. He received us very cordially, as did all the Chiefs who were with him. I told him that we had heard of his intention to go to war with the people of Whangarooa and remonstrated with him on the folly of carrying on a continual warfare one with another. Several of the subordinate Chiefs urged me to speak to Shunghee to give over fighting, as they wished to live at peace, and some of them requested me to take Shunghee with me to Parramatta, for that would tend to promote the general quiet. I used every argument with Shunghee to dissuade him from fighting. He laughed at me, and said it was very hard to comply with my wishes; but that he would not fight while I remained at New Zealand, and would accompany me to Port Jackson, if I approved of his going, and that at present he would suspend his intentions against the people of Whangarooa: but he must go in a few days near that place to remove the bones of his Wife’s Father; but he would not fight, and I might go with him if I chose. I told him I would if I could spare time. Shunghee is a man of the mildest manners and disposition, and appears to possess a very superior mind. Canoes continued to arrive the greater part of the day, at Ranghee-hoo, till the beach was crowded with Natives. Aug. 14 &15th Early in the Morning we began to land our stores, and continued the whole of the 14th & 15th. We had considerable difficulty to get through the multitude of Natives who covered the shore, as they were so eager to see us, & what we brought. They gave us every assistance, in carrying the Stores to the house appointed for their reception; nor did we miss in these two days a single article that I know of, excepting a silk pocket handkerchief which was taken out of my pocket. When I missed it, I informed Shunghee, who in about ten minutes, brought it to me again. I made no enquiry who had taken it, but left Shunghee to settle that matter. During these two days, we landed all our light and many of the heavy stores, as the weather was fine— On the Evening of the 15th a heavy gale came on which drove the boats of the “Active” and the “General Gates” from their moorings & broke them to pieces. This was an unfortunate circumstance; as we had only the whale boat belonging to the “General Gates” left, which was not sufficiently strong to carry to carry our heavy stores on shore. Aug 17th This morning we resolved to build a punt 24 ft long by 10 wide for the purpose of landing the heavy stores &c for general use. x The gale continuing this day, with heavy rain, nothing could be done; and as we were confined to the house, we deliberated on the propriety of immediately forming a new Settlement where the operations of Agriculture could be carried into effect on an extensive scale. In the Eveng Korrokorro Tooi’s Brother, arrived. He is Shunghee’s opponent, and commands a large extet of the Coast on the South side of the Bay of Islands. The two Chiefs were soon informed acquainted with our intentions of forming a New Settlement and were both equally anxious to have us within their respective jurisdiction. Shunghee said he would give me Choice of all his lands, and any quantity we might wish: Korokoro was ready to do the same. However it was agreed that we should proceed, the next morning to Kiddeekiddee, a district about twelve Miles from Ranghee-hoo where Shunghee carries on his principal cultivation of the Sweet & Common potatoes. Aug. 17th 1819. Accordingly, after setting the Natives to cut the timber for our punt, and giving the necessary directions to the carpenters, myself the Rev. John Butler, & Messrs F. and W. Hall, set off with Shunghee in his war canoe for Kiddeekiddee where we arrived in the afternoon and proceeded immediately to examine the country. I had surveyed the part of the land and about 14 miles to the west of it when I was in New Zealand in 1815 and considered this district as the most promising, for a new Settlement of any I had met with in the Island; the soil being rich— the land pretty level, free from timber, and easy to work, with the plough— bounded by a fine fresh water river— the Communication by water free and open to any part of the Bay of Islands and safe anchorage for ships of any burden within about two leagues of the Settlement. Shunghee told us that we were at full liberty to take what land we wanted on either side of the River; as it was all his own to a very great distance. We determined, therefore on forming the principal Settlement at this place; as we could not doubt but the rich soil would be grateful for any Cultivation we should bestow upon it, and return a plentiful produce. We accordingly told Shunghee, that we should, with his approbation, settle there. He was much gratified, as well as his people at with our determination. After walking over the land till towards dusk, we returned to Shunghee’s village, where we were to sleep for the night. We found a fine sow, of about 140 lbs weight at the door of our hut, which Shunghee was going to kill for our supper, with plenty of sweet and common potatoes: but, as we had brought with us a sufficient quantity of provisions, we requested him not to kill the sow; and with some difficulty, prevailed on him to spare her life. The ground was wet in consequence of the heavy rain; and, from having had some rain on our passage from Ranghee-hoo, together with walking through the wet fern, our clothes were wet too; we therefore took them off on entering the hut where we were to remain for the night, and had them dried. After taking necessary refreshment, and spending the evening in pleasant conversation with Shunghee & his People, who were in the hut with us and about the entrance, we read a Chapter, sung a hymn, and returning our grateful thanks to Almighty God for his kind protection of us and for the safety and comfort that we enjoyed in the very midst of cannibals, we lay down in peace to rest till morng. Aug 18th— We rose about three this Morning, sung a hymn, and offered up our Morng sacrifice of Prayer and Praise; and after breakfasting at four o’clock Crossed the River, in order to examine the land on the opposite banks. Here we were much gratified with a fine clear Country for cultivation, and of great extent; though the soil, in some parts, did not appear so rich as the land passed over the preceding evening. On the whole of the Survey which we had taken, we were perfectly satisfied that a more suitable situation could not be found in any of the districts adjacent to the Bay of Islands. There is a fine fall of water close to the place where we intend the new Town to stand, for a Corn Mill, Saw Mill, or any other purpose, without the expense and risk of making a dam; which is a valuable consideration. At Kiddee Kiddee, any quantity of grain &c may be grown that the Settlement may want for years to come either for victualling the Native Children in the Schools, or Europeans belonging to the Mission. Before our departure, we marked out the ground where we wished our Public Store to be built; and requested Shunghee to put up a temporary building for the accommodation of the stores, and of the Mechanics who had accompanied us from Port Jackson, who immediately set his people to work. Having now gratified all our wishes, as far as respected the object of our visit to Kiddeekiddee, in the evening we returned to Ranghee-hoo, in Shunghee’s War Canoe; who with much pleasure accompanied us back again. Korrokorro remained at Ranghee hoo with Tooi, till we returned, in order that he might know what prospect there was of forming a Settlement there within his jurisdiction. When we arrived, he was anxious to know if we approved of the land that we had seen, and had come to any determination relative to forming a Settlement there. We told him that the land was good at Kiddeekiddee, and on that account, we must form a Settlement there. He was much affected; and said that Shunghee would now cut him and his people off. We replied, that Shunghee had promised us that he would leave off fighting, if we would settle in his district; and would reside himself with the Europeans. Korokoro replied, that Shunghee would make fair promises, but we could not see into his heart; and gave us to understand that he would not believe a word that he said, however fairly he might speak: and recited instances how Shunghee had taken advantage of himself and others in former times; and contended that what he had done formerly, he was capable of doing again. We endeavoured to pacify Korrokorro, but in vain. He said he should be perfectly satisfied, if the Europeans were fairly divided between him and Shunghee: but it was too great an affliction for him for all the Europeans to reside with Shunghee. He made strong appeals to our feelings, and urged his request by every argument he could advance. We all felt much anxiety to relieve his distress. I and Mr Butler promised to accompany him and Tooi, the following day to Parroa, where he resides and examine his land; and that if we found a suitable place for a Settlement, we would build him and Tooi a house; and one or more Europeans should reside with him at present, till more Europeans arrived from England, when his wishes should be complied with, as far as we could. This assurance relieved him a little though not much. August 19. 1819. I and Mr Butler went with Korokoro to Parroa who was tolerably quiet on the passage. Tooi had not, as yet, seen his friends and relatives, and therefore he accompanied us, with his Brother Teranghee. After we arrived at Parroa, Korrokorro again brought on the subject of the Settlement on the district where he lived. He told us that there was a fine tract of land, called Manowowra which he would give us; and which we should give us see the next morning. We endeavoured to convince him that it was not in our power at present to form any extensive Settlement within the limits of his jurisdiction. He became extremely angry, and told us that he was treated with great ingratitude; that his brother Tooi had been long absent from him and his friends, had been to England— had brought out white people with him— and after all, he was not to have the advantage of any of them to reside with him! that this was an act of great injustice, and such as we ought not to be guilty of. His brother Teranghee joined in his remonstrances with us, at length, both of them grew warm. Tooi took our part; and endeavoured to convince Korrokorro that we had not the means, at present, for supplying him with Europeans. He then got extremely angry with Tooi, and Teranghee joined him. Korrokorro told Tooi that he might go and live at Ranghee-hoo or with Shunghee, or where he liked; for he cared nothing about him, as his request could not be complied with relative to the Europeans. Tooi went, and was much distressed; and Mr Butler and myself felt much pain, on both their accounts. After a long conversation, and strong remonstrances from Korrokorro we retired to rest. Mr Butler and myself were convinced that we could not avoid doing something for Korrokorro. We also pitied Tooi. He was anxious to live a civilized life and not to conform to the Native habits and dress any more; but he said he could not stand his ground, if he had not one or more Europeans to support him. The ridicule of the Natives, if alone, would compel him to conform to their dress, and to live in their manner, which he was greatly averse to do. Tooi is a fine man, well informed, and well disposed; and would do all in his power to second the views of the Society. His family is of the first respectability and his Brother’s influence and authority extend along the Coast almost to the River Thames, and that of his friends, from the North to the East Capes. We feel much interested in the future welfare of Tooi, and must give him all the support possible.— August 20th 1819. In the Morning Korrokorro was more calm, and appeared more reconciled than he had been before. He was very friendly, and expressed his sorrow with a warmth with which he had spoken to us the preceding evening. We assured him that we would assist him all in our power. As we had gone down in the “General Gates” to Korrokorro’s place, where the Master intended to fit out for sea again, we remained on board all night. Korrokorro accompanied us with Tooi from Ranghee-hoo. As he knew that the vessel would anchor off one of his Settlements, he had given directions to his people previous to his visit to us, that none of them should presume to come to the “General Gates” till the following day. It was dark when we anchored. We were hailed from shore by one of Korokoro’s officers; when Teranghee answered, and informed the people that Tooi was arrived; and gave directions that Messengers should be immediately sent to the different districts, to inform the inhabitants of Tooi’s arrival. A party of chiefs had arrived a few days before, at Wyecaddee from the River Thames, by whom one of Tooi’s cousins had been cut off sometime before, and they were apprehensive that the father of the young man & Korrokorro would revenge his death. Tooi ordered a messenger to be sent immediately to Wycaddee, to inform the chiefs that a general pardon would be granted to them; and that, if they thought proper to come and pay their respects to him, their persons would be safe. The next morning the vessel was crowded with chiefs and their friends who came to see Tooi. Some wept for joy, and all welcomed him home. The chiefs from the River Thames met us the next day at Ranghee hoo. After breakfast we set off to Manowowra, to examine the ground for a Settlement, accompanied by Korokoro and many of his people. We found a level piece of good land, surrounded by hills the soil of which was generally rich, at the head of a fine harbour. As this was the best situation for timber, water, and good land, we determined on forming a small settlement here. The harbour abounds with the finest fish; and there is safe anchorage for Shipping. The fresh water is good; and it is a very convenient place for a school. Korrokorro was much gratified with our choice. Here Tooi intends to reside. He gave directions for materials to be collected immediately, for a temporary building for the Europeans; and returned in the evening to Ranghee-hoo. The distance between Manowowra and Rangheehoo is about nine miles. This morning we set all hands that we could muster at work for our punt, as we could not land the remainder of our stores till that was completed. We had soon fourteen Natives, sawing timber, others cutting knees; in short, all the beach exhibited a scene of happiness and busy civilization. A sight more grateful to a benevolent mind could not possibly be seen. Our hearts overflowed with joy and gratitude. We viewed the various operations with delight and considered them as the dawn of Civil and Religious Liberty to this Land of darkness, superstition, and Cruelty. August 21st 1819. All our works went on well and every preparation was made for completing the punt, with all possibe dispatch, in order that the stores might be landed, and the Settlement formed at Kiddee kiddee, and Manowowra. August 22nd. We assembled on the beach for public worship, as there was no place, for divine service sufficient to hold the People. We were surrounded with Natives, and a number of Chiefs from different districts of the River Thames. It was very gratifying to our feelings, and afforded us a pleasing prospect, to be able to perform the worship of the true God in the open air, without any sensations of fear or danger, when surrounded by Cannibals with their spears stuck in the ground, and their Pattoo-pattoos & daggers concealed under their Mats. We could not doubt but that the time was at hand for gathering to the fold of Christ this noble race of men, whose temporal and spiritual wants are inconceivably, and call loudly on the Christian world for relief. Their misery is extreme. The Prince of Darkness, God of this World, has full dominion over both their bodies and souls. Under the influence of darkness and superstition, many devote themselves to death, and the chiefs sacrifice their Slaves as a satisfaction for the death of any of their friends— So great is the tyranny which Satan exercises over this people!— A tyranny from which nothing but the Gospel can set them free; and we cannot hope for the Gospel having its full effect, according to the ordinary course of the Divine proceedings, without the united aid of the Xn World. Suitable means must be provided for the civilization & evangelization of the inhabitants of New Zealand; and if this be done there can be little doubt, but the important object will be attained. 23rd. We this day built a shed for the Carpenters to work in, and in which divine Service, might be performed while we remained at Rangheehoo. The Natives continued to saw timber and to render us every service in their power. August 26th. I went with Tooi accompanied by Mr Samuel Butler, to an island called Motoorooa, belonging to Korrokorro and where he principally resides. My object was to set the people to work, the next day, at Manowowra. We arrived about two o’clock, and found that Korrokorro was on board the General Gates about two miles distant. The first object that struck my eye, near where we landed, was a man’s head stuck on a pole, on the summit of a hill close to the shore, and near the hut where we were to sleep for the night. The face appeared beautifully tatooed. Tooi told me that it was the head of a chief near the East Cape, who had been killed by Shunghee’s people, and purchased by some of Korrokorro’s people. This sight naturally excited sensations of horror in my breast; and caused me to value, more and more the blessings of divine revelation, and the protection of civil government. These are blessings, which can never be duly estimated, by those who enjoy them, as they respect the life that now is, and that which is to come. As the afternoon was fine, we walked over the island to the opposite side. When we got to the top of the island which is very high, we had a full view of Korro Korro’s hippah, or castle; which is situated on the top of another island less than two miles distant. A number of Natives were at work on this second island. I was anxious to visit it; and when we came opposite, Tooi, Mr Butler, and myself, got into a Canoe, and crossed over. We were received with much pleasure by the Natives. We found Korrokorro’s head wife, or Queen hard at work, with a little wooden spade, digging the ground for potatoes; and Teranghee’s wife, with several more women & men. They were all much rejoiced at our visit to them. The old queen earnestly requested that I would give her a hoe; and endeavoured to convince me how hard it was to turn over the ground with a stick. I promised to comply with her request. After spending about an hour among them, we returned; taking with us a quantity of fish which they had given us. The land on this island was rich: part of it was sown with turnips and part was already planted with potatoes. The women turned over the ground with sticks about two feet long, and as thick as a broomstick. They wrought hard; but made little progress in cultivation, for want of proper tools. When we reached the beach, Tooi said one of his sisters was coming, whom he had not seen since his return: and earnestly requested me to get into the canoe before she arrived, as he did not wish, to have his first meeting with her there. I begged him to wait for her, as she was hastening down the hill and not to regard me; but I could not prevail upon him; he leaped into the canoe, urging me to follow him. I delayed till she reached the beach, when I stepped in. Tooi ordered the canoe to put off; but at that moment, his sister sprung into the canoe, weeping aloud, and passed by me. She fell on her knees, and grasped Tooi’s: he saluted her, when she gave vent to her feelings in tears and loud lamentations, which she continued for about an hour. When we landed at Motooroa, she still sat weeping for a long time. Tooi conducted himself with great propriety, he suppressed all the wild feelings of an uncultivated mind, and yet showed all the soft & tender feelings of nature towards his sister. I could not but view his conduct with admiration: and told him to indulge his affection for his sister, without any respect to my being present. I saw that he was anxious, lest the warmth of his Sister’s affection & the strong manner in which she manifested it, should overcome his manly fortitude, and cause him to imitate her example; as he had done on a former occasion when I first visited New Zealand. When we landed, we found Korro-korro, and a number of his people who received us with much kindness. I told him I was come to set the people to clear the land at Manowowra, and to see about the house, which it was necessary to build for their accommodation. He received this news with much joy; and said he would accompany me in the morning, and give the necessary directions to his people to lend their assistance. When he saw the hoes, for breaking up the ground, he was much pleased. After conversing on various subjects we had supper, sung a hymn, and committed our selves to the protection of the Angel of the Everlasting Covenant, and then lay down to rest. A number of the Natives lay round about the hut & some within. I slept well till the day returned, being weary with walking, when I lay down. Aug. 27th. 1819— We took our breakfast and then set off for Manowowra, which lay a few miles distant, on the opposite main. On our way we came up with a very large war canoe. I inquired how many men she carried; and was told sixty fighting men, with their provisions &c when they went out to sea, to the River Thames, or to East Cape; and eighty men in smooth water. On examining the Canoe, I observed in the stern the head of a Chief— the features of the face as natural as life, and one of the finest countenances I ever saw. The chief must have been about thirty years old. The hair was long; and every lock combed straight: and the whole brought up to the crown, and tied in a knot, and ornamented with feathers according to the custom of the Chiefs when in full dress— the hair and countenance both shining with oil with which they had been lately dressed. From the beautiful tattooing on the face, the chief must have been of high rank. I inquired whose head it was; and was told that it was the head of a chief who had been killed beyond the River Thames by Shunghee. It is possible that the head death of this Chief may be revenged by his children if the tribe to which he belonged should ever have strength to retaliate on Shunghee or his posterity. Hence the foundation is continually laid for new acts of cruelty & blood, from generation to generation; as the remembrance of these injuries seems never to be forgotten by them. I shall mention an instance of retaliation, some of the circumstances of which came within my own knowledge:— About fifteen or sixteen years ago, a vessel belonging to Campbell & Co of Port Jackson, called the Venus, was taken by the Convicts at Port Dalrymple. When the pirates had possession of the Venus, they sailed for New Zealand, and touched at the Bay of Islands; from whence they took the Sister of a Chief, named Temmarangha; and afterwards sold her at an island near East Cape for some mats. Two of the Natives afterwards quarrelled about her, in consequence of which she was killed. Some time after, some Natives arrived from East Cape at the Bay of Islands, and gave information relative to the fate of Temmarangha’s Sister. Temmarangha’s Father was alive; and previous to his death, caused Temmarangha to swear that he would revenge the death of his Sister. In 1815 Temmarangha accompanied me to Parramatta; and two years after his return, he mustered his tribe and set off to the East Cape to perform the oath which he had sworn to his father. He killed the Chief of the island where his Sister had been murdered, and brought away the Chief’s Wife a prisoner, and gave her to his brother, with whom she now lives. Mr Kendall informs me, that there is always some, either, remoe or immediate, cause, that induces the Chiefs to go to war; and that it is not for the mere motive of plunder and blood, but to obtain satisfaction for some injury done to them or to their tribe. In the above canoe, I met with Hooratookie, and his two brothers and Uncle, who were all officers under Korrokorro. Hooratookie was the first New Zealander who was introduced into civil Society. He had been landed at Norfolk Is. with another of his countrymen about twenty five years ago, by some vessel which had touched at New Zealand. The late Governor King had the command of the Island at that time. He treated the two strangers with great kindness: they lived at his table and received from him every attention. After remaining a considerable time with the Governor, the Brittania Whaler touched at Norfolk Island; when the Governor agreed with the Master to take Hooratookie and his companion to New Zealand, and accompanied them himself to see that they were properly treated and safely landed in their own Country. The great kindness of Governor King towards these New Zealanders towards these New Zealanders made a most favourable impression upon all the Natives who heard of it; and, to the present day they always speak of it with gratitude, and make enquiries after Governor King’s eldest daughter whose name is Maria, and who was only a few years old when Hooratookie was at Norfolk Island. When he asked me about Maria, I told him that she now lived at Parramatta. He said he would go and live with her till he died. Hooratookie was much rejoiced to see me. He left his war canoe, and some of the Chiefs with him, and accompanied us to Manowowra. On our landing, I selected a small spot of ground to sow a little English flax seed upon; which was immediately cleared and broken up, and afterwards I sowed the seed. I then examined the ground for building on; and staked out a house f. about 40 ft by 13 ft. for the work people, and, in the evening returned to Rangheehoo. Aug. 28th— All hands were busy, either in cutting timber for the intended new buildings, or in working at the punt. Aug. 29. Sunday. Divine Service was performed in the new shed, when we enjoyed the administration of God’s word, with little molestation. It was very interesting to see the eager countenances of the Natives who surrounded the Shed; and to hear them frequently repeat the word that was delivered, though they could not as yet understand it. After Morning Service, I and Mr Butler visited the Native Village, and conversed with the people. In walking over the ground near the village, I had some conversation with a young women, who lives with Mr brother in law to Mr King. On asking if her father was alive she told me that he was killed and eaten at the North Cape by Shunghee’s People; and that she was a prisoner of war. I was also informed, that, since she had been brought to Ranghee hoo, it had been determined to kill her. A few months ago the brother of the present Chief at Ranghee hoo died; the people believed that he was killed by incantation, or charm. As he told them that this was the cause of his death. Towha the son of the late Tippahee, lived with me at the time of this man’s death; and had two female Slaves, whom he had left at Ranghee hoo. When the Chief’s Brother died, in order to give satisfaction to his departed spirit, to appease his anger, and to prevent him from coming again and destroying them, these two young Women were killed by the relatives of the departed Chief: They both belonged to the School under Mr Kendall, at the time. Another relation of the Chief demanded the death of the young Woman who lived with Mr Hanson, as a satisfaction, on his part, that the spirit of the departed Chie might not injure him; and, as it was the custom of the country, she delivered herself up to be killed: but the Chief, before he died, knowing that some would be sacrificed for him had given directions that she should not be one of them, and, on that account, her life was spared. When the Active was returned to Port Jackson, the two young Men who had been appointed to kill Towha’s Female Slaves, came in her. Towha was with us at the time. Mr Kendall informed me of the above circumstance, fearing that Towha might be angry with them when he heard of the death of his servants. The young Men, when they arrived, appeared alarmed: I spoke to Towha, and told him what had taken place: he was much concerned for the death of his servants; but assured me that he should show no anger to the young men who had killed them, for he knew better than to do so now; which promise he strictly kept. These incidents will tend to show the superstition and character of these people. In passing along the Village, we spoke to a man and his wife. There were some fowls running on the premises, which the man told me, had been bred from some that I had given Terra, the Head Chief on the south side of the Bay, when I was first there; and that when Terra died, his wife had taken Terra’s Nephew for her Husband, who succeeded to the authority of his uncle. As it was contrary to the established custom of the Natives for a Chief’s wife to marry again, a party from Ranghee-hoo went over to punish her for the violation of their laws, and stript her of what property she possessed. The fowls that we then saw, were part of the plunder which this ma had taken at that time. We then returned to the village, and had Divine Service in the evening. Aug. 30, 1819— After dark, I was called out by a Chief named Towhee; who informed me that Shunghee had made an attack on a village betwee Whangaroa and the North Cape, and had killed six persons; and had told me neither to be angry nor afraid. I expressed my concern for what had happened. Towhee said the cause of the difference between Shunghee and those people was the following:— his Wife’s Father had died some years ago: the people spoiled his sepulchre, took his bones, and made fish-hooks of them, for the express purpose of cruelly and wantonly sporting with Shunghee and his relations; and had put his scull on a pole to provoke him to revenge. Shunghee told me that he was going to fight, when he left Ranghee hoo, but only to remove the bones of his Wife’s Father. When he returns we shall lean whether he knew, previous to his departure, that the sacred tomb, in which the bones of his Father in law were deposited, had been spoiled. Aug-31- About 40 Men, Women, and Children, arrived at Ranghee-hoo, from a village situated on the banks of the Shukeangha, distant between 50 or 60 miles. This river empties itself into the sea, on the west side of the island, about 100 miles to the south of Cape Van Diemen. They brought with them a few hogs for sale; and a large quantity of sweet potatoes, as presents for their friends and relatives at Ranghee-hoo, where many of them reside. The complexion of these Natives is fairer than any that I had seen. They are a very fine race of people. I told them that it was my intention to visit them before I left New Zealand; which gratified them much. The Chief wished to know how long it would be before I went; and said that he would show me the way, and carry me over the intermediate swamps. I promised to visit them in one moon, if I could. He expressed his fears that Shunghee would be offended if I went to Shukeangha, lest any ship, at a future time, when the river and harbour were known, should come to them. I replied, that before he came to Ranghee-hoo, I had formed an intention of visiting them; and had already mentioned the circumstance to Shunghee, who approved of my design, and would not be displeased with me, or them, for my visiting the inhabitants on the banks of the Shukeangha. He expressed his satisfaction that Shunghee approved of my going; and said that he would supply the Settlement with pigs and potatoes, when formed at Kiddee Kiddee; as it would be nearer to Shukeangha. I gave him a spade; and promised his people some fish-hooks when I came to their Settlement, which pleased them all. Sept. 1, 1819— Mr Butler accompanied me on a visit to the Chiefs at the south side of the Bay; We arrived at Corraddica, the residence of the late Chief Terra, who was, at all times, a warm friend to Europeans. When I first visited New Zealand, Terra wept much for joy; and both he and his wife shewed us the greatest kindness. Mr Kendall informed me that he died last November; and expressed his happiness, on his dying bed, that no European had ever been killed in his district. We found his successor at home, who had long been known by the name of King George; and Terra’s late wife, with several of their people. They were overjoyed to see us; and Terra’s Widow requested me to sit down by her, which I did. She then told me what troubles she had met with, since I was there— that when Terra was alive, they had plenty of hoes, axes, spades, fish-hooks, tokees, sweet and common potatoes, and fowls, from those I had given them, and clothing; but that now they were completely destitute. They had not a nail, fish-hook, spade, axe, or hoe; and she had not any clothes, but the mat which she had on. She wept as she related her misfortunes, and spoke in a feeling manner. She is naturally a kind and tender- hearted women: many instances of this I saw, when first at New Zealand. I told her that I had been informed that she had married King George since Terra’s death, which was contrary to the customs of their country; and which offence against their laws had furnished her countrymen with a pretence to plunder her of all that she possessed at the time of Terra’s death. She admitted that she had consented to marry King Gerge; but, as yet, they were not united with the public sanction, nor could they be for some time to come. When Terra died, she wrapt up his body in mats, and performed every other necessary service for the dead: and had the body deposited in the Ahoodoo Pa, or sepulchre in which the dead are laid, till their bones are finally removed to the family vaults belonging to their tribe. She shewed me where Terra was laid; and said that she had to remove his bones before she could marry King George, which ceremony she would perform in a little time. In consequence of having performed the above services, and what she had still to do for Terra’s remains, she was polluted, and was compelled to eat and live with the common people; and could not enter into King George’s house: but, when terra’s bones were removed, she would then be received by King George as his wife, and raised from her present low state. She said that what King George possessed, at the time of Terra’s death, had also been taken from him, in consequence of taking her for his wife. King George confirmed what she said; and lamented that he had no pork or any thing to give us for our supper, but fern root; and also regretted that he had not an English house for us to sleep in. He reminded me how he had been treated when living with me at Parramatta, which favours he could not return; but said that we should have the best accommodation that he could give us. We spent the evening very pleasanty with these poor Heathens. At the length, King George informed us that our lodgings were ready. He had prepared his hut in the best manner— had spread new clean mats on the ground for us to sleep upon, and a clean mat at the entrance. The hut might be about 14 feet by 10; and he had made a fire in the centre, which made it as hot as an oven, there being no vent for the smoke but at the entrance, which was very small— so small, that I could not creep in without taking my coat off. I requested him to have the fire taken out, as we should not be able to bear the heat; which was done. When all was ready, we crept into the hut, along with King George, and his Wife, and Nephew, who is a fine youth, named Racow, and will succeed King George in his authority, should he survive him. Though the fire was removed, the hut was extremely hot. We perspired profusely when we lay down, and requested that the door of the hut might be kept open for a little air, as the hut was naturally from its construction, as warm as a bee-hive. Sept. 2, 1819.— When we awoke, we observed Terra’s widow sitting at the outside of the door, waiting for our rising. Our berth had been very warm— and clean; yet we willingly left it, on the return of day, and crept out to breathe the morning air. We desired Teeterree to prepare our breakfast. While it was getting ready, Terra’s widow, who was sitting on a log, with two or three females, requested me to sit down by them, which I did. The conversation turned on Terra, and the former time I was there. A fine young girl sat by, as we conversed together. She burst into a flood of silent tears: they ran in streams down her cheeks, on her mat. She sat and wept, and never spake, Her grief was to [sic] excessive. I called Mr Butler to witness the scene. It was more than his feelings could support: he was melted into tears. We then turned to King George who was sitting with his Wife, Racow, and Racow’s mother. Mr Butler inquired if they knew Mowhee; not knowing at the time, that he was speaking to Mowhee’s relations. The fine youth was Mowhee’s cousin; and his Mother, Mowhee’s Mothers sister. When she heard his name she was greatly agitated, and wept bitterly, as did his other relations; and told us that his Mother was dead. The account which Mr Butler gave them of Mowhee having been at his house, &c, was very gratifying to them, and they knew not how sufficiently to express their affection for Mr Butler. Racow is a tall, fine, handsome, youth, as can be seen in any country. His countenance is rather fair; and very open, noble, and placid. I told King George that he must not tattoo Racow— that it would spoil his countenance, and disfigure his face; but he laughed at my advice; and said he must be tattooed, as it would give him a noble, masculine and warlike appearance; and he would not be fit for his successor, with a smooth face.: the New Zealanders would look on him merely as a woman, if he was not tattooed. Poor Racow has much to suffer, before his face is carved like his Uncle’s, and other parts of his body too. When we had breakfasted on the provisions which we had with us, we prepared to visit another Chief, on the coast opposite to Coorraddicea, named Tekokee, about five miles distant; not knowing, at the time, that King George had prepared any thing for us to eat. When we informed him that we must leave him, he told us that his cooks had been providing for us some sweet potatoes, and that we must not depart till they came. We remonstrated with him for detaining us; but he resolved that we should not go till we had partaken of his hospitality. We had every reason to believe that he had sent a messenger in the night, to Pomarree, to procure for us some sweet potatoes for our entertainment; as two of Pomarree’s daughter s arrived very early, and shortly after we saw King George’s servants kindling the fire at a distance. In about half an hour, six cooks arrived, with a number of baskets of sweet potatoes, ready dressed, for ourselves and people. King George said that we must take the whole of them; and what we could not eat, we must take in the canoe, which order was complied with. King George expressed his regret that there were no Europeans to reside with him: he said that he wanted a Carpenter, Smith, and a Clergyman. We promised that he should have a European to live with him, as soon as we could spare one. When we left Corroraddicea, King George accompanied us to the other side; where we were kindly received by Tekokee and his people, who were busy preparing their land for potatoes. Tekokee was much rejoiced at our visit, as well as his wife and people. He told me that since I was there, he had buried four of his children, and had only one son remaining, and he was gone in the Active on a visit to me. I told him that he had arrived safe at Port Jackson, and was well; which gave him and his wife much satisfaction. He expressed a very ardent desire to have some Europeans to live with him; and pointed out a situation where an European house would stand to great advantage, and be an accomdation [sic] to the ships that came into the Bay, as they could easily water on his shore, from a stream of fresh water which went into the cove. We promised to bild him a house, as soon as we could, on the spot that he fixed on. Tekoke is the Chief of the Timber District; and, as much timber will be wanted for the intended buildings it was necessary to acquaint him with it. W promised him a few tools of Agriculture which he was much in want of, as he had only wooden tools to work with. He was much pleased with our promise, and said he would come to Rangheehoo for them. After staying about two hours, we set off for Wytanghee, where Mr Hall formerly lived. It lay in our way, about three miles from Tekokee’s. When we landed, and the people observed us, they ran in all directions to inform the Natives of our arrival. They met us with great joy. The Head Chief’s Wife was much affected. Her husband was gone to Parramatta, on a visit to me. I told her that he was well, and would return in the Active; which gave her & the other Natives much satisfaction. They earnestly solicited that some Europeans might live with them; but were apprehensive, from what had happened to Mr Hall when there, that none would come to them. Their land is rich; and the finest fall of water, for mills, is here that perhaps, ever was seen. We were much gratified with these poor Heathens while we remained with them. In the evening, we had a stormy passage to Ranghee-hoo, in a small canoe, with six Natives to work it. The water was rough, and the wind fresh. We were not without our fears, till safe on shore at the settlement, where we arrived after dark, highly gratified with our visit to the Natives, and thankful for our preservation; having, for some time, almost despaired [sic] of reaching the shore, as we had about seven miles to pass through a rough sea, the water frequently over the sides of the canoe. When we arrived, I learned that Shunghee had returned from his expedition. I inquired what he had done. He informed me that he had been told, some time previous to his present voyage toward the North Cape, that the inhabitants, not far from Whangarooa, had taken the bones of his wife’s father from the sacred sepulchre, and had made fish-hooks of them, as already mentioned; but he did not believe the report, but, went first to examine the sepulchre; where he only found a few ribs, and the upper part of the scull, which was broken; and that the thigh— land [sic] arm-bones, and also he jawbones, had been all broken and mad up into fish-hooks. Having satisfied himself of the fact, he proceeded to the village, where the people lived who had committed the sacrilege; and, going up within gun-shot of them, in the open-day, informed them that he was come to punish them for spoiling the sepulchre where his Wife’s father’s bones had been deposited, and for making his bones into fish-hooks. They admitted his charge, and the justice of his conduct: he then, without entering the village, fired upo them, and killed five me; whereupon the party attacked, requested him to fire no more, for the death of those who were shot was a sufficient atonement fr the offence committed. Shunghee answered that he was satisfied; and the business was thus decided, with the mutual consent of both parties: and Shunghee returned, after visiting the people who had taken the dead whale cast on his shore, and breaking the canoe in which they had gone. Shunghee appealed to me, wishing to know if we did not consider it a high crime to rob the sepulchre of the dead, and to offer such indignities to their remains; and whether the people, whom he had been to punish, had not merited their punishment for their crimes. I replied, I was sorry that any lives had been taken; and, at the same time, admitted, that it was just to punish such offences; but I was apprehensive that what he had done would excite the other party to avenge the death of their friends. Shunghee said that they were not able to make war upon him; and, therefore, would be quiet. Sept. 4, 1819.— Ahoudee O Gunna, the Chief from whom the land had been purchased where the present settlement stands, informed me that Mr Kendall had insulted him and his brother, by turning them out of his house. I assured him that Mr Kendall had no intention to offend him at the time, as I was there, and saw what passed. I was shortly after informed, that his Brother had gone to Mr Hall’s, and stolen two earthen pots. In the afternoon, I met Ahoudee O Gunna and his brother, and charged them with the theft. Ahoudee O Gunna replied, that his brother had not stolen the pots, but had taken them away with an intention to bring on an explanation respecting Mr Kendall’s conduct; as he demanded some compensation for the insult, and he should refuse to give up the pots till the compensation was given I told him that Mr Hall was not to be punished for what Mr Kendall had done; and that the pots ought immediately to be restored to the owner. Ahoudee O Gunna was willing to give them up; but his Brother demanded an axe; not as a favour, but as a reward for them. W conceived that if we complied with this demand, it would open the door for future robberies; and therefore told him that he might keep the pots; for we would not purchase them, because they were stolen. Ahoudee O Gunna was much hurt at his brother’s conduct; and, in the course of the following week, they differed seriously. Ahoudee O Gunna, in order to show his disapprobation, set his own house on fire, and burnt it; and left Ranghee-hoo with a determination to return no more to his brother, he was so much ashamed of the theft, after our kindness to him and his Wife. A few days afterward, Mr Butler and myself were walking through the village & met Ahoudee O Gunna’s brother. He told us that he had but one pot, which he would give up: the other had been broken by another Native, who was gone into the country. We pointed out to him the evil of stealing; and that it was a crime which we could not reward, whatever we lost. He sent his son to us with the pot. We gave the boy six fish-hooks; who soon returned with them, and said that his father would take nothing for the pot. Thus, by firmness, we gained our point. We are concerned for Ahoudee O Gunna and shall heal his grief and vexation by some act of kindness, the first opportunity. Our punt not being complete, the Master of the “General Gates” brought up the remaining stores, in a canoe belonging to Korrokorro. The casks being cheifly [sic] filled with tools of Agriculture, we could not land them, without opening and exposing their contents to the Natives. A Miser never valued gold so much as they do edge tools. These are a temptation which they cannot withstand. We now expected to be robbed, more or less; as the Natives cold not be kept from the canoe, nor from the casks when opened. We were obliged to employ some of them, to carry the stores to the public store. When about half of them were landed, a report was spread that the Natives had stolen some of the axes, bill-hooks, &c. An immediate stop was put to the Natives carrying any of the articles from the canoe, and several of them were charged with theft; which created a general tumult and fermentation among them. We could not ascertain what they had stolen, but knew that some axes, sickles, &c were missing. We remonstrated with them for their ungrateful conduct; and told them that we had come there to do them good— that we wanted nothing that they could give us, as we had plenty in our own country— & that, as we had no object but to serve them, we could not allow them to rob us of our property. I told them that King George and the gentlemen in England, would be ashamed of them, when they heard of their thefts; and that I could allow no thief to go in the Active to Parramatta; &, if they went there and stole there, Governor MacQuarie would hang them; and if any one of them should come to Port Jackson in any other ship, I should then catch them. After a long debate, some recommended the stolen property to be given up, and others alleging it was too valuable to be given up, the honest party prevailed; & ran off, in different directions, for the axes, &c. A number were brought in on Saturday evening, and laid down publicly, on the beach, where we were assembled to discuss this important subject. Our object was to convince them of the injustice & immorality of their conduct, and to check, as much as we could, their disposition to steal. Before we allowed the casks to be opened, & the Natives to carry the Stores, I asked Mr Kendall publicly, if they would not steal them. Mr Kendall said they would not; for he had never known them steal any thing from him. When they were charged with theft, Towha, Tippahee’s son, who had resided 12 months at Parramatta, reprobated their conduct, and told them that they had covered Mr Kendall with shame— that he had given them a good character for honesty; but their theft proved that he was a liar, hen he said they were honest. At length they said that they would return all that had been taken, excepting one axe, which was the first stolen; & that the man who had taken it should be banished from Ranghee-hoo, and not allowed to return again. The theif [sic] offered to return his axe; but the others said, that if he was allowed to remain, he would steal again; and therefore desired him to leave the place, & take the stolen axe with him. The remainder of the stores were safely landed, and the Natives promised to return on Monday what property they could not recover on Saturday night; & thus ended the business, to our mutual satisfaction. I spoke to Shunghee on the heinousness of their crime in stealing the axes. He said that they were not his people, and that it was very wrong to take so many; & observed, with a smle, that if they had taken one axe, he should not have thought much of it: which convinced me that Shunghee himself could not have withstood the temptation, had it lain in his way. Sept 5, 1819.— Early this morning arrived King George and Racow, Mowhee’s Cousin, with their relations; and, at the same time, Pomarree, with part of his Tribe. I was walking on the beach when they landed, and told them it was the sabbath day; &, on that account, we could not do any thing with them. They said that they could not stop, as they had bought no provisions, We ordered them what was necessary, & afterwards performed Divine Service in the shed; where the four great men in New Zealand (Shunghee, King George, and Pomarree, with Racow the Young King) attended, & many others. All behaved with decorum & we hope the day is not far distant, when they will know the joyful sound of the Gospel; & have the Lord for their God, in the fullest sense. In the evening, we had Divine Service; &, afterwards, the Holy Sacrament was administered in this distant land; the solemnity of which did not fail to excite in our breasts sensations and feelings corresponding with the peculiar situation in which we were. We looked back to the period, when this Holy Ordinance was first instituted in Jerusalem, in the presence of our Lord’s Disciples; and adverted to the peculiar circumstances under which it was now administered, at the very end of the earth, where a single ray of Divine Revelation had never till now dawned on the inhabitants. Sept. 6.— This morning, the greatest part of the articles stolen on Saturday were returned. We expressed our approbation of the conduct of the Natives in attending to our remonstrances, recommending them to act honestly in future; & rewarded such as had given information of thefts, or had exerted their influence to obtain the stolen property. A good understanding was soon established again between us & the Natives; & they joined their respective work as before, in sawing timber, &c. Pomarree paid us an early visit with King George. He told me he was very angry, that I had not brought a blacksmith for him, & that when he heard there was no blacksmith for him, he sat down and wept much, as also did his Wives. I assured him that he should have one, as soon as one could be got for him. He replied it would be of no use to him to send a Backsmith, when he was dead; & that at present he was in the greatest distress: his wooden spades were all broke, and had not an axe to make any more: his canoes were all broke and he had not a nail or a gimlet to men them with: his potatoe grounds were uncultivated, and he had not a hoe to break them up with, nor a tool to employ his people; and that, for want of cultivation, he and his people would have nothing to et. He begged me to compare the land of Tippoonah which belonged to the inhabitants of Ranghee hoo and Shunghee, with his; observing that their land was already prepared for planting, because a Smith was there, and they could get hoes, &c. I endeavoured to pacify his mind with promises, but he paid little attention to what I said, in respect to sending him a Smith at a future period. He was so angry with me for not giving him a Blacksmith, that he had taken twenty five hogs to the General Gates, but had brought none for us. I tried to divert his mind from hi disappointment, and asked him if he should wish to go to England, with that view. He replied, he should not: and observed he was a little man when at Port Jackson, and should be less in England; but, in his own country he was a great king. We then promised him a few hoes, &c., which operated like a cordial on his wounded mind. He begged hard for three hoes, one axe, a few nails, and a gimlet. I told him he should have them. Mr Butler, when he accompanied me to Corroraddica, had seen the distress which King George was in for want of a few tools; and told us, if he did not get an axe he would hang himself. We therefore agreed to give these Chiefs, 15 hoes, 2 spades, 3 axes, 4 gimlets, a few nails, 12 combs, 2 looking-glasses, 2 plane irons, and nearly 100 fish-hooks. They received this present with the greatest joy and gratitude, and returned to their own district as happy as King’s with the spoils of war. Sept. 7, 1819.— Mr Butler & Mr Francis Hall accompanied me to Tippoonah; a Native Settlement, about two miles distant from Rangheehoo. The land there is chiefly planted with sweet potatoes, which constitute the choicest food of the Natives. The soil is generally rich and light, and well adapted for the growth of this root. The principal inhabitants of Ranghee-hoo have their sweet potatoe gardens here. We found numbers of them at work, in their respective allotments; some with spades and hoes which they had received from us; others, with wooden spades, with long handles to them, the mouth made about the same as an English spade; and such as got neither spade nor hoe, turned up the ground with long spatulas, about three feet in length. The wooden spades and spatulas can only be used when the land is light, and has been previously turned up. They have another wooden tool, about seven feet long, pointed like a hedge stake, and a piece of wood lashed on about two feet from the point, to place the foot upon, to aid in thrusting the instrument into the ground. They call this tool Koko. They pull up all the weeds with their hands, and then cover them with the spatula or spade, as they proceed in digging. The Natives were overjoyed to see us, and their universal cry was for spades and hoes. We regretted much that it was not in our power to gratify all their laudable wishes. We saw, with pain, the hard toil which they endured, and the little progress which they made in cultivation with their rude instruments; and were convinced, by ocular demonstration, that the earth can never be subdued, and made to bring forth its increase, to reward the sweat and toil of man, without iron; and that this valuable article is the only thing in the creation that can relieve the temporal miseries of this people. In passing over these potatoe grounds, we were informed that Shunghee had an extensive allotment, and was then in his garden. We went to visit him; and found him in the midst of his people, who were all at work, preparing the land for planting. Shunghee received us with great pleasure. I observed his head Wife at work with a spatula; and her little Daughter, between four and five years old, sitting on the bed which her mother was digging. I knew the age of this little girl; for she was born at Shunghee’s Hippah (or Epah, a fortified place), about thirty miles from Ranghee-hoo, the very night I slept there, when first at New Zealand. Shunghee’s Wife reminded me of this circumstance; and said that she had called the child Marsden” from my being with them at the birth. [Left off - in pencil] This woman is about thirty five years old, and is quite blind. She lost her sight from an inflammation in her eyes about three years ago. She appeared to dig the ground as fast as those who had their sight, and as well. She pulled up the weeds, with her hands, as she went on— then set her feet upon them, that she might knw where they were,— afterward, dug up the ground, and covered the weeds with the mould, with her hands. I told her, that if she would give me the spatula, I would give her a hoe: which offer was accepted with joy; her daughter was sent immediately with the spatula, along with Mr Butler for the promised he. When we viewed the wife of one of the greatest Chiefs in New Zealand— a man possessed of a very large and extensive territory of rich land; and one whose name, as a soldier, strikes terror into all the inhabitants, from the North to the East Capes— labouring hard, though completely blind, with a wooden spade to gain a scanty subsistence on potatoes— this sight excited, in our breasts, new sensations and reflections, both of pleasure and pain & kindled within us the best feelings of the human heart. We most ardently wished that the Christian World could witness this sight, with the surrounding scene: the means would soon be raised to furnish every blind woman, whether of high or low rank, who are willing to labour for their bread, with a hoe or spade; as well as to afford relief to all that are in distress, for want of these necessary instruments. We have found, in every district which we have visited, the body of the inhabitants industrious, but their industry is universally checked for the want of agricultural tools. We need not adduce any other proof of their habits of industry, than what has now been stated. If a woman of the first rank, and, at the same time, blind, can, from habit, labour in the field with her servants and children, what will not these people rise to, if they can procure the means of improving their country, and bettering their condition! Their temporal state must be improved by agriculture and simple arts, in connexion with the introduction of Christianity, in order to give permanence and full influence to the Gospel among them. It may reasonably be expected, that their moral and religious advancement will keep pace with the increase of their temporal comforts. They are, at present, naked & hungry: and if we should say unto them, “Be ye warmed and filled, notwithstanding we give them not those things which are needful to the body, what doth it profit? The bwels of Christians would yearn, I am sure, over their temporal and spiritual miseries, was it possible to make them known. Our God and Saviour, who is loving to every man, and whose tender mercies are over all his works, is now blessed be his name! moving the hearts f his servants to send relief to the por Heathen, even to the very ends of the earth; which must cause the hearts of all who wish well to Zion, to rejoice. Sept 8, 1819— Early this morning, several canoes left Ranghee-hoo for Whangarooa, in consequence of infor mation, that had arrived inthe night frm the people who had been attacked by Shunghee. A number of our sawyers, we found, were gone with them. The report is, that the Natives, in these districts, are going to muster their tribes; and to demand satisfaction from Shunghee for the men he shot, in his late attack on the village. Shunghee has a Hippah in the Bay of Islands, about two miles from Ranghee-hoo, which he is fortifying, and preparing to receive the enemy. As these people have no regular established government, it appears that all crimes are punished, either by an appeal to the sword, or by plundering the offender of his little property and laying waste his potatoe grounds. In the evening, Tori and his brother Teranghee paid us a visit. Tooi informed us, that his brother Korrokorro wished him to be tattooed. We told him that it was a very foolish and ridiculous custom, and, as he had seen so much of civilized life, he should now lay aside the barbarous customs of his country, and adopt those of civilized nations. Tooi replied, that he wished to do so himself; but his brother urged him to be tattooed, as otherwise he could not support his rank and character as a Gentleman among his countrymen, and they would consider him timid and effeminate. However, he promised that he would not be tattooed, unless compelled by his friends. In time of war, great honour is paid to the head of a warrior, when killed in battle, if he is properly tattooed. His head is taken to the conqueror, and preserved, as the spoils of war, with respect— as a standard, when taken from a Regiment, is respected by the victor. It is gratifying to the vanquished, to know that the heads of their Chiefs are preserved by the enemy; for when the conqueror wishes to make peace, he takes the Heads of the Chiefs along with him, and exhibits them to their tribe. If the tribe are desirous of putting an end to the contest, they cry aloud at the sight of the Heads of their Chiefs, and all hostilities terminate: this is the signal that the Conqueror will grant them any terms which they may require. But if the tribe are determined to renew the contest and risk the issue of another battle, they do not cry. Thus the Head of a Chief may be considered as the Standard of the Tribe to which he belongs and the signal of peace or war. If the conqueror never intends to make peace, he will dispose of the Heads of those Chiefs whom he kills in battle, to ships, or to any persons who will buy them. Sometimes they are purchased by the friends of the vanquished, and returned to their surviving relations; who hold them in the highest veneration, and indulge their natural feelings, by viewing them, and weeping over them. When the Chief is killed in a regular battle, the victors cry aloud, as soon as he falls, “Throw us the Man”, if he falls within the lines of his own party. If the party, whose Chief is dead, are intimidated, they immediately comply with the demand. As soon as the victim is received, his Head is immediately cut off; and a proclamation made for all the Chiefs to attend, who belong to the victorious party, to assist in performing the accustomed religious Ceremony, in order to ascertain, by augury, whether their God will prosper them in the present battle. If the priest, after the performance of the ceremony, says that their God is propitious, they are inspired with fresh courage to attack the enemy; but if the Priest returns answer, that their God will not be propitious, they quit the feild [sic] of battle in sullen silence. The Head already in possession is preserved for the Chief on whose account the war was undertaken, as satisfaction for the injury which he, or some one of his tribe, had received from the enemy. When the war is over, and the Head properly cured, it is sent to all the Chief’s friends, as a gratification to them, and to show them that justice had been obtained from the offending party. With respect to the Body of the Chief, it is cut up into small portions, and dressed for those who are in the battle, under the immediate direction of the Chief who obtains the Head; and, if he wishes to gratify any of his friends who are not present, small portions are reserved for them; on the receipt of which they give thanks to their God for the victory obtained over their enemy. If the flesh should be so putrid, from the length of time before it is received, that it cannot be eaten, a substitute is eaten in stead. They not only eat the flesh of the Chiefs, but are wont to take their bones, and distribute them among their friends; who make whistles of them, and fish-hooks of others. These they value and preserve with care, as memorials of the death of their enemies. It is also customary with them, for a man, when he kills another in battle, to taste the blood of the slain. He imagines that he shall then be safe from the wrath of the God of him that has fallen; believing, that from the moment he tastes the blood of the man whom he has killed, the dead man becomes a part of himself; & places him under the protection of the Atua or God, of the departed spirit. Mr Kendall informed me, that one occasion, Shunghee ate the left eye of a great Chief, whom he killed in battle at Shukeangha. The New Zealanders believe that the left eye, some time after death, ascends to the Heavens, and becomes a star in the firmament. Shunghee ate the left eye of the Chief, from present revenge; and under the idea of increasing his own future glory and brightness when his own left eye should become a star. From all that I have been able to learn, relative to the New Zealanders eating human flesh, this custom appears to have its origin in religious superstition. I could hear of no instance of any man ever being killed, merely to gratify the appetite; or of any killed for the purpose of selling their Heads to Europeans or other nations. The Heads which are cured and sold, are those of the slain in war, which are not intended to be returned to their friends. At the same time, I am of opinion, that it is not safe or prudent for masters of vessels or any of the crews, to purchase heads from the Natives: for if a Tribe knew that the head of their Chief was on board any vessel, it is more than probable that they would make an attempt on the vessel, in order to obtain the head from the high veneration and esteem in which they hold the relics of their departed leaders. Sept. 12, 1819. Sunday— Divine Service was performed, this morning, on the beach, in the shed; when some Chiefs from distant districts attended. We met with no molestation from the Natives: they behaved with decorum; and we trust they will, ere long, esteem this Day above all other days, & become true worshippers of the only true and Living God: then shall this Heathen Land, in every sense, “bring forth its increase, and God will give His blessing.” Sept. 13.— Ahoudee O Gunna came, this morning to take his leave of us. He had been on the spot where his house stood before he burnt it, to weep with his friends. He had cut and lacerated his face, arms, and other parts of his body, very much; to express his grief, according to their custom; and his friends had followed his example. We gave him a spade, hoe, axe, gimlet, looking-glass, file, and two Knives, one for himself and one for his Wife. These presents contributed to heal his distressed mind. He told me that he should never return to Ranghee hoo; and should take up his residence with Tekokee, and pressed me much to send an European to live at Cowa cowa, with him and be friends. I promised him his wishes should be granted as soon as we could. Whenever he turned his eyes on his presents of tools, his joy was visible in his countenance, and appeared to to swallow u all his late sorrows. Ahoudee O Gunna is much attached to the Europeans, and was very serviceable when I first visited New Zealand. We had also a number of Chiefs to visit us to-day, from different districts. Their object was, to obtain a hoe or a spade some of them had come more than twenty miles. They urged their distresses with every argument in their power. We distributed about three dozens of hoes among them, and a few other tools, and regretted much that it was not in our power to give them three hundred; which number even would only be like a drop in the bucket. They danced with joy when they were presented with these tools: and many of them will immediately be at work with them, which will greatly increase the quantity of corn & potatoes next season, as this is the Spring, and the proper time for planting both; by which means their comforts will be increased, and the Settlers more abundantly supplied with pork, corn, and potatoes. As the comforts of the native inhabitants increase, so will their civilization be proportionably improved. All they seem to want is the means of procuring the comforts of Civil Life. They neither want industry, nor natural ability of mind, nor strength of body; for these they possess, perhaps, in a superior degree to any other barbarous nation: and, as their climate & soil are both favourable for all the purposes of agriculture, they, no doubt will make a rapid progress in the attainments of the necessary comforts of Civil Life. We, this evening, had the pleasure to launch our flat-bottomed boat, in the presence of the joyful natives. It is estimated to carry twenty tons, and is the first vessel ever built on the Northern Island of New Zealand. We may view it like a grain of mustard-seed, if we anticipate the naval power and strength which this country is capable of attaining, from the energy of the inhabitants— their bold and enterprising spirit— and their harbours, rivers, and naval stores. It was impossible to prevent the mind from contemplating, with secret pleasure, on viewing the launching of this little bark into the bosom of the great deep, the infinite blessings which the Christian World would impart to this nation, by the introduction of the Arts of Civilization and the Gospel. it is not possible for persons in Civil Life to conceive the wants of those who are in a state of nature; nor can they estimate the blessings which they themselves enjoy when compared with the miseries of a barbarous state. Sept. 14, 1819— This morning, I met Korrokorro at Rangheehoo. He informd me that he had been spending the night with Shunghee, at Tippoonah. Knowing the jealousy that existed between these two Chiefs, I wished to know what was the nature of his visit to Shunghee. He said he went to arrange some public matters with Shunghee, previous to his own departure for the River Thames; whither he was going on an embassy of peace, and intended to take the gratest part of the men of his tribe with him. He was apprehensive that Shunghee would take advantage of his absence, and attack the people whom he should leave behind, unless Shunghee and he cam to a good understanding before he went. I inquired if Shunghee and he had settled their differences to their mutual satisfaction. He replied that they had and that Shunghee had engaged not to molest his people during the period that he was from home, which he expeced, would be about 4 months. The object of his present visit to the river Thames, was, to make peace between some of the Chiefs there & his uncle Kaipo. Some months ago, the son of Kaipo was poisoned, or supposed to be so, by some of the Chiefs at the River Thames, when he was on a visit. For this real or supposed offence, Kaipo wanted satisfaction; and Korro Korro was going with all his fighting men, and his Uncle, to settle this business— not with a view to fight, but to bring the offending party to some honorable terms of settlement, according to their customs. Korro Korro is a very brave and sensible man. I have seen no Chief who has his people under such subjection and good order as he; yet he is tired of war, and wishes that there was no fighting at New Zealand; and we have reason to believe that he will prevent war, as much as he can. After conversing with Korrokorro, I set out for Kddeekiddee, with our ne boat, full of scantling-boards for the New Settlement; accompanied by Mr W. Hall, the three carpenters, and Mr Samuel Butler. We arrived in the evening, in the midst of a crowd of joyful Natives, who immediately conveyed the timber to a spot where we intended to erect the Public Store, the Smith’s Shop, &c. We set the Natives to work to clear the ground; and then we marked out these buildings— the Public Store, 60 feet, the Smith’s House, thirty feet, and his shop, twenty feet, by fourteen. After the ground had been marked out, I left Mr Hall and the Carpenters to begin the buildings, and returned, with Mr S. Butler, in the boat to Ranghee-hoo, where we arrived at near eleven o’clock that night. The boat will prove the most essential service to the Settlement, from the bundles of timber, lime, and stores, which she carries. Sept. 15, 1819— This morning I met some of the people who had returned from Whangaroa; and inquired how they had settled the difference relative to Sunghee’s shooting some of their people, in his late attack on the village. They informed me that there had been a very large meeting of Natives, from different parts, among whom were hundreds from the North Cape. The object of their meeting was to mourn and weep with Topira, the Chief of Whangaroa, and to comfort him for the loss of his people. One of the Chiefs from Ranghehoo [sic] informed me, that Topira wished me to go to Whangarooa and see him. If I could not go, he would come to Rangheehoo, before I returned to Port Jackson. He wished to obtain a he, spade, adze, and a few fish-hooks. Topira is considered a very mild, and sensible man, and much averse to War, and is greatly respected by his countrymen, as well as by the Settlers. It is not intended to call on Shunghee for satisfaction, on account of his attack on the village; the inhabitants have given the first offence, by spoiling te Sepulchre of his Wife’s Father, as already mentioned. In walking through the Village of Ranghee-hoo, this morning, I observed Towhee tattooing the Son of the late Tippahee, on the seat and on the upper part of the thigh. The operation was very painful, it was per= formed with a small chisel made of the wing-bone of a pigeon or wild fowl. This chisel was about a quarter of an inch broad, and was fixed in a handle, four inches long, so as to form an acute angle at the head, something like a little pick, with one end. With this chisel he cut all the straight and spiral lines, by striking the head with a stick about one foot long, in the same manner as a farrier opens the vein of a horse with a fleam. One end of the stick was cut like a knife to scrape off the blood as it gushed from the cuts. The chisel appeared to pass through the skin at every stroke, and cuts it as a carver cuts a piece of wood. The chisel was constantly dipped in a liquid made from a particular tree, and afterward mixed with water, which communicates the blackness or, as they call it, the “Amoko”. I observed proud flesh rising in some parts, which had been cut almost a month before. The operation is so painful, that the whole tattooing can not be borne at one time; and it appears to be several years, before the Chiefs are perfectly tattooed. On my return thro’ the village, in company with Mr Kendall, I observed the Heads of four Chiefs, stuck on four poles, at one of the huts. I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me to the hut, in order to ascertain the cause of the death of these fur Chiefs, and from whence the heads had been brought. On making inquiries of the people, we received the following account:— Some years ago, a vessel from Port Jackson, called the Venus, touched at the bay of islands, from whence the crew took a woman belonging to Shunghee’s tribe, and afterwards landed her at or near East Cape, on te main land. After Temmarangha had heard of the fate of his sister (who was taken at the same time), he sent spies towards the East Cape to ascertain the particulars, and the situation of the people who had killed her. Temmarangha’s spies travelled as traders, all along the coast; and when they returned, they brought information of what had become of these two women: one had been killed and eaten on an island, and the other on the main at a greater distance. Temmarangha set off to revenge the death of his Sister, as already stated; and Shunghee followed when he was ready. They both returned, without meeting, after taking vengeance on the respective people who had committed the above murders; and the Heads which I saw were the Heads of Four Chiefs whom Shunghee had killed in battle. He also brought with him two Chiefs as prisoners, and many more Heads. Mr Kendall told me that Shunghee was eleven months on his voyage; and returned eight months ago, with many prisoners of War, who were shared between him and his subordinate Chiefs. I could not but reflect, with pain and grief and shame, on the crimes of my countrymen; who, by their wanton atrocities, spread war, misery and death, even among the poor Heathen Nations, who have never done them the smallest injury. What an amazing day that will be, when God shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness! Almost sixteen years have now elapsed, since the Venus was pirated; and, in consequence of that piracy, and the crimes afterward committed by the pirates, the Heads of the Fathers of families and leaders of tribes are this day exhibited in Ranghee-hoo and their Wives, children, and servants, either slain, or delivered over to captivity! Previous to closing this day’s observations, I met with Shunghee and Temmarangha. Wishing to know every particular relative to their expedition toward the East Cape, I requested them to accompany me to Mr Kendall, that I might, with his assistance, examine them very minutely. After a conversation of nearly two hours, I collected the following particulars relative to their expedition and customs. Temmarangha went chiefly to revenge the death of his Sister, as already mentioned. he took with him 400 fighting men, and, after attaining his object, returned with a few prisoners of war. He went on his expedition previous to Shunghee; but they never met on any part of the coast. Shunghee had two objects in view; the one was, to revenge the murder of the Woman belonging to his trie, who had been taken away by the Venus, as already stated: the other, to assist Houpah, a Chief at the river Thames, to revenge three murders, which had been committed on his tribe several years before. Houpah had long solicited Shunghee to aid him, in punishing the tribe who had cut off his people. Shunghee left the Bay of islands, on the 7 of February 1818, with his fighting men, to join Houpah at the River Thames. When they sailed from the river Thames, their forces amounted to 800 men. On their arrival at the districts where they intended to make war, such of the Natives as were able fled into the interior, leaving their habitations. Shunghee says, that they burnt 500 villages. The inhabitants are very numerous on the Coast, between the River Thames and the East Cape. Many of them were taken by surprise, and had not time to muster; and, therefore, were compelled to fly for safety to the country, as Shunghee advanced. A number of Chiefs were killed, either by surprise or in defending their towns and people; and many of their heads brought away by the conquering party. The settlers informed me, that about seventy heads were brought to Ranghee hoo, in one canoe. They also took 2,000 prisoners of War, whom they brought back with them, as their spoils; consisting of Men, Women, and Children. These prisoners were shared among the Chiefs and their Officers, and made slaves. I was anxious to know whether or not they eat those slain in battle; and, therefore, requested Shunghee and Temmarangha to inform me how they acted in the field, when the enemy met them; and also if they eat their enemies when then killed. In answer to my request, they gave me the following account:— When a Chief of the enemy’s party is killed, his body is immediately demanded by the assailants; &, as before stated, if the party attacked are intimidated, it is directly delivered up. If the Chief was a married man, his Wife is then called for; and she is also delivered into the hands of the enemy. She is taken away with the body of her Husband, and is killed. If she lved her Husband, she voluntarily resigns herself and her children; and desires the victors to do unto her and her children as they had done to her husband. If the party refuse to give up the Chief’s Wife, they are immediately attacked by the enemy; who will not give up the contest, till they obtain her, or are overpowered. When they have got possession of a Chief and his Wife, after the Woman is killed, their bodies are placed in order before the Chiefs. The Areekee, or High Priest, then calls out the Chiefs to dress the body of the man for his God; and the priestess, who is also an Areekee, gives the command to the Wives of the Chiefs to dress the women for her God. The body are [sic] then placed on fires, and roasted by the Chiefs and their Wives; none of the common people are allowed to touch them, as they are tabooed. When the bodies are dressed, the Areekees take each a piece of the flesh, in a small basket, which they hang on two sticks stuck into the ground, a food for their Gods (to whom they are going to offer up their prayers & whom they are about to consult relative to the present contest) in order that their Gods may partake first of the sacrifices. While these Services are performing, all the Chiefs sit, in profound silence, in a circle, around the bodies, with their faces covered with their hands or mats, as they are not permitted to look on these mysteries; while they, the Areekees are praying, and picking small pieces of flesh from their sacrifices which they eat at the same time. These consecrated bodies are only to be eaten by the Areekees. When all the sacred services are completed, the Areekees return the answer of their Gods to their prayers and offerings. If their prayers and offerings are accepted, the battle is immediately renewed (as before mentioned) and all in common feed upon the after slain. They eat the slain, not so much for food, as for mental gratification, and to display, publicly, to their enemies, their bitter revenge. Wishing to know if the Areekees prayed secretly to their Gods, at the time of performing the above ceremonies, I asked them the question: to which they replied, No: but publickly, with an audible voice, that all might hear what was prayed for unless the Areekees disapproved of their proceedings: in that case, their prayers were not heard. The New Zealanders are not only afraid of being killed in battle, if the enter on war without permission of their God; but they are also afraid of spiritual consequences that they will either afterward be killed by the anger of their own God, or of that of their enemy. They fully believe that a Priest has power to take away their lives by incantation or charm; and attribute many of their deaths to this cause. I may observe here, that I never discovered that the New Zealanders offered up human sacrifices to their Gods on any occasion, before Shunghee and Temmarangha made the above statement; but I am now satisfied that they do perform these cruel rites. After we had ended our conversation, I was walking on the beach, when I was met by a young woman, of a very interesting countenance and address. She asked me to give her a hoe, I inquired who she was, and from whence she came. She told me that she was a Prisoner of War, and had been taen between the East Cape and the River Thames, by Shunghee’s party, and brought to Rangheehoo; and that her Aunt’s name is Heena, a great Queen. I have often heard the Natives, when at Parramatta, speak of this Woman, as possessing a large territory and numerous subjects; and Mr Kendall has occasionally mentioned her, in his correspondence with me. This Young Woman informed me that Shunghee attacked their Settlement by surprise. She was taken prisoner in the town; and her Father, brother and Seven sisters escaped in the country: none f them were killed. The cause of the attack being made on them, was that her forefathers had killed three persons belonging to Hupah’s tribe, and they came to revenge their deaths. This account confirmed what Shungee [sic] had just stated. While she was stating these circumstances, the Young Man was standing by, who had taken her in the attack on the town; and she was part of his spoil. I observed, that, when the “Active” returned, I might visit the place which she came from if I had time. The young man said, that if she went in the “Active” he would go too; and would allow her to see the place, but not to land, as she would in that case run away. Sept. 16, 1819— In consequence of many of the principal inhabitants of Rangheehoo having never been able to obtain either an axe, or a hoe since the Settlement was formed, we resolved to make a few presents of these articles, so far as our means would allow, this Morning, and for that purpose we requested the Settlers to give us the names of those persons whom they knew to be the most needy and deserving. Our intention was soon known in the Village when the Natives in great numbers, collected about the Public School, which, at present, contains our stores. When the list was completed, I went to deliver the presents, assisted by Mr Francis Hall and Mr Kendall; Mr Butler being confined to the house by sickness. The crowd was so great, that I could not get into the School for some time. I told them, that I should be obliged to return, if they would not make way for me. The School yard was as full of Men and Women, calling out for an axe or a hoe, as a sheep pen; and when no more could get in, they got upon the roofs of the School and Out-houses. After distributing 23 hoes and 37 axes, I was obliged to steal away through a back door, as we had not the means to meet all their urgent wants, in order to avoid the painful importunities of those whom we could not relieve; for no hungry beggars ever craved more earnestly for a morsel of bread, than these poor needy Heathens did for an axe or a hoe; and nothing could exceed the gratification of those who were so fortunate as to obtain one. Though many hundreds of axes and hoes, and thousands of tokees, have been distributed amongst this distressed people, since the formation of the settlement; yet all that have been received hitherto is only like a single passing shower, falling on some favoured spot, in a barren and thirsty land. Many years must roll away, before every Native in this country is worth an axe or a hoe notwithstanding the readiness of Christians to contribute to their relief. Sept. 17, 1819.— I remained the principal part of this day in the house, in order to avoid the importunities of those Natives, to whom we had not the means of giving an axe or a hoe. It was not possible to walk, without being surrounded by them on all sides; some urging their request with savage rudeness, and others with pleasing civility. Their universal cry is “Give me a hoe, an axe, or a spade.” In order to move compassion, they will shew their hands; and represent how sore their fingers are, with scratching out the earth, in opening the water-farrows, through the potatoe grounds. It is exceedingly painful to refuse any of their requests; for their wants are real, and their toil and sufferings great, in consequence of not being able to procure those necessary implements of Agriculture. When we consider that all that their country produces, which they can produce convert into any kind of Tools, is wood and shell, we cannot wonder at their distress. With stone axes they cut all their timber, for making their huts, fencing their potatoe grounds, forming their wooden spades and spatulas and making their canoes. Hence it is not in their power to build permanent or even comfortable huts, or to make fences &c for want of iron. Little can be done in cultivation, for the same reason. I believe that there is ten times more land in cultivation, at the present time, in the districts round the Bay of Islands, than there was in 1814, when the Settlement was first formed. This improvement in cultivation is wholly owing to the Tools of Agriculture which have been sent out, from time to time, by the Society. The mortality among the Natives was very great the first Winter after the Settlement was formed, for want of food. It is gratifying to say, that there have been, for the last two years, but very few deaths among the Natives in the above districts; which is to be attributed, under Divine Providence, to the extensive cultivation, by which the Natives have been more abundantly supplied with food. Cultivation and their temporal comforts will most certainly keep pace with the means afforded for improving the agriculture of the country. Hoes and spades are the tools which will be principally wanted, till the country is supplied with cattle, and the plough is set to work. Cattle can easily be supplied from New South Wales, and, in a short time, the plough may be employed in cultivation, as the land is generally free from timber, excepting small brushwood and fern, which can, with little trouble, be cut down and burnt off. Sept. 20, 1819.— A number of Natives arrived, at a very early hour, from remote districts, some 20 and others 50 miles distant. They were ready to tear us to pieces for hoes and axes. One of them said his heart would burst, if he did not get a hoe. We are wearied with their importunities; and exceedingly distressed that our means are so small, as to put it totally out of our power to meet their wants at the present time. I told many of them, this morning, that I had written to England for a great number; and, as soon as the ship arrived, they should have some given them. They replied, that many of them would be in their graves before the ship could come from England, and the hoes and axes would be of no advantage to them when dead. They wanted them now. They had no Tools at present but wooden ones, to work their potatoe grounds with; and requested that we would relieve their present distress. It is exceedingly difficult, nay, I may say impossible, to convince them, by any argument, that we have it not in our power to comply with their wishes. It would take 5000 axes and hoes to meet the present demand; and it is more than probable, that when that number should have been distributed, as many more would be required. In the evening, I walked over to Tippoonah, accompanied by Messrs. Kendall and Hall, to see what progress the Natives were making in preparing their potatoe grounds for planting. We found more than 100 in the field, men and women, most of them at work, some with the hoes and spades which they had received from the Missionary Stores, and others with wooden tools. Very considerable portions of land were cleared and broken up in different places, and made ready for planting, since our last visit. Shunghee has built a small village here, on the ground which he is cultivating, for the accommodation of his working people. We visited this Village. He was gone to Kiddee Kiddee. We found his three Wives at home: two of them had been prisoners of War. His head Wife, who is blind, told us, with a smile, that Shunghee was not so kind. in his attentions to her, since he had taken the two New Wives, who were present. His head Wife has a very fine family of Children. In this Village, I observed the Heads of eleven Chiefs stuck up on poles, as trophies of victory. I learned that they were part of those whom Shunghee brought with him, from his last expedition to the southward. He had cured them all. Their countenances were very natural, excepting their lips and teeth, which had all a ghastly grin, as if they had been fixed by the last agonies of death. How painful must these exhibitions be to the Wives, Children and subjects of these departed Chiefs, who are prisoners of War, and labouring on the very spot, with these Heads in full view! My mind was filled with horror and disgust at the sight of this Golgotha: at the same time, I anticipated, with pleasing sensations, that glorious period, when, through the influence of the Gospel, the voice of joy and melody would be heard in these habitations of darkness and cruelty, where nothing now reigns but savage joy on one hand, and weeping and mourning on the other. In returning through the potatoe grounds, we met with the Chief Tacow, Duaterra’s Father-in-Law. I wished to visit the sacred Grave, which was near, where he died; but as I understood that it was tabooed, I could not presume to enter without permission of the Chief. Mr Kendall spoke to him, and told him what I wanted. He came, and pointed out the tree, where his Daughter, Duaterra’s Wife, hung herself; and shewed us the spot, where both bodies were deposited. The sacred spot was enclosed with a fence. Here the bodies remained together, till the flesh was decayed; when the bones were carefully collected, and carried to their respective family sepulchres. How mysterious are the ways of God! Duaterra once prided himself in the prospect of raising his country to the rank of a civilized nation; and was cut down like a flower, in his first attempt to put his benevolent intentions into execution. The ground where he intended the Church and European town to stand, is now under cultivation, and divided among different families by his successors: while about half an acre is reserved, as sacred to his memory, where no shrub or tree is suffered to be cut down; and where, apparently, no foot had trod before ours, this evening, since the last funeral rites were performed for him and his faithful partner. In passing through the Village of Ranghee-hoo, on our return, I stopt to speak to the Chief Werrie; and observed the head of a Woman, upon a sacred Ark, near the hut. I inquired whose head it was fomerly. Werrie said that it was the head of his Wife’s Sister. His Wife and her Sister had been brought as prisoners of War, by Shunghee, to Ranghee-hoo: he obtained them both, as his slaves: on of them he took for his Wife, and the other for his servant. The servant died a natural death: at the time of her death, his Wife requested to have her Sister’s head preserved, in order that she might releive [sic] her mind by weeping over it; and it was kept for that purpose. Having never seen, when last at New Zealand, any thing like the Ark on which the head was placed, I wished to know the origin and use of it. Mr Kendall and Werrie informed me, that, nearly two years ago, the caterpillars made great ravages among the growing crops of sweet potatoes The Natives conceived that this public calamity came upon them by the anger of their God. The inhabitants of Rangheehoo, sent to Cowa cowa for a great Priest, in order that he might, by his prayers and ceremonies, avert from them this heavy judgment. The priest came, and stopped several months. He performed his religious rites, and directed every principal cultivator to make an Ark for his God, and to deposit in it sacred food for his God to feed upon. In compliance with the order of the Priest, this Ark and others were made. It is about five feet long, two wide, and eleven and a half deep, and is ainted and ornamented with carving and various figures, and within are placed the sacred provisions. The caterpillars left the potatoe grounds in a short time; and the Natives attributed their departure to the influence of the Priest, and not to any natural cause; and hence they preserve these sacred Arks. Mr Kendall told me that he had never seen or heard of any custom of this kind before the above. Sept. 23, 1819.— This morning, several Chiefs arrived from the river Thames. When they landed, they all sat down in solemn silence, in one group, on the beach. Shortly after, the Fighting men of Ranghee-hoo came running, in a body, from the village, quite naked, like so many furies; with their spears fixed in a threatening posture, and making the most horrid noise. They advanced towards the Chiefs on the beach, as if they were going to make an immediate attack. When they came within a few paces, they stopt, and performed the War Dance; distorting their features in the most frightful noise manner and making at the same time, the most horrid yells. Wen they had gone through all their martial movements, they returned to the Village; when the Head Chief Racow, an old man, about eighty, came forward, and made a speech to the River Thames Chiefs, who had never moved from their place during these transactions. I inquired the meaning of the Fighting Men coming so furiously out of the Village with their spears fixed, on the arrival of the Chiefs from the River Thames. They replied, that it was done as a mark of military honour and respect; and the Oration of the Chief afterward, was to assure them of his cordial friendship: he told them, that he was glad to see them; that they had done well to pay him and his people a visit; and that all future hostilities between them and and [sic] his people should cease. On asking why the Chiefs, on their arrival kept at such a distance, they told me, that, some time ago, a man, belonging to a friend of the people at Rangheehoo, had been killed by their tribe, and that the people at Rangheehoo had gone to revenge his death, and had killed two Chiefs and common men. The Chiefs who now arrived, were afraid lest the people at Ranghee-hoo should still retain their resentment against them, and not receive them with proper attention. At length, a full explanation took place, between them, and mutual confidence was apparently restored. The Chiefs from the River Thames admitted that their tribe ought to be punished for the murder of the man whom they killed; but contended that the people of Ranghee-hoo had taken more than ample revenge for they had killed four persons belonging to them, which was more than justice required, and that they felt themselves the injured party. After all matters were arranged they went into the Village to feast with the Chief. The afterward paid us a visit, and requested an axe or a hoe; but we could only spare one axe for the Head Chief, and a knife for his Son. We were much distressed that we had it not in our power to give them the tools which they so much wanted. I promised to visit them when the Active returned, if my time would permit. Sept. 24, 1819— This morning we loaded the punt with some timber for the New Settlement; when Mr Butler, Mr Francis Hall, and myself, set off in her for Kiddee Kiddee. When we had got about half way up the river, the tide turned; when the boat anchored, and Mr Hall accompanied me on shore. We walked on the beach toward the Settlement; intending to visit the Natives on shore. We observed, in one place, a deep cavern under the rocks, the mouth of which was neatly hedged up. We looked into this cave, and perceived a body lying on a mat, on the ground, with a mat thrown over it. There was also a stage, raised about three feet from the ground, upon which there appeared some human bones. This was the first Sepulchre that we had seen, where the dead appear to be finally deposited; and it must belong to some neighbouring tribe. A short distance from the Sepulchre, we met with a Native Village; the inhabitants of which were overjoyed to see us. They had got some very fine hogs running about. We made them a few presents of fish-hooks; and passed on to another village, about a mile distant. In this Village were a number of very fine children, who had got a tame cock, which was very familiar with them: it sat with them, walked with them, and appeared to live entirely with them without fear. I promised the Chief a hen, when he came to the Settlement. They urged us to give them an axe or a he, but we had none with us. Opposite this Village is a very large cockle bed, in the middle of the river, which is dry at low water. On this bed, about 100 women were busy, collecting cockles for food. Here we got a canoe to carry us up to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived about five o.clock. About seven o. clock, the punt arrived with Mr Butler. We were much gratified to find that the carpenters had completed one building, twenty feet by fifteen; where we could be comfortably accommodated for the night. We found the work going o to our satisfaction, and our New Settlement beginning to put on an appearance of civilization. Saw pits have been dug, timber lying in different directions, and a new European house built. We read a portion of Scripture, sung a hymn, and returned thanks to God for all his mercies, in the midst of the wondering Natives, and then lay down to rest. Sept. 25, 1819— This morning we examined more particularly the ground in the neighbourhood, and set the Natives to clear and burn off the brushwood, &c. where it is intended that the town shall stand, and the gardens laid out. We had a small spot of land cleared and broken up, in which I planted about 100 Grape Vines, of different kinds, brought from Port Jackson. New Zealand promises to be very favourable to the Vine, so far as I can judge at present, of the nature of the soil and climate. Should the Vine succeed, it will prove of vast importance in this part of the globe; as the grapes blight so much in New South Wales, that there is little prospect that New Holland will become a Wine country. Sept. 26. 1819— We returned to Ranghee-hoo; and had a very stormy passage, with heavy rain. We were about ten hours in the boat, and were very wet and cold. During the residence of the late Duaterra with me at Parramatta, he often mentioned a river called Shukeangha which empties itself into the sea on the west side of the island; and described it as a very fine river, the land rich, the timber good, and the inhabitants numerous on its banks and in its neighbourhood. It was my intention, when at New Zealand in 1815, to visit this river; but my leave of absence being limited, I had not time to gratify my wish in this respect. On my arrival in August, I learned from Messrs Kendall and King, that they had visited the Shukeangha about a fortnight before; and had found that Duaterra’s information was correct. I had conversed with several Natives of New Zealand, at Parramatta, relative to the harbour, wishing to know if there was any entrance for a ship: they were all of opinion that no ship could enter, as there was a bar across the mouth, on which the surf broke with such violence, as to prevent a vessel getting in. Messrs Kendall and King had not the means to ascertain this point, when they were at the river. I, therefore, resolved to put my original intention into execution, and to visit the Shukeangha, and examine the entrance of the harbour; in order to ascertain how far it might be expedient, at a future period, to make a Missionary Station on its banks. As Mr William Puckey, whom I hired at Port Resolution, had and brought with me to assist in putting up the necessary buildings at the New Settlement, had commanded a vessel for several years out of England, and was better versed in the knowledge of navigation, than any other person at New Zealand, I determined to take him with me to examine the Mouth of the River and the Harbour in order that he might ascertain whether or not the entrance is good for shipping, and the anchorage good in the river; and I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me, a he was acquainted with several Chiefs, and could speak the Native Language. Sept 28, 1819.—Accordingly, we took our passage to Kiddee Kiddee with the Revd John Butler, Messrs Francis and William Hal, and the Car penters and Labourers who were going to the New Settlement to forward the buildings, and prepare the ground for sowing of such seeds and planting such fruit trees as had been brought with us from Port Jackson. We arrived at Kiddee Kiddee about one o’clock, and immediately proceeded on our tour, accompanied by three Chiefs— Shunghee’s Son, Werrepork from Ranghee-hoo, and Roda from the river Shukeangha with six Natives to carry our baggage: more accompanied us of their own accord so that our whole party of Natives amounted to seventeen. About four miles from Kiddee Kiddee we rested, and took some refreshments. Here we met the Daughter of Shunghee’s Brother, and her Husband, with two Servants laded with potatoes. They immediately put down their baskets; and presented us with portion for ourselves, and another for the Servants who attended us, and compelled us to receive them. They were much pleased at meeting us, and greeted us with every mark of respect. About four o’clock, we resumed our journey. the day had been very fine; but now the clouds began to gather, and threatned [sic very heavy rain. We had passed over about four miles of very fine land fit for the plough, as soon as the fern and brushwood are cut and burnt. There is not a single tree on some thousands of acres of good land, to the right, and left of the path; and; in general, the ground is very level. We had not walked more than a mile, before we came to a swamp lying on some rising ground. It was about a mile across; and our road lay directly through it. It was covered very thick with rushes and other aquatic plants; with the water generally, from one foot to three feet deep. The Chiefs proposed to carry us over; but the distance was so great, that we should have been more fatigued by being carried, than by wading through. We therefore stript off part of our apparel and waded through. After we had passed the swamp we came into a very open country, for many miles round, covered with fern. The part through which we walked was gravelly and not very good in general. The wind increased toward evening and blew strong from the rainy quarter; so that we had the prospect of a very wet night, without a single tree to shelter us from from the storm, for about eight miles from the swamp we had passed. At this distance was a wood, through which our road lay; which we were anxious to reach, if possible, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind and rain. With this hope, we pushed forward; and arrived at the edge of the wood, about nine o’clock. The rain began to fall heavily. The Natives cut branches of fern and boughs of trees, and made us a little shed under the trees, to afford us some shelter. The black — ness of the heavens, the gloomy darkness of the wood, the roaring of the wind among the trees, the sound of the falling rain on the thick foliage, united with the idea that we were literally at the ends of the earth with relation to our Native Land, surrounded with cannibals whom we knew to have fed on human flesh, and wholly in their power, and yet our minds free from fear of danger— all this excited in my breast such new, pleasing, and, at the same time, apposite sensations, as I cannot describe. While I sat musing under the shelter of a lofty pine, my thoughts were lost in wonder and surprise, on taking a view of the wisdom and goodness of God’s Providential Care, which had attended all my steps to that very hour. If busy imagination inquired what I did there, I had not answer to seek or wild conjecture: I felt, with gratitude, that I had not come by chance; but had been sent to labour in preparing the way of the Lord in this dreary wilderness, where the voice of joy and gladness had never been heard; and I could not but anticipate, with joyful hope, the period when the Day Star from on high would dawn and shine on this dark and Heathen Land, and cause the very earth on which we then reposed to bring forth its increase, when God himself would give the poor inhabitants his Blessing. After reflecting on the different ideas which crowded themselves upon my mind, I wrapt myself up in my great coat, and lay down to sleep. Sept 29. 1819— Rose at the dawn of day. The Natives immediately kindled their fires, and prepared for breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we set forward on our journey. After walking through the wood for about a mile, in a path rendered very difficult, partly from the heavy rain and partly by the roots of the trees which covered the road, we came once more into an open country. The rain still fell very heavily. When we had walked about six miles, we arrived at the edge of another wood, through which we had to pass. Before we entered the wood, the rays of the sun, from under the edge of a cloud, gilded the side of a distant hill. A New Zealander, who was walking by me, called my attention to the spot where the sun shone, and asked me if I saw it; on my answering in the affirmative, he said, “That is the Wydua” or Spirit, of “Shunghee’s Father”. The Chiefs of New Zealand are full of pride: many of them assume to themselves the attributes of the Deity, while living; and are called Gods by their people. The Natives will occasi= onally ^call Shunghee a God, when he approaches them, in the following terms—“Hairemi, hairemi, Atua”!— Come hither, come hither thou God! This paying of divine honors to the Chiefs, fills their minds with the most proud and profane notions of their own dignity and consequence. When they die, their posterity deify them and offer up their prayers to them. The New Zealander here compared the departed spirit of Shunghee’s Father, to the glory of the sun— clearly evincing the veneration paid by them to the Manes of their Ancestors, and the dominion which the Prince of this World exercises over their minds. The whole road in which we walked through this dreary wood, was the worst that I had ever walked over. The roots of the trees entwined themselves over the whole path; which made it as painful to travel on, as if we had to walk on round bars of iron. We were several hours before we got through. Within about a mile of one of the branches of the Shukeangha River, the wood rises to a very high summit, from which there is an extensive view of the River and of the Western shore. On the left hand of the hill, a large plain appears covered with pine and other timber. The tops of the trees below were like a level sea, as far as the eye could reach; but our prospect was, in some degree, obstructed by the heavy clouds and rain, which fell in torrents: it thundered loud at the same time. The descent from the hill to the River is very difficult, from its exceeding steepness; and when we arrived on the banks, we had this branch to wade through several times, before we reached the first village, Koraka. As soon as the inhabitants discovered us, they invited us to visit them; and, as a signal of welcome, immediately fired a musket; which was returned by one of the Chiefs who accompanied us. Our guide directed us to proceed first, and the Natives to follow us. The Chiefs were seated on the ground. The old Chief, Warremaddoo, I had seen at the Bay of Islands, when I was there the first time, and had made him some small present. His son, Matanghee, and his Son-in-law, Ietawnuee, I was not acquainted with. Their first inquiry was to know the object of our visit. We informed them that we had a desire to see the River Shukeangha, and to examine the mouth of the Harbour, to see if a ship could come in with safety; and, at the same time, to visit the Chiefs and see the different inhabitants. Warreemaddoo and Ietawnuwee were much pleased and expressed an earnest wish that a ship might visit their river, and some Europeans come to reside with them, to teach them agriculture, and to make good roads. Matanghee who has now the supreme authority, his Father being a very old man apparently eighty years old, told us that we had better go no farther at present; as there was a serious difference between him and a neighbouring Chief, named Moodewhy. Moodewhy had speared a young man in the thigh, the preceeding day, who was lying on the ground, and shewed us where the spear had entered. Matanghee stated the following cause of the quarrel:— Their lands lay contiguous. Moodewhy’s Slaves carried away part of Matanghee’s fence for firewood: in consequence of which, Moodewhy’s pigs got into Matanghee’s potatoe grounds, who shot several of them, and Moodewhy, in retaliation, shot some of his pigs. They met, the day preceeding our arrival, to settle the difference, when the young man mentioned above was speared. We replied, that we had nothing to do with their quarrel, and should proceed on our journey. When they found that we were resolved to visit the river, they insised that we should not leave them for two nights. To this we agreed, as we were wet and weary; having been travelling, through bad roads, from an early hour, till about four o’clock in the afternoon. The Chief accommodated us with the best hut that he had, and our people with another. He also gave us a hog, and plenty of sweet and common potatoes. I presented him with an axe and a few trifles, with which he was much gratified. We spent the evening in conversing on various subjects, such as Agriculture, Commerce, and Religion. Tetawnee is a very well informed man. He appeared to have lost no opportunity of gaining instruction; and was very anxious for some Europeans to reside with them; and hoped that we would consider them, at some future period, and send them a Missionary. Matanghee, though very kind to us, seemed deeply involved in thought, and uneasy in his mind, from what had taken place between Moodeewhy and him. Before we returned to rest, we read a portion of Scripture, sung a Hymn, and committed ourselves to the Protection of Him who keepeth Israel. Sept. 30, 1819.— Early this morning, a Chief arrived to inform Matanghee how Moodeewhy was affected toward him and his people, and how they were resolved to act. We now learned, that Moodewhy had been speared in the arm, but the wound was slight. Soon after this messenger had given his information, several Chiefs arrived in the same business. One of them began to make an oration, while all the others sat on the ground in profound silence. He spoke with great force. His action was warlike and graceful; and his weapon of war, which he brandished in his hand, added emphasis to every expression and gesture. He exhorted Matanghee to act with courage and firmness; and to vin= dicate his own and his tribes rights. He stated, that he was a friend to both parties; and, as one had been wounded on both sides, he recommended that the difference should be settled as amicably as would be consistent with their rights. After this Chief had ended his address, another principal man, belonging to the Village, started up; and, taking a long spear in his hand, began to state all the particulars of the present difference. He spake with great feeling, stamped, with his foot at every action, and brandished his spear, while warlike indignation fired his countenance. The whole of his manner and dress reminded me of what I had read of the Chiefs of the Ancient Britons; and I am of opinion that the New Zealand Chiefs resemble very much the character of our ancestors. Shortly after this Chief had ended his speech, they all, in a moment, threw off their mats, girt up their loins with their war-belts, took their muskets, spears, pattoo pattoos, and ran off toward Moodewhy’s leaving us in the Village with old Warreemaddoo and his Son-in-law. In about three hours, the hostile party returned; when we learned that their sudden departure was in consequence of hearing that Moodeewhy had been killing their pigs: Matanghee and his party went to ascertain the truth of the report. They appeared very indignant at the conduct of Moodeewhy, and threatened to punish him. In the evening, old Warremaddoo threw off his mat, took his spear, and began to address his Tribe and the Chiefs. He made strong appeals to them, against the injustice and ingratitude of Moodeewhy’s conduct towards them— recited many injuries, which he and his Tribe suffered from Moodeewhy, for a long perod— mentioned instances of his bad conduct, at the time that his Fathers bones were removed from the Ahoodu Pa to their famly vault, stated acts of kindness, which he had shewn to Moodewhy, at different times and said that he had twice saved his trie from total ruin. In the present instance, Moodeewhy had killed three of his hogs: one of them was very large and fat, being two year’s old. Every time he mentioned the large hog, the recollection of his loss seemed to nerve afresh his aged sinews. He shook his hoary beard, stamped with indignant rage, and poised his quivering spear. He exhorted his tribe to be bold and courageous; and declared that he would head them in the morning against the enemy, and, rather than he would submit, he would be killed and eaten. All that they wanted was firmness and courage: he knew well the enemies whom they had to meet; their hearts did not lie deep; and, if they were resolutely opposed, they would yield. His oration continued nearly an hour; and all listened to him with great attention. When we sat down, I requested Mr Kendall to tell him that I was very anxious for a reconciliation to take place, between Matanghee and Moodeewhy; and proposed to give each of them an adze, on condition of peace being made between them. In reply, Matanghee said that his young man hd been severely wounded, and Moodeewhy only slightly. If Moodeewhy had been equally wounded, he would have come to terms of peace. However we still urged our terms of peace. In the mean time, Werrepork had been to fetch some of Moodewhy’s people; and brought us a message from Moodeewhy, saying, that he could not visit us at Matanghee’s, but wished to see us at his Village in the morning. We therefore informed Matanghee, that we should proceed to Moodeewhy’s in the morning; as we had nothing to do with their differences, but were friends to both parties, and wished, as far as we culd, to reconcile them. Matanghee said that he and Moodeewhy were to meet in the morning, and we might go with them. If they could not settle their dispute without fighting, no injury would happen to us, as they would direct us how to act. After this conversation, we retired to rest. Oct, 1, 1819.— Very early this morning, old Warreemaddoo appeared fully armed for battle. His long beard was painted with red ochre, to shew that his mind was thursting for blood; his loins were girt with a broad war belt, in which he carried his pattoo and his spear was in his hand. In a few moments, Matanghee, and all his tribe and friends, were ready,— some armed with muskets; others with spears, pattoos, and other warlike weapons. With this feudal clan, we marched from Koraka to Moodeewhy’s village, which was about four miles distant. We were joined on the road, by numbers of men, women, and children, and some Chiefs; among whom was the brother of Moodeewhy, which induced us to hope that matters would be accommodated. The Chief spoke to me and Mr Kendall; and requested us to make peace, or, in their own language, to make “Matanghee and Moodeewhy both alike inside.” This observation struck me as very signficant and worthy to be recorded. When we reached a field about a quarter of a mile from Moodeewhy’s Village, the Fighting men stopped, and arranged the plan of their operations. As soon as this was settled, all marched forward, till we came near Moodeewhy’s residence— our party being on one side of the river that runs through the Village, & Moodeewhy’s on the other. Moodeewhy’s was ready to meet them. After some parley across the river, one party discharged all their muskets, and saluted Moodeewhy: they then performed the war dance, and returned into the ground where the young man and Moodewhy had been wounded. Moodewhy and his men marched five abreast, all naked & armed, with him by their side. His Wife marched in front, with a long spear in her hand, and her Daughter in the rear, waving a white mat, as a flag. There appeared 300 of Moodewhy’s tribe in this body; Their spears were very long, more than twenty feet. The men marched in a very close body; and Moodeewhy, with a long spear, regulated their movements. Whe they came opposite to Matanghee’s partyMoodeewhy and some of his men plunged into the river. Matanghee’s party made a sham opposition to their landing, and the whole scene closed with savage shouting and dancing. Old Warreemaddoo led on Matanghi’s party. When the public confusion was a little over, Moodeewhy and the hoary Warrior rubbed noses, as a token of reconciliation; but Matanghee refused this salutation, and appeared sullen. No sooner were matters adjusted, than old Warreemaddoo, with his Slaves, began to burn & destroy the fence of the inclosure on which we were assembled, belonging to Moodeewhy, who too no notice of it. I asked Mr Kendall if he knew why they burnt and destroyed Moodeewhy’s fence, before his face. He told me that it was a satisfaction required for the fence which Moodeewhy’s Slave had destroyed, in the first instance; and that the New Zealanders, if they make peace, always demand satisfaction as an invariable condition— life for life, wound for wound, property for property. We now accompanied Moodeewhy to his Village, called Hootakoora. It is very populous, & situated in a rich valley. A branch of the Shukeangha, navigable for large canoes, runs through it. Moodewhy received us with great kindness and hospitality; and gave us a hog, and abundance of sweet and common potatoes, for ourselves and our attendants. The place was all bustle and confusion; and nothing was to be seen, in all directions, but weapons of war. Several Chiefs, from other districts, were assembled on account of the difference between Matanghee & Moodeewhy, who were all eager to gain information of our object in coming to Shukeangha, and were much gratified when we told them; as they hoped, at some period, to see a ship in their river. In about half an hour after our arrival, while talking with Moodewhy and his friends, a sudden noise and tumult started up in the Village on the other side of the river. All flew to arms, threw off their mats, and rushed, like furies, into the river, in a moment, and Moodeewhy among them, leaving us, without stopping to tell us the cause. There was nothing to be heard or seen but noise and spears. We inquired the reason, and were told that a woman had been acting improperly. The Natives continued tearing & pulling each other about the hair of the head for about an hour, and some got a few blows. After this business was settled, a Chief came to salute me with his bloody nose, having got part of the skin knocked off in the bustle. I laughed at him for presenting his bloody nose for me to rub with mine, and pointed to the wound which he had received. He smiled and said it was New Zealand fashion. When Moodeewhy returned we asked him if the woman had been guilty of adultery. He replied, no; but had been seen playing wantonly with another man. We spent the afternoon very pleasantly, in conversing on various important subjects; such as, the education of their children, the advantages of commerce and Agriculture, and the richness of the soil around their villages. The number of Children in this Village was great, & of a proper age to be taught the English language. Moodeewhy was very urgent for a Missionary to reside with him; and begged that he [sic] would send him one soon, as he would be of no use to him if he came after his death. I never saw a finer race of men than in this Village, nor finer children. Hootakoora would be an important missionary station, as an early [sic] communication could be had with all the inhabitants on the banks of the river, for forty miles. After the noise of the day was over, we read a Chapter, praised God, and committed ourselves to His gracious keeping. Oct.2, 1819— This morning we requested Moodeewhy to accommodate us with a canoe, that we might visit the different Chiefs on the banks of the river; this he readily granted, and said that he would accompany us. He was immediately ready to embark in his War Canoe, with his Wife, her Daughter, two small Children; and some of his Slaves. His canoe measured 63 ft; and was very safe and commodious. At the top of the tide, about 7 o’clock in the morning, we left Hootakoora. On the eve of our departure, a Priest performed certain religious ceremonies, praying that we might accomplish the object of our visit. The canoe, with the tide and more than twenty Natives to paddle, went swiftly down the stream. About ten miles from the Village, in the middle of the river, is a small Island, of little more than half an acre. It is formed by the meeting of the main river Shokeangha, with a river that falls into it on the north east side. Upon this island stands a small Village, full of inhabitants. The Chief is a very old man. We stopped to speak [to] him. He appeared to have his children and his children’s children round him. He was much pleased to see us. I presented him with a plane iron. He would not let us leave the shore, till he had given us about 300 lbs of potatoes, in return for the present which he had received It is more than probable that he esteemed the plane iron the greatest present that he had ever received. About three miles farther, we came opposite to a Village, called Wetewhaheite, situated on a hill. As soon as the people saw us they waved a mat as a flag; & called aloud for us to visit them. The Fighting Men came running down, with muskets, spears, &c. They fired their muskets, and danced the War Dance; in order to pay us military honors, according to their custom. We stopped to speak to them; and told them that we could not visit them in our way down the River; but promised to spend a night with them as we returned. I gave the Chiefs plane irons, & we passed on. About four o’clock, we got within a mile of our journeys end. Our servants were hungry and tired, and wished to go on shore to cook some provisions. We therefore landed near the residence of the Chief, who had accompanied us from Ranghee hoo. He immediately caught a hog; and, having killed it, our Servants dressed it for themselves in a short time. While we were there, taking some refreshment, the inhabitants of the Village nearest the Heads, Wedua, [Weedeea] observed us; and immediately a great Priest, Tamanhena, who is Priest of the Heads of the Shukeangha, and is supposed to have absolute command of the winds and waves, came to visit us, and to invite us to the Village, to the Chief Mowenna, who is the Head Chief of the River. When we had dined, we proceeded to the Village, where we were cordially received by the joyful inhabitants. Mowhenna had heard of our coming to see him, and had prepared a good shed for us. We spent the evening in conversation, with the priest and Chiefs, on religious topics. The Priest appeared a very sensible man, so far as his light extended. He spoke of having communication with the Atua of New Zealand, and that he answered him when he prayed to him. I told him that I had never heard the Atua of New Zealand; nor could I believe that he had unless I could hear him myself; and I wished him to pray while I was there, that I might hear him. He replied, that when he came to see at Ranghee hoo, I should hear him. He believed that all the New Zealand Chief went to a place of happiness when they died. The Power of their Chiefs the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, and the Glory of War, are the Grand subjects of their conversation. There memories are very strong, and they show much anxiety to increase their Knowledge. They are great and enterprizing travellers in their own country. Many of them are absent on their journies ten or twelve months at a time. We learned from them a more particular account of a river called Whycoto, about the centre of the Island where the great body of the inhabitants appear to reside. They described them as innumerable. The Chiefs and Priests wished to know what our business was. We informed them that our first object was to examine the mouth of the harbour, to see if any vessel could get in. They asked us if we had mentioned our coming to see them, to Shunghee, for they feared that the Chiefs on the east side would not be pleased, if any ship should visit them. I told them I had acquainted Shunghee with our intention & that he had sent his Son to shew us the way. They were much pleased at this information, and remarked, that, as we had come of our own accord, without invitation, the Chiefs had no ground to be offended with them. The Priest then stated the entrance of the river; and described the rocks on each side, and a sand bank on the right hand, out at sea, as we got out of the mouth of the river. He stated how many fathoms of water there were on the bank & in the channel & said he would accompany us in the morning, to examine the entrance & sound the depth of the water. We told him that we could not go in the morning because tomorrow was sacred, a day appointed for us to pray to our God; but the morning after, we should wish him to go with us, if the weather would permit. He said that he was Priest of the Winds and Waves, & would command them to be still. After talking on various subjects till a late hour, we sung a hymn, as usual, thanked our God for the Blessings that we enjoyed in a heathen land, and then lay down to rest. Our place was very full of Natives, who remained with us all night; & the Priest never left us for an hour, night or day, till we arrived at Rangheehoo. Oct 3, 1819. Sunday.— After breakfast, I read the Church Service and made a few observations on the Seventh Chapter to the Romans. The chiefs and their people behaved with great propriety; and the Head Chief ordered all the children away lest they should disturb us. Great numbers of men & women crowded round our Shed. The Priest said that he wished to learn to pray as we did; but he did not understand why we prayed to our God when we appeared not to want his assistance. He said he never prayed but at those times when he wanted the aid of the Atua. We endeavoured to explain to him, that our God made every thing, that he was always present with us and continually took care of us & heard and saw all that we did and said. The Chief wished that an European would come to teach them, & said that he would give him a farm, & that he should live near him. Mowenna and his people live in a rich & fertile valley. Here are a great number of fine children, & a very important Station might be formed in this valley for Missionaries & I cannot doubt but that they would be kindly received. We had much conversation on the subject with the Priest & Mowenna, who appeared a very mild man. After dinner in order to relieve ourselves from the presence of the people, we took a walk on the beach. The Natives followed us in crowds. We desired them to return as we wished to be more alone. They immediately complied with our request. We returned in a few hours, & spent the evening in useful conversation. Oct. 4, 1819 We rose early this morning, with an intention to examine the entrance into the river. It blew fresh. The Priest said that we should have his War Canoe, & he would accompany us to prevent the wind & waves from rising. As soon as breakfast was over, the priest, Mr William Puckey, and a very fine crew of Native Young Men, launched the canoe, and we set off for the Heads, which were about four miles distant. Tamanhena told me not to be afraid: he would not allow the Wind and Waves to rise. There are two large rocks at the Heads in which the Gods of the Sea reside, according to the opinion of the Priest and the inhabitants on the banks of the River. The Priest said that he would command the Gods to be still, and not to disturb the sea, till we had made our examination and sounded the shoal and channel. We were no sooner in the canoe than the Priest began to exert all his powers, to still the Gods, the winds, and the Waves. He spoke in an angry and commanding tone. However, I did not perceive either the wind or waves to yield to his authority; and when we reached the heads, I requested to go on shore, as the water was rough, while the Priest and Mr Puckey went out to sea to sound the sand bank. I landed near a sacred rock, and had one Chief with me; who expressed great alarm lest I should tread on the consecrated ground, and said that the God would kill him, if he suffered me to do so; and he frequently laid hold of me, when he thought that I approached too near. I was obliged to take advantage of every retiring wave, and run on the beach till I had passed the residence of the imaginary deity. After Mr Puckey had taken the necessary bearings and soundings I returned again to the Village and prepared for leaving our hospitable Chief, who had supplied us and our followers with the greatest abundance of potatoes and such provisions as he had. About 7 o’clock the Chief, his Brother, and many of the people, with the Priest, were determined to accompany us in our visit to the other Chiefs, till we finally left the river. The Canoes was [sic] immediately got ready, and we set off for the next village, called Weedenakke, about 18 or 20 miles distant, where we arrived about 12 o’clock that evening. One of the Chiefs was waiting to receive us. This Village is situated, literally, in a very dark corner of the earth, behind some lofty hills, which are mentioned by Capt. Cook. It stands at the head of a large salt water creek, which runs up from the main river, for about 10 miles, and is there met by a very beautiful fresh water stream, which comes down from the neighbouring hills, and passes through an extensive valley of rich land. When we arrived, there were very few inhabitants in the Village. The Chief informed us that the body of the people were living in the valley, with the Head Chief, preparing their grounds for planting sweet potatoes, and that we should visit them in the morning. He then conducted us to a very close hut, where we were to remain till the return of day. The entrance was just sufficient for a man to creep into. Being very cold, I was glad to occupy such a warm berth. I judged the hut to be about 8 feet wide and 12 long. It had a fire in the centre; and no vent, either for the smoke or heat. The Chiefs who were with us threw off all their mats, and lay down close together, in a state of perfect nudity. I had not been many minutes in this oven, before I found the heat and smoke, above, below, and on every side, to be insufferable. Though the night was cold, Mr Kendall and I were compelled to quit our habitation. I crept out and walked in the Village to see if I could meet with a shed to keep me from the damp air till the morning. I found one empty into which I entered. I had not been long under my present cover before I observed a Chief, who came with us from the last village, come out of the hut which I had left, perfectly naked. The moon shone very bright. I saw him run from hut to hut till at length he found me under my shed, & urged me to return. I told him that I could not bear the heat, and requested him to allow me to remain where I was, to which, he, at length, consented with reluctance. I was surprised at the little effect that either heat or cold seemed to have upon him. He had come out of the hut smoking like a hot loaf drawn from the oven— walked about to find me— and then sat down to converse for some time, without any clothing, though the night was cold. Mr Kendall remained sitting under his mat in the open air till morning. Oct. 5, 1819— As soon as day dawned we heard the distant sound of Native Music in the woods; and, in a short time, observed men, women, and children, peeping through the trees— most of the men armed with spears. Many of them slowly advanced towards us, as we were preparing to proceed to the Village, where the Head Chief resided. At the moment we were ready to walk, a messenger arrived to say that we were to remain at our present station till further orders, as the Chief and his people were not quite ready to receive us. This in= formation was not very welcome, as we had no rest all night, and wished to get to our journey’s end. At length, another messenger came to inform us that they were ready. We then proceeded. Our party now consisted of about 100 persons. When we came within a quarter-of-a-mile from the Chiefs residence, the Natives began to salute us with a discharge of muskets; and continued to fire till we came to the Head Chief, who was seated with his Subordinate Chiefs, at the entrance of a very commodious shed, which had been expressly prepared for us. A Chief, who had attended us where we spent the night, walked before us, and introduced us to the Head Chief. This village is situated in a very rich and extensive valley; which rung with the welcome salutations of the inhabitants. The chiefs expressed their joy at put visit. After breakfast, I walked with them through their cultivated grounds. The land is very good, and produces great crops of common and sweet potatoes; and a fine stream of fresh water runs through the village. Here we found a great population than in any other part that we had visited. 100 Children of a proper age might be taken at once into a school. They have also plenty of provisions; and their land is fit for all the purposes of gardening and agriculture. There are here many hundred acres of land, which would repay the labours of the husbandman. I walked to the head of the valley; & followed the stream of water, which descends from the hills, till I met with a fine situation for a water mill, where the natural fall appeared to be not less [than] 20 feet; which at a future period, may be of incalculable service in grinding grain, when the growing of corn is generally introduced among the inhabitants. The inhabitants of this valley appear to live in peace and plenty, and quietly to enjoy the fruits of their industry. Whether their security depends on the strength of their Tribe, or their secluded situation I cannot tell. The Chief presented us with two large fat hogs, each about 200lbs weight, & also many Cwt of potatoes. There was nothing but feasting and rejoicing all this and the following day, till we took our departure. There were more than 200 baskets of potatoes cooked at one time. I had never seen such heaps of sweet and common potatoes before. A certain number of baskets are dressed for every Chief, his Friends and his Servants, and every party sits in a circle round their provisions, by themselves, when they eat. After feasting dancing and conversing all day in the evening before they retire to rest, the cooks heated their ovens on the ground, in which they put potatoes, greens, all in heaps, in large quantities, sufficient for 200 or 300 persons, and covered them up, leaving them till morning to roast. Oct. 6, 1819.— At the early dawn, the New Zealanders were up. The cooks opened their ovens, and served all with their respective portions. The Chief of this tribe appeared to be a very mild man. He expressed an ardent desire for some Europeans to reside with him to instruct his people. He offered each of us a farm all ready for planting. We thanked him for his kindness, but told him that it was of no use for us to accept his offer, as we could not attend to their cultivation. This valley would be an excellent Station for Missionaries from its population, the richness of its soil, and its apparent tranquillity. It enjoys may advantages as a Missionary Post which time will not allow me at present to point out. While we remained here, we had long conversation on the advantages of Education, Agriculture, Navigation, &c. The Chiefs are, in general, very sensible men, & wish for enformation [sic] on all subjects. They are accustomed to public discussions from their infancy. The Chiefs take their Children, from their Mother’s breasts, to all their public assemblies; where they hear all that is said on Politics, War, Religion &c, by the oldest men. Children will frequently ask questions in public conversation, and are answered by the Chiefs. I have often been surprised to see the sons of Chiefs, at the age of 4 or 5, sitting among the Chiefs, & paying the closest attention to what was said. The children never appear under any embarrassment when they address a stranger. In every village, the children, as soon as they learned any of our names, came up to us and spake to us with the greatest familiarity. At the age of 8 or 10, they appear to be initiated into all the manners and customs of their ancestors by being the constant companions of their Fathers and attending them in all their Public counsels, and i the field of Military Glory. In this Village, the number of Children is very great, & ready for instruction. While we remained here, we found much pleasure in the conversation of the Priest of the Heads of the Shukeanga. On one occasion, I asked him if the winds & waves would not take advantage of his absence, & do much injury to the Heads of the River. He replied that he should prevent them by his prayers, till he returned. I observed that he was so great a man, that some of the Chiefs would wish him dead, in order that they might succeed to his dignity: he then pointed to his son, who was sitting by him, and said that he was preparing him for the Sacred Office, in which he was to succeed him in the command, over the winds and waves. Oct.7, 1819.— Ater breakfast this morning, we intended to take our departure, but the Chief wished to detain us till the middle of the day, in order that he might give another great feast. About 8 o’clock, numbers of Slaves arrived, laden with potatoes, and some large snappers just caught. They were preceded by a company dancing and shouting. As soon as they had laid down their baskets, all the cooks went to work immediately; and as soon as the potatoes were dressed, each party sat down to their respective portions. When the feast was ended, a musket was fired, and all the Fighting Men few to arms in a moment. Some had muskets, others spears, clubs, &c. They then entertained us with a sham fight and War Dance which closed the scene. We now packed up our baggage, and walked about a mile to our canoes, where we were to embark, attended by more than 200 Natives. In our large Canoe, we estimated the pork and potatoes, with which the Chiefs of the former Village and this had laded us, at more than 3 tons. Besides our provisions and baggage, we had 36 persons. We took our leave of this Friendly Chief and his people about one o’clock, thanking him for his attention, and expressing our highest appreciation of the conduct of his people while we remained with them; which much gratified him. We now proceeded to the Village on the banks of the main River called Wetewhaheete, distant about 20 miles; and where we had promised to spend a night on our return. We arrived about 6 o’clock in the evening. Tarawheka, the chief, had built a shed for us 24 feet by 10. It was very clean and neat. He received us with great kindness. I went with him to the summit of the hill, where his castle, or Hippah, is situated; his village being built on the lowest side. From the top of the hill, there is a very extensive prospect of the Shkeangha & the surrounding country. As we passed along, I observed a Chief’s Wife making loud lamentations. On enquiring the cause of her deep distress, she informed me that since our passing down the River, she had lost her two sons and 1 child belonging to the village with them. The Children had been sent in a canoe to gather cockles on a sand bank in the River, which is dry at low water. The wind arose on the flow of the tide, and carried away the canoe, leaving the children on the bank; and when the tide arose, it swept them all away. She added that her Husband was also lately dead. She was a young woman. Her Mother was sitting beside her, mourning and weeping with her. They had cut themselves, after their manner, for the dead. I felt for her affliction, and would gladly have releaved [sic] her distress. I had nothing to give her, but a few fish-hooks and my pocket Knife, with which I presented her, and which she thankfully received. This Chief, like the rest, presented us with great quantities of potatoes, giving a certain number of baskets to us, and then to the Chiefs, and their Servants, and also to our party of common people, with a good hog. He is a very stout man, and very modest. The people were also well behaved. We told him that we wished to visit the River Poonakketerre; but the crew of our canoe were tired, and not able, without a day’s rest to go with us. He offered to supply us with a canoe in the morning, & to accompany us himself. We thankfully accepted his offer. We spent the evening, as usual, in conversing on various subjects and in gaining all the information we could relative to the rivers in New Zealand, the number of inhabitants on their banks, on what they lived, and their mode of communicating with the distant parts of the island. We could seldom ask them a question, but, before they answered it, they would inquire our reason for asking. If we asked how far a mountain or river was off, they would say, “What do you want to know for?” “Are you going there?” & when we had satisfied them, they would give us every information we wanted. When we had conversed till late in the evening, we performed our Evening Service of Prayer and Praise, & then lay down to rest. Oct. 8. 1819.— Early this morning, we prepared to visit, according to our intention some Villages on the banks of the river Poonakketerre, lying on the south side of the Shukeangha in two canoes, accompanied by about 50 persos. As we went up the river we saw several Villages which we had not time to visit. The inhabitants fired their muskets, and hailed us as we passed. Our wish was to go as far up the river as we could, with a strong tide in our favour so as to return in the evening. The river is very beautiful, & will be very convenient for the navigation of small vessels, should the country ever become a commercial nation. About 1 ‘clock we came to 2 villages situated near to each other, on the high bank on the south side of the river. One of these villages is under the authorit of an old woman, a Chief’s Widow. Many of these people had never seen a white person. They received us with a War Dance, and presented us with several baskets of potatoes, which we immediately dressed, while the cooks were doing their duty, we walked into the Villages, & conversed with the people, and made them a few presents of fish hooks. One of these villages is called Otaheite, and the other Rangheewakka-takka. They stand at the head of a most beautiful valley; into which a small creek, navigable for a canoe, runs from the river. In this valley we observed many small villages, and a large portion of land, cultivated with potatoes. In this part there was a large quantity of good land, that has never been in cultivation, & which would make a beautiful Settlement. There appeared to be a good number of people in this retired nook. After remaining a few hours, we left the Village with the return of the tide. [A reference here in Elder to a young man being tattooed] An old Chief, with a very long beard & his face tattooed all over, had accompanied us from the place where we slept last night. He wanted an axe very much; &, at last, he said that if we would give him an axe, he would give us his head. Nothing is held in so much veneration by the Natives, as the Head of their Chief. I asked him who should have the axe, when I had got his head. He replied, I might give it to his Son. At length he said, “Perhaps you will trust me a little time; & when I die, you shall have my head. I promised that he should have an axe, & he gave me two mats in order to secure it. I told him that I had not one left: they were all at Rangheehoo. He replied he would send for it; which he did when we finally left the river. We hastened back as fast as possible; & arrived at our lodgings about 6 o’clock, having gone by calculation, little less than 40 miles by water. The War Canoes go at a great rate, when well manner. We told the Chief, Tarawheka, that we must leave him in the morning. He provided a present of potatoes and two hogs to take with us. The priest of the Heads was our constant companion. As he was so well informed on all subjects relative to his country and religion, I wished to learn from him who was the first man at New Zealand. He answered that the first man who visited New Zealand from whom all originated was named Mowhee— that he left his own country with his followers, on account of public troubles; and was afterward conducted, by the God of Thunder, to Showrakkee, or what we call the River Thames— and that Tau- rekkee, the God of Thunder, sat at the head of his canoe, and brought him safe to land— His name is held in great veneration, and he is worshipped as a Deity. For several miles on the south west side of the river the beach is covered with round stones of various descriptions, from 1 to 6 feet in diameter. I asked the priest whence they came, as I had seen nothing like them in any part. He said that Mowee dug them out of the bed of the river when he made the channel. They attribute to Mowhee many of the natural productions of the island. We conversed with them on the motion of the earth: the relative situation of other countries to theirs— the number of months a ship would be sailing to different parts— what countries produce iron, coal, wheat, wine, spirits, tea, sugar, rice &c &c, & what articles their own country is capable of producing, when once they should have the means to grow them. All these subjects gratified them very much; and, during the conversation, they made many judicious observations, expressing their desire that they might only be able to try what their country would do. We closed the day, with reading a portion of Scripture, singing a hymn, and prayer. Oct. 9, 1819. At day break, this morning, we heard the lamentations of the poor Widow on the summit of the hill, weeping for her Children. Her affliction of mind was very heavy. The consolations of religion could not pour the oil of joy into her wounded spirit. She knew not God, and had no refuge to fly for relief. In the fullest sense of the Apostle’s meaning, she was without hope, and without God, in the world; and this is the situation of the whole of her countrymen, when under affliction. They will sit for months, night and day, mourning in a similar manner, for the loss of their dearest relatives. The blessings which Divine revelation communicates to the whole body of nations who are favoured with it, can never be adequately estimated. The Knowledge of the only True God spreads its genial influences, from the King on his Throne, through all the different ranks of his Subjects, down to the condemned Felon in his cell. After Commiserating the affliction of the poor widow I returned to Breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our Departure, to a Village, called Tapappa about Eighteen or twenty Miles furder [sic] up the River. Our Company now was larger, we left Wetewhahetee in five [? fine] Canoes all laden more or less with provisions and several live Stock, or Hogs. On our passage up the River, we were Joined by the Brother and Son of Poro. Poro is a great chief not far from the North Cape, none of the Men in the Canoe belonging to Poro were Tattooed. I made Inquiries after Poro, though I had never seen him, about three years ago he sent one of his people over to Port Jackson in the Active, when sent him back a few Presents, I gave his Brother a Plane Iron and a Pocket Knife, having nothing more left and promised to give him an Axe, he said that he would go to Rangheeho with us for it, but as this would be a great and laborious Journey, I told him I would send one to Moodeewhy’s for him, with which he was satisfied.— Poro and Moodeewhy were friends. Poro had herd [sic] of the difference between Moodewhy and Matanghee and had sent his Son and Brother to know the Particulars to offer his assistance if wanted— I wish [sic] to know how he had come from his own Place, whether by sea or land as the distance must be very Considerable, he replied by Land, I asked if there were no rivers to obstruct him, he answered none, but such as they could easily cross.— When he came to the Branch of the River that led to Tootakoora Moodeewhy’s Village, he left us and we proceeded towards Tapappa, where we intended to rest for the night. We arrived at Tapappa in the afternoon. The chief who is named Patuona, had made every preparation for our reception, he had Constructed a new and Commodious hut for us and was greatly rejoiced to see us,— [In another hand] Patuona is one of the most pleasant chiefs that I met with, he has a fine open Countenance, in which the greatest kindness and good Nature are expressed, he told me that he had a great desire to visit Port Jackson, in the Active, and would be glad to go soon, even in the Capacity of a Cook, which is one of the Meanest Situations that there Slaves are placed in, and added, if I Considered him a Gentleman, he would then go as my friend. I promised him that his wish should be granted, when an opportunity offered, he made inquiry about the growth of Grain and had a small Patch of wheat growing from Seed, which he had received from the Missionary Settlement— Patuona is very anxious to improve his Counterymen [sic] and to better their Situation. Should he ever Visit Port Jackson, he will derive the greatest advantage from seeing the Comforts of Civilized life and the Improvements going on there in Building, Agriculture, &c— Moodewhy whom we found with Patuona was Verry [sic] urgent with me to send him a Red flannel Shirt, a Nightcap and a pair of Spectacles, desirig if he could only get these articles he would be a great man— We had not been long with Patuona before a Mesenger arived [sic] and Informed Moodeewhy that Matanghee had been removing the Bones of his ancestors, from the Sepulchre in which they had been deposited, When Moodeewhy received this information, it pierced his very heart, he said that if it was not for the respect which he had for us, he would go that night and kill Matanghee, he further observed that it had been his Intention to visit Port Jackson in the Active, but now his distress would be so great and of so long Continuance that he Could not go, he had no prospect of relieving his mind but by travelling from Place to Place, in his own Country and among his friends, he wished to have our opinion whether he should go immediately and kill Matanghee or not. We told him that we could not interfair [sic] with the Customs of there Countery, but in England, Great men did nothing hastily, but always took time to Deliberate, and we thought that he had better not be in too much haste to Punish the offence. Moodewhy never recovered his spirit while we stayed his Mind was gloomy and oppressed. Matanghee and he were near relatives, or there would not have been the forbearance, in either party, which there had been, they would soon have settled their Dispute by an appeal to arms. But Family Connections prevented their Indulging their Natural feelings and love of War— Shunghee since my arrival punished five men with Death, for Sacrilege, as already Mentioned, and no doubt but Moodeewhy from the same influence of Superstition on his Mind would, to relieve his own Distress and as a satisfaction to the faction [sic] to the Spirits of his Departed Ancestors, act in the Same way, was it in his Power to do so— Patuona was a relation and friend to both parties he was Concerned for the quarrel, but Said that they were both wrong. Matanghee was wrong in Shooting Moodeewhy’s Pigs and Moodeewhy was equaly [sic] wrong in Shooting Matanghees. He said if Matanghee had shot his Pigs he would not have retaliated on him by shooting his, but would have had no Connection with him in future, he should have considered him to have acted so unlie a Chief, but his Brother, he observed who was present, would have acted as Moodeewhy did. How they will accommodate their differece, we Cannot Say. We were oblidged to them for Suppressing there Mutal [sic] resentment while we were with them, it was indeed an attention that we could not have expected from Men in their State— We spent our time at this Village pleasantly, our accommodations were Comparatively good and our Companions were very entertaining particularly the Priest of the Winds and Waves— October the 10th 1819 This Morning we prepared for our final departure from the Shukeangha, we had left several Villages and Chiefs, whom for want of time we could not visit though they provided for us— We had now to part with Moodeewhy and Mwenna, the head Chief of the river, who had never left us since we met. Mowenna wept at our departure and Directed the Priest to accompany us to Rangheehoo to learn if the Active had arrived and if there was any prospect of her Visiting their River in order that they might prepare the timber for her. It would have been impossible for any Civilized Nation to pay us more attention than these Heathens did so far as their Mains [sic] and Knowledge extended. When we left Patuonas Village we were more than fifty in Company— Most of them going for an Axe or a hoe or some small edged tool, they would have to travel, by land and Water from 100 to 140 Miles, in some of the worst Paths, Through Woods that can be conceived and to Carry their Provisions for their Journey. A Chief’s wife came with us all the way, and I belive [sic] her load could not be less than 100 lbs, and many carried much more, we had to travel on the Shukeangha, Patuona took me and Mr Kendall and Puckey in his Canoe for some Miles up the River; till we came to a fall, when we landed in a wood about the Middle of the day, we estimated our Distance from the Heads to be between forty and fifty Miles or upwards, the Body of our Party had ran on— We had now to travel threw [sic] a verry thick wood on the banks, and at particular points had to wade the River, Some very fine young Man [sic] went before us, clearing the way as well as the[y] Could by treading and breaking down the brush wood and Branches of trees, It was very fatiguing to walk in the wood, and from the very heavy rain that fell in the Morning, was very wet and Dreary— Near dusk in the Evening we came to the last Station on the Banks of the River, where we put up, for the night, under a little shed, open for the night wind and rain and the Party with us made a third for themselves, the night was Cold and we were very wet and weary, our Servants kindled some fires and Dressed some Pork and Potatoes on which we dined, the chiefs had sent Nine hogs with us and many hundred weight of Potatoes, one hog we killed and Dressed this Evening— All had now returned home who did not intend to accompany us to the end of our Jorney [sic] though we Still Mustered in our little Camp between fifty and Sixty Persons— This was a very solitary Station on the Banks of a river in a very deep Valley Surrounded with Lofty timber of Various kinds, and a days Jorney [sic] from any Native Village or farm— our only Companions being men in a State of Nature, some of whom had never seen a Vessel, or Visited the Missionary Settlement. October 11th, 1819 we rose early this Morning after a very Cold and uncomfortable night and prepared for our Jorney, in hops of reaching KiddeeKiddee in the Evening, which we estimated to be twenty Six Miles from our Station— We had Still a very Difficult part of the wood to pass, and after walking for almost two hours, we reached the open Ground, near which Stands a large Stump, the remains of a Pine cut down by the Great Tippahee, for his Canoe, The Chips still remain round the Place where he made the Canoe, I sat down on the Stump and reflected on the Conversation which I had with Tippahee Fourteen years before and the events that had since occurred relative to his Country, Hw would he have rejoiced had he now been alive, to see the Present opening Prospect for the Benefit of his native Land, I may here observe that he Just planted the Acorn but died before the Stirdy oak appeared above the Surface of the Ground, When Tippahee had Completed his Canoe he had more than twenty Miles to carry it over land by Mere Muscular Strenght [sic]. When we left the wood we had a clear pen country before us through which our road lay for upwards of twenty miles— Some of the Soil good Some Gravelly and some swampy, Some of the Swamps which we Passed might be easily drained as there appeared a sufficient fall, Our road was very good Excepting the Swamps and in general Level, we found it easy and Pleasant to travel Compared with what we had Passed the proceeding [sic] day— After walking very hard till about six oclock in the evening with only resting once for a Short Period we arrived at Kiddeekiddee, tired and weary we found Shunghee there, but Mr Butler and the Carpenters were at Ranghee-hoo, I immediately lay down to rest in the only Building yet Completed— Shunghee informed me that two days before a Chief named Temana killed his Wife for Adultery. She was caught in the fact, and acknowledged her Guilt when her Husband knocked her on the head with a pattoo, He said her punishment was Just, Her Brother came and took away the Body which was Conveyed to the Sepulcher of her friends. She was a woman of rank, Her friends would not Punish her Husband, because he had acted according to the established Customs of the Country, Further than taking away a few Baskets of Potatoes, as a Satisfaction for the Death of the women, A man will Sometimes put away his Wife for adultry, but he may put her to death when the fact is fully proved if he likes, and his Conduct in so doing will meet with the Public approbation— After Conversing with Shunghee we read Portion of Gods Word— Sung a Hymn— and returned Grateful thanks to our Heavenly Father, who had preserved us in our Going out, and Coming in and had prospered us in our Journey, and Brought us to our resting place in health and peace. Shunghee and several of the Natives remained with us, During the time, I pointed out to Shunghee that it was our duty to pray to God and to thank him for keeping us by Night and by Day, that his Eye was Over us and His ear herard [sic] us when we Prayed, and that he did us good at all times. Shunghee behaved with much propriety and said that it was right we should pray, we then lay down and enjoyed a good nights rest— On the 12th Octr 1819, this Morning we intended to return to Ranghee-hoo after breakfast. Shunghee had a quantity of Sweet Potatoes dressed for us and our friends. I was much Gratified with the progress that had been made in our new Settlement during our absence, a Considerable quantity of Ground had been Broken up and Part of it Planted with Maize, a Number of Seeds had been Sown in the Garden. which had been Brought to Port Jackson from England nd were up, the Vines were many of them in leaf, The fruit trees, had also been planted and the whole Settlement began to put on the appearance of Civilization, than which nothing cold be more Gratifying to the mind. A Building had also been erected for the accommodation of the Labouring Natives. From what I saw, I was convinced that all hands had been very busy, and that much had been done in a short time with the Small hours which Mr Butler and his Colleagues can Command,— About nine oclock we left Kiddeekiddee nd in our way down the river, Visited a Village on the Banks Called Mootooetee belonging to a Chief Named Shourakke, whom I had promised to visit. We found him at home, with several chiefs from other Parts. He was much pleased, with our calling to see him, while we stopped the wind rose and it began to rain heavily, After waiting till Evening without any prospect of the weather clearing up, and the water being rough, I resolved to remain till the next day, Showrakke told me that it was not safe for me to venture in the Canoe, as it would be in Great Danger of upsetting, and recommended us to stay till Morning. Mr Kendall was very anxious to get home I therefore left him to act as he pleased, and he embarked for Ranghee-hoo having about seven miles to pass through a very open and rough Sea, leaving me with the Chiefs where I remained all night— I here met with Mayangea a chief who had been to England about twelve years ago, with Mr Savage. He made particular inquiries after the Queen, whom he had seen, and said she was old, and wished to know if she was alive. I told him that She died about Eight Moons before, he wished to know if the Prince of Wales, the duke of York, and the other Branches of the Royal Famely were well, he gave the surrounding Chiefs a Particular account of what he had seen in England— mentioned London Bridge and the Water Works there and told them how the water was conveyed by pipes into the Diferent houses in the City, and many other particulars relative to our mode of living, houses Carriages, Shipping, Churches, Roads, agriculture & how the Cooks dressed the Food for Gentlemens Tables and that they never ate it but only tasted it in the kitchen before it was served up. They heard him with great attention— There was an old chief called Tukopedu who was ^a cripple in both his Legs and a man as Proud of his Consequence and Dignity as any whom I had seen, He informed me that his land, and Subjects extended from the Shukeangha to the Whycoto near 150 miles, and that he had heard King George was so great a Man that he never went on Board a Ship, and that he was equally as Great in New Zealand and for that reason he never went on board any Vessel. They talked nearly the whole of the Night on Various Subjects, relative to Civil life, and were very anxious for me to visit the very long River Whycoto, on the Banks of which, according to all the Statement [sic] of the Natives there is a Very Great population, I promised to go, if my time would admit, and the Chiefs, Promised to accompany me. October 13th 1819 on the return of day Showrakke ordered his Large Canoe, when himself Moyanger and Some of his people accompanied Me to Ranghee-hoo where I found Mr Kendall arrived in safety. The chiefs of the Shukeangha who accompanied us on our return, were Waiting my arival [sic] in ordr to receive the Presents which we had promised them, they all assembled at the Store where we gave them twenty one Axes, Seventeen hoes fifteen flat tokees, two Dozen Plane Irons two adzes and a quantty of Fish hooks, with a few pocket Knives and Jews harps— Tamangena the Priest of the winds and waves, was in the Number, he had Promised that when he came to Ranghee-hoo, I should hear his God Speak to him, as I told him that I could not belive [sic] that he ever did Converse with him unless I he^ard him myself, I now Called upon him for the fulfilment of his Promise, as I wished to hear his God, he replied his God was not at Ranghee-hoo at that time and therefore I Could not hear him, I smiled at him and told him that I belived he never heard him himself— When they had all received their presents they returned much gratified with our Visit and Conduct to them— Octr 14th on my return to Ranghee-hoo Mr Butler informed me that a Chief from Tiami had been very turbulent and troblesome, when he was up at KiddeeKiddee, by going to the house of Mr William Hall, in a very threatening manner, and demanded an Axe. On Mr Butler’s return he renewed his application when Mr Butler gave him two hoes and an Axe. He came again today bringing along with him two Dogs for Sale, which were purchased from him he was Still dissatisfied and wanted an other Axe— There were several Chiefs belonging to his tribe with him who remained on the Beach, and though they did not appear to Countenance his Violent Conduct, they took no Steps to check him, we Could not but infer from their Silence that what he did, was with their Consent and that if he Could not obtain by fair Means these articles which he wanted, they did not disapprove of his trying what threatening would do. We remonstrated with them on the Impropriety of his Conduct, and told them that the Europeans would not remain in New Zealand, if they were not protected from Insult, for we came for their good and not for [our] own, they Expressed their regard for us and pretended to be Displeased with the Conduct of the Chief which was Extreamly Violant— A length I told them that Mr Kendall and myself would Visit their District and hear what the Different Chiefs had to say, and if they had any Complains to make, we would hear them, and redress them, as far as we had the means to do so, with this assurance there [sic] were well satisfied, and Monday was fixed on for our Departure from Ranghee-hoo to Tiami— October 16. 1819. Five of the Principal Chiefs came to conduct us, with their Slaves to carry our Provisions— Octr 18th ware prevented leaving the Settlement by heavy rain. Octr 19th we prepaired for our Departure, when we had got our boxes all ready for the Canoes, an old Chief tok them up, in order to examine their Weight, From their Lightness he suspected that there were no Axes in them, His Countenance lowered Immediately, and he kicked the Boxes away from him with Indignation, I remonstrated with the Chief and told them, that if they behaved in that Disrespectful Manner I would not go among them, When they found that we were not likely to visit them they became Very earnest in their entreaties, and as they had been anxiously waiting for us three Days, I was as anxious to meet their wishes, at the same time I was determined not to go, till all Matters were finally arranged, relative to our Visit as what we should pay for the Canoes and for the Slaves to carry our Baggage and what presents the Chiefs belonging to the different Villages would expect us to take them, these were all finally Settled before we embarked to prevent Disputes when we returned, after every arrangement had been Made to our Mutal [sic] Satisfaction, we left Rangheehoo about Eleven oclock in the Morning in two Canoes. On our passage up the KiddeeKiddee a Canoe Very Beautifully carved from the River Thames Passed us, These Canoes are well made will lie in a rough Sea and go Verry fast, in our Canoe ware Several young Slaves from the Southward and one from the East Cape I enquired what price the chief had Paid for them for one a fine youth, he had given Twenty Baskets of Sweet Potatoes and one Axe for nother [sic] The others I believe were Prisoners of War— We arrived at Okoora the Village of the head chief named Wytarow— about Six oclock where we were to Sleep for the Night, The Chief had got one of the neatest Huts that I had seen in New Zealand— After we had taken some refreshment and the Darkness of the Evening had Closed upon us the chief ordered a fire to be made around which we all sat down. We then Desired the Chiefs to state the Grounds of their Grievances. They began by saying that they h no private Complaints to make that their Grivances [sic] were of a Public nature; they stated that when the Europeans first came to New Zealand they all settled with Duaterra and Shunghee by which means the Power and Wealth of Shunghee were greately Increased that when the last Europeans came, they Expected to get one to reside with them, but these also wee appropriated to Shunghee which threw all the Trade into his Hands. They alledged that they could not go to trade with the Missionaries within Shunghees Jurisdiction on one hand, this would lower their Dignity and on the other Shunghees people would not allow them as it was Contrary to the Custom of the Countery, for one chief to interfere in Matters of trade with another within his own District, what they wanted was an equal advantage of Trade, which they Could not enjoy, without the residence of a Missionary among them to whom they could dispose of their property without any of those degrading restraints which they were now under. What they have to sell is a few potatoes and Hogs, these are their principal Commodities They Further alledged that people had cast reflections upon them and charged some of their people with Theft, which had made them very angry, they did not attempt to deny, that some of their Tribe had with or without their Knowledge taken some Triffling things from the Europeans, but Shunghees people had been more guilty in this respect. They asked us who had put up the Boys to steal our chisels &c when we landed our Stores, Intimating that this had been done privately, either by Shunghee himself or his secret agents, they thought it hard that they should be equally Blamed with Shunghee’s people for theft without deriving any of those profits from trade, which Shunghee’s people enjoyed, they Conceived that they had not been treated with that respect and attention to which their Rank and Power in New Zealand entitled them, that the Europeans were equally indebted to them as they were to Shunghee, for their protection— that their Tribe was as powerful and respectable as his and their Lands More Extensive— and that they had the Same right to the Harbour where the Ships anchored and the Shores, where the Boats landed, they said they were not offended at our making a New Settlement at Kiddeekiddee where Shunghee resided all that they monopolise the whole of the Trade by having all the Europeans living under his Authority, as this makes him and his people assume more Consequence, then they were entitled to and tended to Lower their Tribe in the Public opinion. The Principal articles of trade are Spades, hoes, axes & which are Missionary Stores and the articles for which they are so urgent— These and many others Strong arguments they used to Convince us that they had Sufficient Public Grounds to be Dissatisfied— I could not but admit the force of their reasoning and regretted much that they should have any Just Cause of Complaint, and in Answer to their Statements, I wished to lay before them the real reason of this apparent partiality, at the Same time I assured them that we were equally anxious to administer to their Wants, and to the Wants of all their Countrymen as we were to Shunghees as far as we had the Means to do so— In the first place I stated the Cause why we paid our attention to Shunghee— that Tippahee was a near relation to Shunghee and the first New Zealand Chief whom I had seen at Port Jackson and with whom I had formed a particular Intimacy— that when I returned from England I brought Me[ss]rs Hall and King with me with the Intention to send them Immediately to New Zealand to Tippahee to teach his people, but when I arrived at Port Jackson, I was Informed that the Boyd had been Cut off by the People of Whangarooa and all her Crew killed and eaten and a Number of his People were killed by the Europeans in Consequence of the Distruction of the Boyd. Shortly after these events, the New Zealanders killed and ate three men belonging to a Ship Called the New Zealander a Whaler, These Dreadful crimes, which their Country Men had been guilty of, struck the Europeans with horror. I was afraid to send Messrs Hall and King least they Should Kill and eat them alive also. After they had waited more than four years in Port Jackson Mr Kendall came from England with the intention of coming to teach the New Zealanders and after he had remained for some time at Port Jackson I sent him and Mr Hall to visit Duaterra, to know if they wished any of the Europeans to Come and live with them if they did I wished him and two or three other Chiefs to Come over to Port Jackson, with Messrs Kendall and Hall, for their Families, Duaterra returned and Shunghee and Korokoro accompanied him with Messrs Kendall and Hall, Tippahee being Dead and Shunghee promised with Duaterra that he would take care of the Missionaries, they came and were placed under their protection by me. I told them that I should have Come if Governor Macquaie would have allowed me, but he would not give his permission fearing they Would kill and eat me as the[y] had done the Crew of the Boyd— We further state to them that their crimes were Viewed with horror by all Europeans which made them afraid to Come among them, that if they wished for any Europeans to live in their Country, they must shew great Kindness to those who are now with the in order to remove the bad Impressions from the Minds of the Europeans which their past Conduct had made, In answer to this they said it was right that the first Settlers should Come to Shunghee and they did not wish to have any of the Miss-ionaries who lived under his Protection, but they were very desirous to have one at least [?] of those that had lately Come I replied that the number was so few, that I Could not divide them if I did we should not be able to Show them the advantages of a farm and other Improvements which we now intended to make but asured them if they behaved well to the Missionaries in the Iseland at Present, I would as soon as I Could get them one or more to live in their District, but I Could not make them a full Promise, adding if one Should Come, he might be unwilling to live with them They answered they would not wish to Compel a Missionary to live with them against his will, but if he was sent for their benefit and did not live with them they should request that he might be sent back again to Port Jackson and not be permitted to live With Shunghee Temmarangha who is one of the principal Chiefs and had lived with me a Short time at Parramatta, Said he wanted a man who Cold Pr[e]ach, teach Children to read and write administer Medicines when they were sick and show them how to Cultivate their Land— With regard to the charges of Cruelty against them they stated that the Eurpeans had killed many of their Countrymen on the most trivial occasions and Some Instances they mentioned why they had been Shot without Committing any offence, the Europeans had also often Defrauded them of their property and illtreated their women the Boyd was cut off in Consequence of the Captain having Flogd the chief, with respect to the Ship New Zealander, they said that a Chief a near relation to Tippahee, named Tarria Stole a Musket from the People who were wooding upon his Land, as a Satisfaction for the Europeans Storming Tippahees Island and killing his People, when the men returned to the Vessel and Informed the Captain he sent two armed Boats which fell in with a party Belonging to the Chief who was giving us this account, they Informed the Sailors that they were not the people who had Stolen the Musket, but the Sailors, either thro Ignorance of the Language or from wontonness, fired on the Innocent Party twice whereupon the Natives attacked them and two of the white People were killed afterwards the Sailors shot Tarreses Uncle in which fray an European was killed, the chiefs on the South side of the Harbour as three white men had been killed and only one New Zealander demanded Satisfaction according to the law of retaliation for the Death of the two Europeans, when two New Zealanders were killed by themselves Belonging to the Tribe who had killed the two Europeans and afterwards their Bodies were taken in a Canoe alongside the Ship to show the Master that they had done Justice to the Crew by Punishing with Death their own Countrymen for the murder of his Men. The Mentioned instances where their own people had been Shot and no Satisfaction made for their Lives by the Europeans and that a Great Number had been killed by Captain Hovel who Commanded a Vessel from Port Jackson in a Harbour between the River Thames and Mercury Bay and Intimated that these People would take Satisfaction for the lives of their relatives at some future Period when opportunity offered— I then told them that a law had been passed in England for the Punishment f any European who should wantonly kill a New Zealander and that if any of the New Zealanders killed any European if they came to Port Jackson afterwards they should be hung, they were much Gratified with the Information I told them that King George wished to Protect them From Violence as well as his own people, and that he would Punish the guilty whenever they Could be Caught, whether they were Englishmen or New Zealanders. They said if any European should kill a New Zealander they Should wish to see him Executed. After Conversing till a late hour on all these Subjects, in which we received mutual Satisfaction we lay down in our clothes to rest— October 20—1819 We rose early this Morning and prepared for our Journey to Tiami where we arived [sic] in the evening about half past four oclock Very Weary with our Walk, the distance we estimated at more than twenty Miles, In our way lay several Swamps through Some of which we Waded and through others were Carred. One of them is about a Mile through. We passed through only to Small woods the Country is Very open and the Lands in General pretty level, Some of it is Exceedingly god, and other parts either Gravelly, Stony or swampy, though the Swamps in most places Might be drained it is well Watered in all directions, with fine falls of Wate for Mills of any kind the whole Countery [sic] through which we passed belonged to the Chiefs who accompanied us— About five Miles before we came to any of the Villages in the District of Tiami we passed through a very fine plain where the Soil appeared Very rich, though Stony, The whole from the grass that was upon it appeared at one time to have been in Cultivation at some former Period and there was evident traces of a large population, we passed near the ruins of two Villages on the edge of the plain, which are now wholly uninhabited, they had been strongly fortified at no very distant Period, the Chief informed us that they belonged to him and his friends, and at one time Contained 1000 Inhabitants, but they had been besiged, and were Compelled at lenght [sic] to yield to the enemy and to quit their Stronghold. The hills are Very high on which the Village stood and so strong by Nature that they could not be easily taken unless the Inhabitants were Starved out— When we arrived at the first Village of Tiami we were introduced to the old Chief who appeared to be more than eighty years of age, but was all life and Spirits, he danced for Joy when we gave him a chisel he Expressed the Greatest Satisfaction at our Visit, from his hands he appeared to have Just returned from Labour in the Potatoe Grounds, he informed us that he remained on the farm to attend to his Cultivation but that he would Come to Rangheehoo to see us he told us he had seen three generations and was in the Midle of life when the first ship Came to New Zealand, The Captains Name he said was Stivers, Two other Ships came afterwards before Captain Cook the Captain of which was killed by the Natives near Cape Brett because they had killed many of the Natives and had Destroyed one whole Village in the Bay of Islands, this old Chief appeared in perfect health. His Village Stands in a fertile Spot sheltered by lofty Pines and Watered by many Beautiful Small Streams, sufficient to turn a Mill. Here we Spent the Evening Conversing on the agriculture and other useful arts the Laws and Customs of other Countries, the object of the Missionaries in Coming to live among them the Manner in which they Should Treat them if they expected others to come to live in their Country and the advantages which they would derive from the richness of their Soil when once Wheat and Barley were introduced among them.— We told them that it was not the custom in England for Gentlemens Wives to Cultivate the land whereas their Wives were working from Morning to night in the field— that Gntlemen in England had only one Wife some of them had ten, that so many Wives occasioned much trouble and many quarrels. They observed that what we said was Very true that such a number of Wives Caused great Disputes that it often happened in those quarrels that the Women would go and hang themselves, but they alledged that Notwithstanding these evils they Could not Dispense with their number of Wives, either as labourers or overseers they could not Cultivate their Lands at all for they had no Money to pay for the Cultivation of their Lands and without the assistance of their Wives, either as Labourers or Overseers they could not cultivate their Lands at all, if they had the same means that the Gentlemen in England had Cultivating their lands with Cattle their wives should be employed in a Different way, they Could not alter their Present Plan till they got the means.— We told them that we hoped that in time they Could have those advantages but much would depend on their own Conduct towards the Europeans, if they behaved well to them, others Could be encouraged to come and Live amongs [sic] them if ill those who now in New Zealand would return to their own Country. They only wished for an oppertunity to show their attention by having two or three among them. The New Zealanders are eager to gain instruction and have quick Conceptions and retentive Memories, we Conversed till a late hour, when we Sung a Hymn, Returned thanks to God for his Goodness and Committed ourselves to his Gracious protection for the Night— October 21, 1819 We rose early this morning and afterwards Walked over the Potatoe Grounds with the Chief where the People were all at Work, Some were Planting Maize but did not understand how that Grain should be planted, they put the Grains near together, which would hinder the Growth of the Plant, I showed them how we planted Maize by Planting some, The Chief saw Immediately the advantage of giving the Plant Sufficient room and Directed his People to follow the Instructions which I had given them, The Chief treated us with every mark of attention in his Power, on our arival he addressed his People with much warmth and Commanded them not to Steal the Smalest article from us, on any account if they did Shunghees people would hear of it and they would be Disgrased, he Said if they had would behaved well to us I Perhaps would and an European to live among them, he could not Say that I would, but perhaps I might, if they did not behave well they would have no hope of ever having any Europeans in their District, after Breakfast our Next Visit was to the Village of the Chief who had been so Sulky and Shoved the Boxes about at the Settlement, previous to our Setting off on our Journey, this old Chief made an apology for his Conduct and Said that he was not angry, but he had heard of our Generosity and came to see if we would bestow an axe on him, thinking there was none in the Boxes, his Mind was hurt as he was afraid of being Disappointed, he now Showed his anxiety to do all that he could to make our Visit to him Pleasant, we were attended by a large Number of Natives, he gave us a hog which we ordered to be Killed for our attendants and abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes were dressed for all present he prepared a clean shed for us to Sleep in and Exerted all his ability to make us Comfortable— After Dinner I went to see a Hot Spring in a wood about four Miles Distance, the Water was warm and Very offensive, it sent forth a Continual Stream and on the Surface was a thick Scum like Yellow Ocher, but of rather a redder cast with which the Natives Paint themselves, the water had a strong Sulphuris smell, I brought away with me some of the Stone about it which is hard and flinty, the Natives informed me that there was another Spring about six Miles from the Village where the Water is white and Very offensive No Wild Ducks or Fowls were ever seen on this Water.— We returned to the Village performed our Evening Devotions and Conversed with the Chiefs, on Various Subjects till a late hour. The night was Cold and Dark and our shed open on three Sides and no Roof, which made our accommodation Very uncomfortable, The New Zealanders Men Women and Children lay down round about the Shed like Cattle in a farm-Yard and apparntly [sic] as unconcerned about the rain and Cold.— October 21, 1819 after Breakfast I went to Visit the white Spring it is a Small lake about half a Mile round and appears at a Distance white like Milk but when at the edge of the lake not quite so white about a Mile before I came to the Lake I fell in with one of Clear Water, on which were a Number of Wild Ducks, a Quantity of Brimstone was lying on the ground in Different Directions Specimens of which I brought away with me, the Whole Surface of the Country for Miles appears as if there had been some Volcanic Eruption, Swamps Lakes and Barren Soil, It appears as if there had been a Wood of Pines which is now all Burnt not so much as one tree remaining there is here and there the root of a pine which has been burnt into the Surface of the Ground and Pices [sic] of Rosin which have come from the Pine tree are lying on the ground in all Directions the Soil is Extremely poor Stoney and Wet and of a White Nature like Pipeclay. The Natives told me as we walked along where there were other Springs of a Similar Nature not far distant a quantity of Rosin lies on the Banks of the white Lake, and in Various Parts of the Lake is a froth on the Surface, like yeast on New Beer, when Working in the Vat, I brought a Bottle of the Water away with me, intending to take it to Port Jackson as perhaps it might be analyzed there, The Stony creek through which the Water from the Lake Continually runs appears as if Covered with lime from the Sediment, left by the Water in its Course through the rocks and all the Stone in the Creek is hard as flint Specimens of which I also Brought away. Before I left the Village for the Next I took a firestick into a Shed where our Boxes and provisions were laid, a little Brimstone upon it to see what effect the fire would have, as soon as the Chiefs Saw the Smoake they were all Dreadfully alarmed and Called aloud to me to take the fire out of the Shed, I asked why they were so afraid They replyed that their God would kill them all for there were Provisions in our Boxes in the Shed and if fire was taken into the Shed where there were Provisions they would all die, To allay their fears I threw the fire Sticks down and then Endeavoured to Convince them that all their fears were groundless that their Tabooing of their Provisions the Vesels out of which the[y] eat their houses & [c] was all a delusion that there was no Such thing in Europe and that I was not afraid to eat any thing nor to Sleep in any house nor to have fire and Provisions in the Same house,— They said if they did not pay very particular attention to all that their Priests told them, they would die, if the went to Battle, and Neglected any ceremony relative to their food, & [c] and a spear only touched them they would die immediately, but if they observed the Ceremonies, and a spear should go through their Bodies, they would not die, I told them that the observance of those things would have no effect in preserving their lives in Battle, they Contended warmly that it would, and one of the Chiefs came forward and showed where a Spear had passed through his lungs and both his Blood and his Breath came through the orifice of the Wound and yet he recovered because he paid attention to the Injunction of the Priests, In answer to this, I said that I had seen a large barbed spear taken out of the Body of a Man at Parramatta which had been thrown at him by a Native, and Wounded the intestines so much that the food which he ate, Came through the Wound which the spear had made, for a Considerable time, yet he recovered and was alive and Well when I left Parramatta, though he had never been tabooed nor his food, nor his House. They expressed their astonishment that he should recover from such a Wound without attention to Similar Ceremonies with themselves on the observation of which, they belived [sic] the Issue of life or Death to Dpend. I also told them that instances had occurred of Soldiers in Battle, being Shot through the Lungs with a Ball, as the Chief had been Speared, and Nevertheless recovered, and yet they were not tabooed. I asked them if the Chief had been speared through the heart or the Temples of the head whether he would have recovered or not, admitting he had been tabooing. The[y] replied that he would not, I then wanted to know of what us their tabooing was as Europeans recovered from Similar Wounds with themselves without tabooing. They said that some time ago one of their tribe went on board a Ship where he ate some provisions Contrary to their Customs when their God in his anger slew a great many of them. I inquired in what manner those that died were affected, they represented their tongues to be foul and their whole bodies in a Burning heat the Natives supposing the heat which they experienced to proceed from a Secret fire within them threw off all their Mats drank and bathed in Cold Water and exposed themselves as much as they Could to Cold, under the Idea that Cold would quench the heat that Could Would quench which they felt, we informed them this was the way to increase the heat and to kill them, and that instead of Exposing themselves to the cold and going naked and lying naked in the open air in the Night they Should have kept themselves Warm in order to make them perspire as the Perspiration would Cary [sic] off the burning heat from their Bodys and not Cold air and Water, they laughed at this Idea and Supposed that this would increase their Complaint, I then asked them if they remembered at any time when they perspired freely. feeling that burning heat in their Bodies, which they mentioned after some reflection and Consultation togeather they thought from what they felt when they perspired freely, that we might be right in our opinion— They then asked me how Duaterra came to die, I told them that by great Exertion and lying out in the air he got a Volent [sic] Cold which Brought on the burning heat that they Spake of and a Volient [sic] Complaint in his Bowels, the Priests then Tabooed him would let him have Nothing to et or drink for five Days and Would not let him me See him for fear their God should kill him and them. Duaterra had been accustomed to eat our Bread Rice and Sugar and to Drink Tea and Wine and when he was ill the Priests would not allow him to have any of those articles which he had been accustomed to and which might have relieved him. On account of the taboo and for want of Proper Nourishment it was not possible for him to live and Many of their Countery Men like Duaterra, died in Consequence of the Taboo and lying in the Wet and Cold when they felt that Burning heat,— This argument had some weight with them and appeared to Convince them that they were in Error,— We further told them Pomare King of Otaheite thought Some time ago as they did he tabooed his houses and provisions and was Constantly under fear least his God should kill him and his people but Since the Missionaries have lived at Othite [sic] and he and his people he had been taught the Meaning of Gods Book he had abolished all tabooing and had eaten any proper food, and had slept any where, like the Europeans, and was under no fear of being killed by his former Gods, They were much surprised at the Information and Enquired how long it was Since Pomare had Ceased to Taboo, we told them that it was more than three years ago since Pomare had embraced our Religion, The Chiefs then replied that if we would send Missionaries to Instruct them and to Convince them that their Religion was Wrong and to prevent their Gods from killing them they would think & act as we did—, Several of them expressed an ardent desire to Visit Port Jackson as they wished to see how we lived, I Promised that some of them should be permitted to go when opportunity offered. After Dinner we left this Village in order to Visit another about four Miles distant at the foot of a very high Hill Called Pookanawee During our Walk we passed through Some of the Richest land that I had seen in the Island, Free from Timber and fit for all the purposes of agriculture. We arrived about Sunset when an old and Venerable Chief upright as a Column and his teeth as white as Ivory came forward with a long Spear in his hand and Stood at a Distance, where he offered up an Oration and prayer, according to the New Zealand Custom on Receiving Strangers, bidding us Welcome and intreating that his Gods would be propitious during our interview Meaning the Manes of his Departed Ancestors. He invoked the heavens above and the earth below to render our Visit advantageous to his people and Grateful to us and that no harm might happen to us whom he esteemed as Gods of another Country. We heard the profane adulations with Silent grief, and Could not but wish Most ardently for the light of Divine truth to Shine on such a Dark and Superstitious Mind, As we could say nothing at that Moment to this profanation which Shocked our Feelings Mr Kendall took an oppertunity afterwards in the Course of Conversation to Explain to them as we made it a Practice to do at all times that there was only one God Jehovah who made and upholds all things and whom we acknowledged as our God, that we were but Men looking for happiness in him in Consequence of what It is [sic] Son Jesus Christ, had suffered for us— that after death we were not Considered as Gods, as they Considered their departed friends but merely as the Creatures of God Brought by him his Goodness into a State of Happiness and that we did not cut Ourselves for the Dead as they did nor mourn without hope but Went quietly into the Grave in the assurance of Meeting our Friends again— In the Course of the Evening Mr Kendall had a long Conversation with the Chief Toohoo and Temmarangha and Whytarrow in Consequence of these two [sic] speaking Speaking to Toohoo on the Deferent Subjects which had been Discussed, the preceding evening they had accompanied us from Rangheehoo and Constantly been with us when they informed him of what we had Said of the Burning heat in their Bodys and how they Should act under it he Said, we were Gods among other things they had Ignorantly Supposed that I had it in my Power to Command Europeans to live among them but Mr Kendall fully Explained to them that this was not the Case, that I Mr Kendall and my Coleagues were only Members of a General Body the Chief of which resided in England and there united members Consisted of Some thousands who were influenced by Motives of Gratitude to god for the Blessings which had been Conferred on us, on them and on our Ancestors who formerly were in the Same situation that they were in at Present, to impart into them that Knowledge which had been so productive of happiness both in this World and in the Next.— Mr Kendall furthur told them that the Society in England had never thought of them till after I had seen Tippahee when I informed the Society what Situation they were in and Stated that they were men of Good understandings and Capable of Improvement and earnestly Solicited the Society to Send Out Some of their Members to instruct them and that in Concequence of my application to the Society in their behalf an inquiry was made and persons were asked to go into this foreign Country to instruct them, Mr Kendall Stated further that there was a doubt among the Members of the Society whether or not any European could safely live among a people who were in the habit of eating human Flesh which Caused a General fear and hesitation at lenght [sic] however Messrs Hall and King offered their Voluntary Services, as none are Compbelled [sic] to Come without their Free Consent, they accordingly accompanied me to Port Jackson. When they arrived there they were under Considerable Distress on mind on account of the Distruction of the Boyd and Wa^ited four years untill Mr Kendalls arival when I purchased the Active and sent Mr Kindall and Mr Hall over to see whether or not they dared to Venture to live among them. After Messrs Kendall and Hall had visited them they resolved to Come with their Families, whether the[y] were Killed and eaten or not, accordingly they came along with me After remaining a short time and observing the Conduct of their Countrymen, they wrote to England for more Europeans. But Masters of Ships and other persons who were prediced [sic] against them from the reports of there Savageness and eating human flesh wrote against them which had intimidated the Society and had tended to Discredit all that Mr Kendall and I Could Say in their favour. It was not untill the Missionaries had resided in New Zealand for More than three years that they Society Ventured to send any More from England, and if they Wished those Missionaries to remain in the Island they must be kind to all of them and not alarm them and make them uneasy by teasing Applications for Axes, hoes, &c least they Should retire quietly, from them as the Missionaries had formerly done from Otheite with an intention never to return had not Pomare from time to time Solicited them to do— In answer to the above the Chiefs Said that they had never understood the object of the Missionaries so clearly before and with respect to the Main Ground of the Europeans fears— of being killed and Eaten— they Contended this was altogether on our Part Groundless, and that it was absurd to Suppose that they would act so Contrary to their own Interest as to kill and eat people who came to live quietly among them and Introduce so many articles of real Value. Besides they Said we lived here under the approbation and Protection of all the Chiefs and if one Chief was against us he Could only trouble us by his Vexatious applications he would Dread the Power of the other Chiefs and Durst not do us any furthur injury, but if all the Chiefs or the Major Part of them were against us we Could not Stay. They further remarked that as we had done them no Injury they had no Satisfaction to Demand from us, and no Just feelings of retaliation to gratify and observed with a Smile that if they Naturally Craved after human Flesh we Might Make ourselves easy on that head, as the Flesh of a New Zealander was much Sweeter than that of an European in Consequence of the White people eating so much Salt— At Lenght the Conversation led to the origin of eating human flesh, the[y] first alleged that it originated from the largest fishes of the Sea eating other Fishes and of some, even their own kind, that large fishes eat small ones, Small fishes eat insects— dogs will eat Men and Men will eat Dogs and Dogs Devour one an other, the Birds of the Air also devour one another, and one God will Devour another God. I Should not have understood how the Gods Could eat One an Nother, if Shunghee had not before informed me that when he was to the Southward and killed a Number of people he was afraid that their Gods would kill him in retaliation for terming himself a God but he had Caught their God being a reptile and eat part of it and reserved the other part for his friends as it was Sacred fod and by this Means he rested Satisfied that the[y] were all Secure from his resentment— With respect to their teasing Importunities for Axes &c they Said that their anger was merely feigned, and that they were urged to their Importunities by their pressing Necessities for these things for they had tried every Method in their power to get an Axe, or a hoe, when they had Means to pay for them the[y] were always ready to do so and asserted that we Could scarcely Bring forward a Single Instance where a Man had troubled us for an article, when he was able to purchase what he wanted— They Then Stated the General Satisfaction that it would give the Chiefs if two Missionaries were sent to each District, as this would prevent all Jealousies and tend to make the Missionaries More Comfortable, as for their Children they had no objection for them to be taught either reading or Writing.— From all the information that we could Collect on our tour we were fully Satisfyed that Missionaries would be kindly received among them and that it is only the Want of them that has created Discontent, among the Chiefs. October 23, 1819 We rose early this morning in order to prepare for our return, as we wished if possible to reach the Settlement before the Sabbath. About Six oclock while I was taking my Breakfast, on a Sudden I heard Lamentations. On turning to the Place from whence the Came [sic] I observed Several Women crying aloud with the Blood streaming down their Countenances. On Enquiry, I learnt that the chiefs Wife who had accompanied us had Buried a child not long before and these women were come to Mourn and Weep with her on that account they held all their faces together, Mingled their Blood with their Tears, and Cried aloud, Cutting themselves at the Same time with pieces of Flintstone. I was much Shocked at the Sight, the Chief came to me and asked if I was afraid, I answered I was not afraid but I was much grieved to see them Cut themselves in such a manner, that this Custom did not prevail, in any Nation of Europe and was a Very bad one. He replied that the New Zealanders loved their children very much and Could not show it sufficiently without Shedding their Blood, I replied to weep was Very Good but not to Cut themselves. This Barbarous Custom universally prevails among the Natives of this Island.— As soon as we had finished our Breakfast we were presented with a large Hog and a few Bushels of Potatoes and then took our leave of this fine old Chief. Nothing Material occurred during our return and after a tedious Journey by land and Water, we arrived at the Settlement about twelve oclock at Night— Very Weary. The Chiefs and their Servants attended us home and on Monday Morning we paid the Porters who had carried our Baggage and all returned much Satisfied to their respective homes. We were equally satisfyed with the whole of their Conduct towards us, and happy that he object of our Journey, which was that of with Pines Conciliating the goodwill of the rival Chiefs of those Districts and Convincing them that our good wishes were General and not Partial towards them and their Countrymen, which had been accomplished.— Tiami is a Very rich part of the Country and only wants a population to improve its Natural Soil which at the Present is burdened with luxurious weeds with Pines and other timber of Various Kinds. The Chiefs informed us that they had a large Number of people one days Journey further who were Cultivating a rich Soil with Sweet and Common Potatoes, I should Estimate the Extent of their Territory from what I walked over and what they Pointed to us belonging to them at not less than 50 fifty Miles— Novr 7th, 1819 Sunday I Preached administered the Sacrament and Baptised Nine Children belonging to the Settlers born in the Settlement. I trust that the Divine Word and ordinances will Continue in this island of Darkness to the end of time. I have no doubt but the Lord will prepare for himself a people in New Zealand, he never fed any Nation with Manna from heaven but the Israelites and as he has now sent the Manna of his word among these Heathens, we may Safely infer that he will provide Israelites in this Wilderness to feed upon it his promises are sure and known unto him are all his Works from the Beginning— No Permanent Mission could have been Established in New Zealand or in any other Island of the South Seas, had not his ruling providence led the British Nation to Establish a Colony in New South Wales, Through the Medium of the British Nation, he has now sent his Gospel to the Very ends of the earth and the Trumpet of the Jubilee has been sounded from Pole to Pole.— What means has Infinite Wisdom adopted to accomplish the devine purposes, did it please God to Send an army of Pious Christians to prepare his Way in this Wilderness, did he establish a Colony in New South Wales for the advancement of his Glory and the Salvation of the heathen Nations in these Distant parts of the Globe from Men of Character and Principe on the Contrary he takes Men from Dregs of Society who had forfeited their lives to the Laws of their Country he gives them their lives for aperey, and sends them forth to make away for his Servants for them that Should bring glad tidings— that Should Publish peace to the Heathen World, that Should say unto them in the Name of the Lord “Look unto me and be ye saved all the ends of the Earth for I am God and there is None else.” Well may we exclaim with the Apostle “how unsearchable are his Judgments and his Ways past finding out.” I Cannot help thus Combining the Colony in New South Wales in the Grand Chain of Divine providence with all the Missionaries in these Islands as they could not have been Carried on without the Settlement.— Novr 8th, 1819 It was my intention to Sail to day for Port Jackson but having Returned late on Sunday Evening from the Interiour I had many affairs to arrange previous to my Departure for the future Government of the Settlement which occupied me all the day— The Active Weighed anchor and crossed over to the opposite side of the Bay in order that she might be ready to put to Sea the moment that we embarked— Nor 9th this Morning at an early hour I prepared to leave Rangheehoo, the Natives flocked togeather [sic] from various Parts to take their leave or to accompany us on board. Some Wept much and Wished to go with us to Port Jackson others fired their Muskets as a Mark of respect when the Boat left the Shore— it had been determined that Mr Samuel Butler and Mr Wm Halls Son should proceed to New South Wales in the Active the one to instruct Some Native Youths, Sons of Chiefs at Parramatta and the other in order, that he might be educated at Some of the Schools in the Colony. We took leave of our Friends at Rangheehoo with Mutual affection and respect, when I arrived at the Active which lay about Seven Miles off, I found her filled with Natives and Surounded [sic] with Canoes it was Pleasing to see the rival Chiefs from the North Cape to the River Thames, Meet on Board the Active in the Most Friendly Manner as a Common Rndezvous, not armed with their Pattooes and Spears as Formerly but as Men Constuting [sic] One Civil Body they all Claim an interest in the Vessel and therefore under no Restraint in their Visits, their Friendly Meetings will tend much to their Mutual Confidence and friendship the Chiefs Still pressed me to take their Sons with me to port Jackson. As the Wind was against us and I wished to Visit a District up the River Cowa cowa I ordered the Boat, and the Revd Mr Butler accompanied me, when we arrived at the Native Settlement about ten Miles up the River, we found the Chief whom I wished to See was from home, the Natives in the Village Gave us a most Cordial Welcome here we met with some of Mowhees relatives, who when they knew Mr Butler had seen him were much affected, and Mr Butler and the Natives wept together while he gave them an account of Mowhee, They Expressed the Greatest affection for Mr Butler and he was equally affected towards them, he Promised to Visit them again, We Stopped and dined at the Village as there was Plenty of Fine fish and left the Hospitable Natives deeply affected with Joy and Sorrow. When we departed , the rejoiced to see us and Mourned and Wept at the remembrance of Mowhee. We returned to the Active in the evening after the Sun had gone down. The Wind became fair and we Weighed Anchor, the Chiefs still remained on Bord [sic] with their Sons, some of whom I had promised to take but was Compbelled [sic] to refuse others. The Chiefs took leave of their Sons with much firmness and Dignity in the Cabin while on the Deck the Mothers and Sisters of the Boys were Cutting themselves after their Manner and Mingling their Blood with tears, Shungheehoo [sic] the head Chief Parted with his Favourite Son in the Cabin without a tear I afterwards heard him on deck giving Vent to his feelings with the loudest Burst of Weeping— I now ordered the Active to be Searched and all the Natives to be turned into the Canoes, I Promised some of the Chiefs who were very urgant for me to take their Sons to Port Jackson that their Sons should go at a future time by dint of Promises and threats I at lenght [sic] got the Active cleared and Mr Butler and his Coleagues Left us in the Mouth of the Bay about an hour after dark and returned, we were clear of the heads— From my arival at New Zealand to my Departure I had spent about three Months in the Island and regretted much that my time was so limited I wished very anxiously to have Visited the Whycoto, a river to the Southward and Westward of the River Thames. A Number of Chiefs urged me Very much to see this River, they Informed me it was of very Great Lenght [sic] that they were four Months in Going up it, that the people were Very Numerous upon its Banks and that there was no part of New Zealand where there were so Many Inhabitants, This River empties itself into the Sea on the West side of the Island and it is there that all the fine Matts are Made. The Natives also mentioned five rivers of great extent which run into another at a Great distance from the Sea. Whether these rivers are navigable for Ships or not remains to be accertained [sic], but that the Population is Very Great in this Part of the Island there can be no doubt.— In the Journal which I now Submit to you my object has been “to relate Simple facts as they occured [sic] and to Communicate as much information relative to these interesting people as my limited time and the Various other objects that Called for my attention would allow— When I went in the Different District[s] and Wished to Note any thing down that appeared to me Worthy of Notice, I had to steal away away into the Thickets and Conceal myself as well as I could from the Eyes of the Natives while I minuted down any Circumstance or Conversation that tended to throw any light on their Customs, Manners or Religion, but it was seldom that I Could get away unobserved and on that account was oblidged often to write in the Midst of a crowd what I wished to record— You will therefore I am sure Sir make due allowance for any Tautology or want of arrangement that you may meet with in these Sheets, as these observations wee not Studied, but originated from daily occurances. Should they be the means of Softening the prejudices of the Civilized World against the New Zealanders and of inducing the Friends of the Heathen to Support the Societys exertions and to pray for the Blessing of the Lord on his labours my Wishes will then be fully Satisfied I am Convinced that the Wants of these Poor Heathens have only to be made known to the Christian World and then they will be delivered. That Country which is now only an uncultivated Wilderness will then Stand thick with Corn and the Voice of Joy and Gladness will then be heard in these dreary Regions of Darkness Superstition Cruelty and Sin— Signed Saml Marsden Particulars of my third visit to New Zealand 1820. In the beginning of the year 1820 His Majesty’s Ship “Dromedary” commanded by Captain Skinner, arrived in Sydney Cove with Male prisoners: and Sir Byam Martin, comptroller of the Navy, having instructed the Master, that this ship, after landing her prisoners, and being prepared for Sea, should proceed to New Zealand for Spars.— At the same time, it was stated, that the “Coromandel” was on her passage out, and that, her commander had received similar instructions.— It was intimated also, that I should be requested to accompany the “Dromedary” in order to promote the object of her voyage to these Islands.— I gladly availed myself of this favourable opportunity to renew my intercourse with the settlements, and to use the influence I had obtained among the Natives, in preventing disputes and misunderstandings between them and the Europeans of the King’s ships; being fully aware, that it was of the utmost importance, for the future prosperity of the Mission, and the general happiness of the islanders, to maintain a good understanding between the Natives, the Soldiers and the Ships’ companies.— We proceeded to the Bay of Islands (without meeting any thing worthy of note) having, as far as circumstances would permit, made arrangements with the chiefs of Whangaroa to obtain a cargo of spars for the “Dromedary”, she sailed for the harbour of that place, to receive her load.— The “Coromandel”, Captain Downie commander, arrived at the Bay of Islands (soon after the Dromedary had left that place) with precisely the same instructions (as before hinted) namely “to take in spars”, for which purpose, it was necessary she should proceed to the River Thames— In order to perform the same service for the Coromandel, as I had endeavoured to do for the other ship (above stated) I embarked on board of her (7th June 1820) for the River Thames, accompanied by Tooi, a chief of the Bay of Islands, and Timmorangha, a Chief of Tiami. On the evening of the 12th [in pencil - June] we anchored under Cape Colville: and after spending one week, in forwarding the object of the voyage, I passed three weeks more in visiting the Bays and Creeks on the eastern side of the Thames.— Here I met with a principal chief named Tippoohee, who was much rejoiced to see me.— I told him the object of my voyage to the Thames— that I had come in a large ship belonging to “King George” for spars and wished to know, if he could inform me, where they were to be met with; and by what means they could be conveyed to the Ships:— that the ship’s boat was coming up the river, to see if any could be found. He said there was a great quantity of Spars, growing upon his land, which we might have, if they would answer, and that he would go up the river with us, & shew them.— He told me he was in great trouble, that the Chiefs on the west side of the Thames, who are distinguished by the name of “Howpha’s Tribe” had lately made war upon him,— killed a number of his people, amongst whom was his brother, and that he expected they would renew their attacks upon him in a short time; that most of his Hogs had been killed, his potatoes destroyed, and himself and people reduced to great want.— I expressed my concern for his calamities, and felt very much distressed for him and his people— and promised that I would see the chiefs on the west side, and use my influence with them, to bring about a reconciliation. He observed, they were too powerful for him, as their friends, at the Bay of islands, furnished them with fire arms and ammunition, so that he was unable to meet them, and that he believed it was their determination to dispossess him of his land, and to drive him away altogether, and he thought nothing short of this would satisfy them! While we were conversing upon these subjects, a Mr Anderson arrived with the Launch boat, when Tippoohee and I got into her, and we proceeded up to the next village, which belongs to another chief “Towretta”— Mr Anderson anchored the Launch opposite this village, and we all went on shore for the night. Towretta, I had also known before, and he gave us a very cordial reception.— These are the two principal chiefs on the fresh water river, both of them very tall, fine, handsome men. [In pencil - June 17th] The following morning we proceeded up the River in the Launch, with a fair wind and tide.— The two chiefs accompanied us, and about 50 of their people in canoes.— Mr Hume, the Surgeon of the Coromandel, the carpenter and the captain’s clerk, were also of the party. We had a very fine day, and arrived in the evening at a Settlement called “Kowpah”, situated at the junction of two fresh water rivers whose united streams form the Thames. On a point of high land where the two streams meet, and by which it is surrounded, stands the Hippah of the Head Chief or Arekee (as the Natives call him). The Hippah was very full of people, who welcomed us on shore with loud acclamations and conducted us to the Arekee, who was seated in the midst of his family.— He was an old man apparently not far from 70 years of age, well made, and of great muscular Strength.— His Mother was still alive with three generations by her. The Natives’ houses here were much larger and better built than any I had seen in New Zealand— The Arekee appropriated one for us which afforded Lodging to us, and the 50 Natives, who had attended the Launch up the river. The 18th being the Sabbath, we rested in the Hippah and I spent part of it, in conversing with the Natives upon the works of creation and the institution of the Christian Sabbath “Timmorangha” acting as my interpreter, on all occasions, when I could not make myself be understood.— This settlement would be an eligible situation for a Missionary Station at some future period, should God be graciously pleased to visit the people of this dreary and benighted land, with his Salvation. On the following morning Mr Anderson went to examine the Spars in the neighbourhood and I got a canoe, with some Natives, and proceeded up the left River; the land on its banks was very rich, and here & there adorned with lofty pines— some small farms were cultivated for Potatoes, upon which, the poor slaves were at work.— The tide runs a few miles up this river; & when we had proceeded about ten or twelve miles, in which space the water was close confined by thick wood on high banks, it opened into a plain, and became shallow— & as night was coming on I returned to the Hippah— On my arrival, which was just at dark, I found the Launch had returned also and I immediately hired another canoe and proceeded down the river and in about two hours found her at anchor and the officers and crew in their Tents on shore— here, I landed and joined them for the night.— [In pencil - June 20] The next day we proceeded down the river and in the evening, after dark, we again anchored opposite Towretta’s village, where we went on shore and remained till day light when we returned to the Coromandel after ten days absence.— [In pencil - June 21] On and near the banks of the river there are spars of all dimensions, with a convenient carriage way; but the quality of the timber is not considered good enough for Masts, especially a species of the Cyprus which composes the principal Forests here, and is called, by the Natives “Kikatea”. It is a light wood; some of it white, and other parts of a red tinge, and it is more fit for planks than for masts. Many of the trees are from eighty to one hundred feet, without a branch, and from two to six feet in diameter, and some much more.— I believe it is Captain Downie’s intention to carry home a few of them as specimens.— The timber already examined, not being approved of, it became necessary to look else where for better sorts.— Towretta and the Arokee informed us that some fine timber called by the Natives “Kowree” grew on the east side of the salt water river. Mr Anderson was therefore sent, in the Launch, to examine the woods in those parts: and on the following day [in pencil - June 22] Captain Downie weighed and followed the Launch in hopes of finding a more commodious and secure harbour for the ship— in this he succeeded to his wishes, having found a most excellent harbour, about 16 miles from our first anchorage, in the spot where Captain Cook’s ship lay, which is behind two small Islands on the east side of the “Thames”.— This harbour is perfectly safe for ships of any burden, being completely sheltered from the Sea.— When Mr Anderson & the ship’s carpenter (who had accompanied him) returned they reported that they had met with some spars which would answer for Masts.— We were all rejoiced in this information, and on the following day [in pencil - June 23] arrangements were made with the Natives and part of the ship’s company for cutting some of them down, and preparing them for shipment.— As Captain Downie had now determined to take what spars he could procure from the neighbouring woods; and as the Natives had come on the most friendly terms with the Europeans: I felt my time to be, in a great measure, at my own disposal; and I spent it chiefly among the Natives of the different Bays, in examining the creeks, woods, and natural productions, for about three weeks.— At this time, I told Towretta that I wished to visit Wyekotto, a river in the interior where the population is very great.— He dispatched a messenger to inform some of the chiefs of my intention; and a number of them came to conduct me to their settlement.— At this time, the weather was very stormy; and a deal of heavy rain fell; I was, however, determined, if possible, to visit Wyekotto. The rout to this settlement being on the west side of the Thames; it was not practicable to cross it in a canoe, owing to the boisterous state of the weather, the river being here about 15 miles over. Mr Anderson had been on a cruise for about ten days, on the east and west shores of the Thames, looking for spars. On his return, he reported there were some that would answer for Masts on the east shore, about 17 miles from where the Coromandel lay, in a wood belonging to Tippoohee, who would assist to get them down to the river. This induced Captain Downie to send a Midshipman, and some of the ship’s company to cut down, and prepare this timber; & the 12th of July was the day appointed to proceed on this duty. As Mr Anderson intended (after landing the party with their provisions and tools &c) to proceed again to the west side of the river, I determined to take a passage in the Launch across the water, and so get on to Wyekotta as the people from that settlement has been waiting some time to conduct me thence.— At 4 A.M. (on the morning of the 12th) [in pencil - July 12] I arose to prepare for my Journey.— The wind had blown hard, during the night, attended with heavy rain, and the morning was on the whole, very threatening. The Launch was, however, got ready, and at day light we sailed from the Coromandel, with a fair wind, and by 12 noon, we arrived at the place where the spars grew.— A number of the Natives were on the Beach ready to receive us, as they knew of our coming, among them were several from Wyekotto. Immediately on our arrival, all hands were busily employed in erecting two Huts, one for the officers in charge of the party, and other for the men.— Before evening one Hut was completed, and two tents (which had been brought with us, were pitched, in one of which I took up my lodgings for the night. The whole day had been unpleasant, attended with Thunder and rain, which continued during the night, and beat through the tent, which made it very cold and wet— I laid down in my clothes, but, had little rest.— The following day [in pencil - July 13] we were visited by a chief from Towrangha attended by his son and daughter.— The old man was much astonished at the sight of Europeans, as he had never seen white people before, I paid him some attention, and made him a small present which he thankfully received, and in the evening he returned.— A Chief also arrived from Wyekottoo, with a fine hog to sell; he offered to Mr Anderson for an axe.— Mr Anderson had no axe to spare, but he had a small Tomahawk which he offered him for it; and which he refused, observing, that he could not cut down the large trees on his farm with so small a tool, and requested Timmorangha to speak to me, that I might give him an axe— Tmmorangha told me his wishes; and I informed him that I had no use for the hog, and therefore did not wish to purchase it.— he, poor man, seemed much distressed— said he had come a long way with the Hog, and felt great pain at his heart for the want of an axe; which I relieved by giving him one— and the hog was given to the work people.— [in pencil - July] (14th) Last night was extremely cold and wet, the rain fell in torrents, and the morning threatened bad weather.— The Natives, who had come as my guides from Wyekotto, informed me that I could not return with them; because I should not be able to pass the rivers and creeks— they would be too deep for me to ford.— This was a great disappointment to both parties, as I had long had a wish to visit that part of the country.— I therefore took my leave of them, and they returned.— I next enquired if it was possible for me to go to “Kiperro”, a settlement on the west side of New Zealand, which I had often heard mentioned.— The Natives informed me I might, that there were no rivers in my way to prevent me.— I therefore changed my intention, and determined to visit Kiperro, and to take a passage in the Launch with Mr Anderson to the west side of the Thames; where he intended to proceed, as soon as he had settled all his arrangements with the workmen.— [in pencil - July] 15th Stormy weather, and heavy rain continued during the whole of the night— in the morning the sea was very rough with a strong wind from the western shore, which would prevent the Launch from crossing the river that day. Mr Anderson then determined to return to the Coromandel, if possible;— I had sent my baggage on board, with an intention to accompany him; but before I could get on board, the surf broke so high upon the Beach, that I could not reach the small boat without wading through the breakers, as she could not approach near the shore, and, as there was no prospect that the Launch could possibly reach the ship that night: I thought it more prudent to remain on shore, than to lie exposed to the wind and rain in an open boat, all night; and in my wet clothes.— I therefore requested Mr Anderson to put my Luggage in the small boat, and the Natives waded through the surf and brought it on shore again: and I took up my lodgings with Mr Emery (who had charge of the workmen) in one of the newly built Huts, thro’ which both wind and rain penetrated.— Thus, my prospect of visiting either Wyekotto or Kiperro, was, for the present at an end. I was aware that the Launch would not return again to Mr Emery in less than a week and there fore ventured to take a trip to Towrangha (by the head of the Thames in order to gain correct information with respect to the Route I should take, I examined several Natives among whom was the chief Tippoohee, who informed me that by going up to Rurpot a settlement already mentioned where the Arekee resides, I could get across the country to Towrangha as soon as the weather mitigated.— [in pencil - July] 10th — Last night was very stormy, I had little rest, from the open state of the Hut, being extremely cold— In the morning a Native informed me, that the Launch had not been able to get down the river, and was laying at anchor, round a point, not far from us. Tho’ my birth had been bad, it was much better than what I could have had, on board the Launch, which was some little consolation, to think, I might have been worse— The wind and rain still continued: and, as it was the Sabbath, I explained to the Natives the institution of this sacred day, with the assistance of Timmorangha, as my Interpreter when I had occasion for him. He told them that many of their public calamities (Such as Wars and famine, from both of which they greatly suffer) were owing to their Ignorance, and neglect of this day; and that he had learned from the white people that there was but one God, and that the God of the Europeans was also the God of the New Zealanders: which caused them to ask many questions about our God.— After I had finished my conversation with the Natives; I explained the Commandments of God to the sailors, for about an hour.— This class of our fellow subjects are exceedingly to be pitied, both Officers and Men, as far as concerns their religious edification. The want of the sacred ordinances of Religion and the means of duly administering them to these People is a great calamity.— Wherever the Sabbath is neglected and forgotten. There, God is neglected and forgotten also.— These men fight our Battles, defend our country, expose themselves to every hardship, and support our Church and State against all foreign enemies, yet no adequate provision is made, to administer to them the Bread of life; but they are left to perish for lack of knowledge. I have felt much pain in reflecting upon their state while I have been in this service.— [in pencil - July] 17th We have had another stormy night, but towards morning the weather began to moderate; and I determined to set off on my route to Towrangha. Timmorangha and his nephew agreed to accompany me; but, there was no canoe (at the place we were in) sufficiently large to venture up the Thames, during the then turbulant state of the water, produced by the preceding Storms.— The Natives informed me I could get a large canoe, at a village about two miles up the river.— After dinner I engaged two Natives to carry my Luggage to the aforesaid village, where we arrived about two oclock, and were kindly received by the Natives. I informed the Chief where I was going and requested him to furnish me with a good canoe and crew to take us up to Kowpah— a distance we estimated at more than fifty miles. He told me I should have one, and ordered a Canoe to be got ready and manned immediately. A subordinate Chief offered to go with me, and to take his servant, to assist in carrying my Luggage, for an axe, which I readily consented to give him— We then embarked, but were soon compelled to return to shore again, from the violence of the wind and waves, as the Natives were apprehensive the Canoe would be upset. They recommended me to walk to the next Village, where the river would be much narrower and consequently less sea, and I could there procure a Canoe.— We therefore relanded and set off for the next village where we arrived a little after dark.— The Natives received us kindly, made us a large fire, and gave some provisions to my companions: they accommodated me with a good Hut.— We spent the evening in useful conversation; and then lay down to rest for the night. After committing myself and associates to the care of Him, who numbereth the hairs of our heads I felt myself as secure, as if I had been resting in the bosom of my family. [in pencil - July] 18th In the morning the stormy weather returned with great violence— There was no venturing on the river in a Canoe, from this village; and our only alternative, was to walk up the banks of the river, till it became narrower and shut in by the land on both sides.— With this view we left this village, and past through four more villages upon the river’s bank, where we stopt to breakfast.— The Chief’s wife, at the latter village, was very attentive, she made her little Hut as comfortable as she could— laid down a new mat for me to sit upon: and by every little act of kindness, shewed her anxiety to please.— During our stay here, the rain fell very heavy, and the wind blew a gale. In about an hour the storm moderated, and we proceeded, and past three other villages when we arrived at the Hippah of the head Chief Tippoohee.— This Hippah is situated at the mouth of the fresh water river, on a beautiful eminence which commands the river Thames, both above and below.— The prospect is very extensive: and there is a large quantity of good land around the Hippah well adapted for the growth of grain.— A creek of salt water, about one hundred yards wide, runs from the main river, round to the rear of the Hippah till it meets a fresh water stream.— The creek was navigable for small craft, where I crost it.— A Battle had been fought upon its banks a few months before, a chief was shot. They shewed me the spot where he had stood, and the bush behind which his enemy had lain concealed, when he was shot.— When we arrived at the Hippah, it was too late to proceed up the Thames; I therefore (after taking some refreshment, got a Canoe in the evening, and went up the fresh water stream which flows down, between some high hills from the interior. A large body of water comes down this creek occasionally.— The land upon its banks is exceedingly rich, and could easily be cultivated by the plough.— In the valley thro’ which it runs, I met a number of Natives returning from their work, with whom I walked back to the Hippah. Tippoohee’s brother and several other chiefs were in the Hippah, and I spent the evening with them, in conversing on the various consequences of War, the advantages of peace, civil Government, Agriculture, and commerce. Tippoohee was not there— His brother appeared to be a mild sensible man, and he expressed his disapprobation of the conduct of many chiefs who were always fighting and thereby brought great distress upon the Inhabitants. There tribe had been attached, the year before, by the people at the Bay of Islands, and the tribes on the west side, from whom they had suffered much, and expected to be again attacked by the latter. I told him, I would, on my return, see the chiefs on the west side, and endeavour to make peace between them.— Timmorangha informed me that this chief disliked war, and never engaged in it.— He presented me with some fine Mats, for which, I gave him some edge tools. —I was accommodated with a large Hut for the night: and, on retiring to rest, I informed him I should want a good Canoe in the morning which he promised I should have.— This Hippah has been a very strong place, both by Art and Nature. It is guarded by deep recesses and a high fence of split timber.— In their former mode of warfare it must have bid defiance to any force which might be brought against it: but it cannot now afford security against an enemy armed with Muskets.— They shewed me where the musket balls had penetrated their buildings, observing that it was impossible for men, armed with spears only, to contend against the power of fire arms.— Should the British Government ever form a settlement at the river Thames; the ground on which this Hippah stands is, in my opinion, the most eligible for the purpose, that I have yet seen.— It possesses many important local advantages; & could easily be fortified, and made impregnable— It commands the entrance into the fresh water river;— is surrounded by a tract of fine land for cultivation, and convenient to timber, for building. Tho’ ships of burden cannot be brought close up to the place, it is yet more convenient to the anchorage ground, where they may ride in perfect safety, than any other situation: and small vessels, under 150 tons, may come up the river, and anchor opposite to the settlement.— [in pencil - July] 19th This morning we rose very early, and prepared for our journey, having some distance to walk before we could be accommodated with a good canoe— We past two villages, and at the third we embarked.— While the men were launching the canoe and getting all ready, the inhabitants of the village assembled round us: among whom was a very aged sage priest, who entered into close conversation with my friend Timmorangha for some time, the latter was all attention and at length became much agitated.— I asked him what was the matter, he said, the Priest had told him he had seen his Ghost in the night, and had also had an interview with Attua who had said that if Timmorangha accompanied me to Towrangha, he would die in four days; because he had, when last there, killed two Chiefs; and the God of Towrangha would now kill him if he went: the priest concluded by recommending him to return. Timmorangha then told me of his war expedition against Towrangha, and that he was returning from that expedition the morning on which Mr Kendall sailed for England, and that the prisoners of war, and the chiefs’ heads I had seen at Rangheehoo, that morning, were all brought from Towrangha. In consequence of this information, I conceived there mght be some danger to Timmorangha; if he accompanied me, the people there might take advantage of him and cut him off. I was therefore induced to ask him, if he was afraid that the people at Towrangha would kill and eat him, if he went with me. He replied, that he was not afraid of the people— they would not take advantage of him: but he was much afraid, from what the priest had said, that their God would kill him.— I observed that if he was only afraid of their God, and not of being killed and eaten by the inhabitants, I would take care that their god should not injure him, because the God that would be with us, was the true God, and He would take care of us both. Upon this assurance, Timmorangha said he would venture.— Tho’ his mind was considerably enlightened, and he had seen the absurdity of many superstitious customs practised by his countrymen— I frequently observed that his feelings were influenced less or more by his former notions of such things whenever any serious cause called it forth.— When I have reasoned with him, on the foolishness, and groundlessness of his fears, in believing that the Attua can do him, or his friends, this or that injury; he would reply “it was very well for me to talk in that way, whose God was good— over whom the Attua of New Zealand had no power: but, he and his countrymen were quite differently situated: their God was always angry and in his anger would cut their bowels out.” After Timmorangha had got a little the better of his fears, we embarked for Towrangha with a strong tide in our favour. The men pulled hard all the way, and we went up the river very pleasantly, and did not stop till the evening, when we went on shore for a short time, kindled a fire on the bank and dressed a basket of potatoes according to their custom— We had no other means of cooking any thing, my Kettle having been, by mistake, left in the Launch—I had a small tin pot only to serve all purposes. As soon as we had taken some refreshments, we proceeded up the river, till nearly day light when we found ourselves opposite a small village. The night had been dark and cold, with some rain— Some of the men went therefore on shore to call up the inhabitants of the village— who kindled a fire, on our landing, and accommodated us with a Hut. I supposed that I was then on the banks of the river— 20th— When the day broke, I was astonished to find myself on the banks of a creek upon which stood two small villages—The Chief of the place was a very fine youth about sixteen years old— His name was “Awaugh”,— his father, he informed me, was killed in Battle. The land around appeared to be a very fine description of soil: and the slaves were then preparing it for planting. I informed Awaugh where I was going, and he said he would go with me.— He presented us with plenty of fine potatoes and a good hog.— I saw his father’s Hippah— which was not then inhabited; it had been a large strong place.— I observed several sepulchres within it, some of them are raised above ground, painted, carved, and ornamented with feathers. We breakfasted at this village; killed our hog and roasted him whole for our journey. The Inhabitants were much gratified with our visit, and I made them all small presents of fish-hooks &c.— The chief woman of the village had a little house about a yard square, neatly built, painted, and ornamented with feathers in which she deposited the sacred Food for her God; it stood on a post close to her Hut. We here met a Chief from Towrangha named “Towarroro”. I inquired of him how long we should be in walking to Towrangha and he answered “two days” and that he would attend us.— After breakfast we set off an [sic] about an hour reached the banks of one of the main branches of the Thames, called “O Emananee” above Kowpah. About four miles up this river stands an Hippah upon a very high, stony Hill called “Tipporari”— It commands a very extensive prospect of the Thames, some immense Forests, and Plains, as well as of the Mountains in the rear. It had formerly been a strong place, and was then inhabited. We crossed the river OEmanonee at a ford at the foot of the hill on which Tipparari stands. The ford was breast high, and the stream rapid: four New Zealanders carried me over on their shoulders in safety— they are so accustomed to the water that rivers and swamps present nothing difficult to them, in their long journeys.— I had fourteen Natives (including Chiefs and their servants) with me, so that I was under no apprehensions of meeting impediments, which, with their assistance, I could not overcome. At this point, the country around is very hilly, and covered with timber— some of the trees are exceeding lofty and fine. the woods extend to the right and left of the pathway, further than the eye can reach. OEmanonee runs through a deep chasm in a mountain, at the foot of some very high conical rocks, on the right; and afterwards runs on to the left, towards the coast.— We had to ford this river three times, and our path lay thro the wood directly across the summit of the hill. The wood may be about three miles wide at the place we passed thro’ it— but, of its length, I could form no opinion; as I could see no end to it, even after I had got upon the high clear land, on the opposite side; from which (as the country in rear of the wood is all open) the Hills that encompass Towrangha are clearly to be seen. They appeared to be about sixteen miles distant, situated on the skirts of an intervening plain, which is pretty level,— covered with fern, and completely clear of timber.— In this plain there are a number of natural Springs of water, by the foot of the hills which overlook Towrangha, all sending their tributary streams to the OEmanonee— this river being formed and supplied by the union of these waters. The Natives informed me, that the Spars in the immense wood, opposite to the plain leading to Towrangha, might be floated down the OEmanonee to the Thames:— but, as I had no opportunity of ascertaining the fact; I can say nothing on the subject.— The timber is good, if it can be conveniently procured, should it ever be wanted. The day was far spent, when we reached the plain. We walked on till the sun was nearly set, when we stopt, and prepared for the night.— The servants who had the provisions to carry, were very tired. There were no Huts on the plain, nor any inhabitants: and we were therefore compelled to take up our lodging in the open air. I was very weary having had no rest the preceding night, and having come a long day’s journey, so that I felt that rest would be very acceptable even on a heap of fern, or on any thing else— The peculiar scene, that surrounded me, furnished the mind with new matter for contemplation on the works and ways of God; the mystery of his providence, and the still greater Mystery of his grace, were all unsearchable to me.— I had come from a distant country and was then at the ends of the earth, a solitary individual, resting on an extensive wild, upon which no civilized foot had, ever before, trodden. My companions were poor Savages, who [in pencil - 1820] nevertheless vied with each other in their attention to me— I could not but feel attached to them— what would I have given to have had the Book of life opened, which was yet a sealed book, to them,— to have shewn them that God who made them, and to have led them to Calvary’s mount, that they might see the Redeemer who had shed his precious blood for the redemption of the world, and was there set up as an Ensign for the Nations! But it was not in my power to take the veil from their hearts.— I could only pray for them, and entreat the Father of Mercies to visit them with his Salvation. I felt very grateful that a divine Revelation had been granted to me; that I knew the Son of God had come; and believed, that He had made a full and sufficient sacrifice or Atonement for the sins of a guilty world! With compassionate feelings for my companions, under a grateful sense of my own mercies, I lay down to rest, free from all fear of danger! [in pencil - July] 21st We rose, this morning, at the dawn of day and immediately prepared for our journey. I felt much refreshed from the comfortable rest I had enjoyed.— We walked for two hours, and then sat down, made a fire, and cooked our breakfast— the day was favourable, and, our walk over the plain, pleasant; as the road was tolerably good, except where a few small swamps, produced by the Springs, intervened.— The land in this plain is, for the most part, fit for cultivation, and might easily be wrought by the plough. After we had walked a few miles, we observed five young women coming on towards us, who became alarmed, and turned back, on seeing us,— one of our party ran after, and overtook them, when they stopt till we all came up, and they then informed us that “Aneenee”, one of the head chiefs, was gone on a war expedition to the southward, but, that his wife was at home, and “Aneenee” (a chief with whom Timmorangha had lately been at war.} After answering our inquiries, they started off before us, to inform the people of Towrangha of our coming. When we reached the high hills that overlook Towrangha (which lies about a mile distant between them) I sat down on the summit f one of the highest, to take a view of the Ocean, the islands in sight, and the main land around.— The prospect from this height is truly grand. — I observed one of the islands (distant 15 leagues from the main) sending up immense columns of smoke. I desired Timmorangha to give me some information respecting the islands in sight, the hills on the coast, and in the interior, as far as he knew: He satisfied me on these points, and then gave me an account of his last visit to Towrangha, as follows. “That the last time he came to Towrangha he was on a war expedition, which originated in the following circumstances: Some years before, a niece of his had been taken from “Bream-head” by a Brig from Port Jackson, and afterwards sold to a Chief of Towrangha named “Shewkoree” (who still resides there) and she became his slave. Shewkoree and another chief, named Awarree had some difference when this young woman was killed by A-warree or by some of his tribe, who roasted, and ate her body. Sometime afterwards Timmorangha got information of his Niece’s cruel fate, and felt himself bound to revenge her murder, (in justice to his departed relative and for the honour of his tribe) as soon as he could put himself in a condition to demand satisfaction of “Awarree”. [in pencil - 1820 July 21] About sixteen years elapsed before he thought himself strong enough to attack this Chief. He had also a sister, taken by the same vessel from the Bay of Islands, who was used in a similar manner at a place further to the southward, whose death he had revenged — before that of his niece.— (I mentioned the taking of the women in a former statement.) It was not till January (in the ear I now write of) he mustered a force of 600 men— vizt 200 of his own tribe, 200 from Bay of Islands, and the other 200 from Bream-head ( the last 400 were auxiliaries)— he proceeded, with this force, to Towrangha, and landed on an Island, at the mouth of the Bay. A-warree came out in his Canoe to know what had brought him to Towrangha— Timmorangha replied that, Awarree had killed, roasted and eaten his Niece, and he had come to demand satisfaction for that offence, and wished to know what he was disposed to offer on that account. A-warree said “If that be the object of your expedition, the only satisfaction I will give, will be, to kill, roast, and eat you also.” This gross insult, roused the angry feelings of Timmorangha who instantly appealed to arms, for the settlement of the dispute.— A-warree stated “he was ready and would fight him that day— Timmorangha declined engaging that day, but was most willing to meet him on the day following, to which, the other agreed.— The ground on which they were to meet was settled on;— (it was a level spot opposite to where Captain Cook anchored, as pointed out to me, by Timmorangha)— The Parties met, at the time and place appointed: and, when they had both drawn up their forces respectively:— Timmorangha directed his men not to fire their muskets till he gave the word of command— He had 35 muskets while Awarree depended solely on spears and patooes. Awarree made the first onset with a shower of spears, in which Timmorangha had one of his officers wounded; he then ordered his men to fire and twenty of Awarree’s men dropt dead at the first round; among whom were two chiefs “Newkopanga”, Awarree’s father, and “Koponer”. On the fall of these chiefs, Awarree’s men got into disorder, and ran off the field of Battle. Timmorangha commanded his men to halt and not pursue the flying enemy: saying he was satisfied with the sacrifice made by the death of the two chiefs, and had no wish to shed more blood. His allies were, however, displeased with his lenity: and the chiefs called a council of war, which passed a censure on Timmorangha’s conduct, for not following up the advantae he had gained.— They contended that, if the death of the two chiefs was satisfaction enough, to Timmorangha for the murder of his niece; yet, the gross and unprovoked insult, offered in the most insolent manner by Awaree to Timmorangha, at their first interview,— remained unavenged. And as it was an insult, which no chief ought to endure from another, they recommended to renew the attack. Timmorangha wished first to know how Awaree was disposed who, after the death of his father, might readily come to terms of peace. For this purpose, he left the camp, to gain information of Awaree, who had fled with his men.— Timmorangha fell in with Awarree’s wife, his children, and some of his friends, to the number of thirty in all, and brought them into his camp, under an assurance of personal safety.— He enquired where their Potatoe store houses were— from which (after they were pointed out by Awarree’s wife) he and his men took a supply. He then learned from Awarree’s wife and friends that, Awarree was, by no means inclined for Peace: and, while he and the chiefs of his party were in consultation, next day, it was discovered hat Awarree had rallied his forces, and was actually coming down against them— They flew to arms, made an attack and in a very short time, (by the aid of their muskets) numbers of the enemy were slain— the whole thrown into confusion, routed, and pursued till many were driven into the sea, and perished there.— Between three and four hundred were left dead on the field and about two hundred and sixty taken prisoners of war—— of the latter, two hundred fell to the share of the Chiefs, at the Bay of Islands. (part of them we saw landed at Rangheehoo on 2d March) and the other sixty, to the Chiefs of Bream Head. A-warree was now completely conquered, he fled to the woods with the few men he had left— Timmorangha went in search of him, and when he, at length, discovered his retreat— asked him, if he was now willing to submit, reminding him, at the same time, of the insolent language he had used at their first meeting. Awarree acknowledged he was conquered, and said, he had no Idea that muskets would have produced such effects— and had, till now, dispised them as instruments of war— but, experience convinced him of their efficacy and power, and he therefore submitted. He enquired if Timmorangha could give him any information respecting his wife and children. The other told him they were all safe in the camp and would be delivered over to himself, if he would accompany him for that purpose.— Awarree expressed a grateful sense of Timmorangha’s kindness in sparing their lives: and promptly attended him to the Camp of the Allies— and received them there, in safety, as Timmorangha had promised.— He then observed, that he was much distressed for the death of his father, and solicited some compensation for his great loss.— Timmorangha gave him a Musket, and the other Chiefs made him also some presents which satisfied him— and he returned home with his wife, children and several friends, who had all been preserved under Timmorangha’s word of honour.— The conquerors remained three days on the field of battle, feeding upon the slain: and then sailed with their prisoners of war (taking Awarree’s Canoes also) to the Bay of Islands.— This fleet, of canoes, got to the Bay three days after the “Dromedary” arrived in New Zealand. When I had noted down the foregoing statement, from Timmorangha,— he asked me if I intended to send it to England— I replied in the affirmative.— He said he was afraid, that when these things were publicly [known] in Europe, and he should afterwards go on board an English ship, they would put him to death. I assured him that the custom of eating human flesh was condemned by all nations, and, New Zealanders were dreaded by all Europeans on that account— but, they would not kill him, merely because the habits of his country were bad. (I beg to observe here that I noted these particulars while we sat on the Hill near which the Battle was fought: and on our return to the “Coromandel” I reviewed my notes with Timmorangha by my side in order to have the facts repeated from his own mouth and more correctly set down.)— When we had finished this interesting conversation on the hill, we walked down to the Settlement, and first visited the residence of the Head Chief, “A-nee-nee”, whose wife gave us a cordial reception, and appropriated one of the best Huts for our accommodation, as also a new mat for me to lie on &c. Provisions in abundance for our whole party were immediately got ready; and we spent the evening very pleasantly.— Most of the inhabitants came to see us, composed chiefly of women and children; as a number of the men, had gone to war.— I arranged the children in a row, and gave each of them a fish-hook, which they considered a great present.— I also made Mrs A-nee-nee a present of some edge tools, for her husband’s use when he returned from the war.— As far as I could learn, no ships had been at Towrangha since Captain Cook was there: and I saw an old Chief who remembered seeing that great Navigator.— The people are in great want of tools, of every kind; as no Europeans visit the settlement; though, from the quantity of Potatoes and Pork we saw, ships might easily be supplied with provisions in exchange for the articles required.— We enquired after A-warree, and Mrs A-nee-nee informed us he had gone to war, but, that his brother “Awerree” was at home. These two were the opponents of my friend Timmorangha who had not seen any of them, since the day of battle; and he now urged me to see Awerree in order to make a final reconciliation between them— I promised to do so, in the morning which quieted his mind.— I asked Timmorangha if he was not really afraid that Awerree would take advantage of him, now, that he was alone:— he said— No! but he wished for an opportunity to talk over their past differences and thought if I spoke to that chief, a reconciliation might easily be effected.— 22d— Early in the morning we had a number of visitors— Awerree came in full dress, with a party of his friends,— they sat down in a row, according to their rank; but, they were all strangers to me.— Timmorangha whispered that Awerree had arrived, and pointed him out.— He appeared to be a very stout, well made man; dressed in the costume of his country,— his hair neatly tied up, and in his hand, he held a Patoo (about six feet long)— made of the jawbone of a whale. Timmorangha requested me to take his arm, and walk up with him to Awerree’s seat so as to introduce the subject of his wishes in a convenient manner.— I complied with this request, and having stated to Awerree, that it was my particular desire, as well as that of Timmorangha, to have a proper understanding and a mutual friendship, for the future, established between them; and hoped to find him equally inclined to a reconciliation.— He said he was very willing to meet Timmorangha, on terms of peace.— They then publickly, discussed the subject, and finally settled, or agreed, that Awerree, should send a person of rank to reside with Timmorangha: and that the latter should also send a man of similar rank to live with Awerree.— A speech from Awerree followed, in which he informed the assembly, that there existed no more differences between the two tribes, and that they were to consider each other as mutual friends, in future.— The two chiefs then sat down together as allies, and friends.— Awerree presented me with his Patoopattoo (which I sent by Captain Downie of the ship Coromandel, to the Museum of the Church Missionary Society)— I invited Awerree to see the Coromandel, and made him a present of some necessary tools.— Timmorangha expressed himself much gratified with the observations Awerree had made in his speech to the people; and they both appeared very happy. Awerree excused himself from their accompanying us to the ship; as his wife was near her confinement, and he was unwilling to be absent lest any thing should happen but, that he would afterwards go to the Thames and see the Coromandel, and, in two or three moons, he intended to visit Timmorangha.— I told him that, as they were so much in want of axes, hoes &c, if he would set his people to making mats, and, when made, send them to Timmorangha, who would forward them to me; I would send them tools in exchange. They all highly approved of this proposal, and Timmorangha promised to act as their agent at the Bay of Islands.— I wished to remain with these friendly people two days, but, as the weather appeared before mid-day, to threaten rain, I was apprehensive that, if much fell, we would not be able to ford the river O Emanonee; and I therefore intimated my intention to return without delay— They urged me much to remain a few days but admitted that we could not ford the river, if there was a fall of rain; for which reason, they yielded to my wishes.— We were now furnished with more provisions, by these kind people, than we could either carry or consume, on our journey:— and Mrs Anee-nee, in consequence, sent two slaves to assist in carrying what our servants could not take. On our departure, the people accompanied us up the Hill, with songs and dances.— Here we met a chief and his wife belonging to Tipporari (the Hippah before mentioned) who accompanied us onward.— Before dark we reached that part of the plain, on which we had lodged, and having made a sort of shade of brush wood, to shelter us from the rain (which now began to fall), we remained here all night.— 23rd— As soon as the day returned we prepared again for our journey.—I mist the chief’s wife of Tippovari and her servant woman— on enquiry I found they had gone off very early in order to prepare dinner at their Hippah; the chief having invited us to dinner, as we past.— We reached the Hippah about 2 p.m. by which time, the Lady had prepared a plentiful meal, and had her Slaves ready to attend us.— In this Hippah I observed sveral sepulchres carved, painted, and ornamented with feathers. Some of them must have cost considerable labour— I took particular notice of one, which stood near where we dined, and, on enquiring whose sepulchre it was, I was informed that one of the chiefs wives, who had blown up with Gunpowder, was deposited in it. At the time of our stay here, an old Chief had just died; and a number of people had assembled to mourn over him.— After we had dined we took our leave of the hospitable chief and his wife, and made the best of our way to Awaugh’s residence, where we intended to rest for the night— Awaugh, myself and three of our companions arrived a little after dark— very weary, having had a long day’s journey— We saw none of the rest of our party till day light next morning— they were too fatigued to reach the end of the journey and had rested by the way— 24th— As the tide answered early for going down the river, we took our leave of this fine youth, who seemed to possess every natural endowment for making a great man, and a good member of Society— provided the means of improvement were within his reach.— I invited him to come on board the Coromandel, and he promised to pay me a visit— The distance of his residence from the ship, may be about seventy miles.— After leaving Awaugh we proceeded down the Thames, with a strong tide and stream, arising from the preceding rains, and arrived about midnight at the place, where the men from the ship, were cutting spars.— It had rained heavy during the evening, and still continued so that we were both wet and cold. I found the two Huts, which were erected before I went to Towrangha, had been burnt by accident, and the things I had left, with Mr Emery, consumed in the flames; among these, I regretted the loss of some fine mats. By this accident I was deprived of a place to sleep in, as the hut just put up was too small to afford me any accommodation, and I was therefore compelled to sit up till the return of day.— The Launch-boat from the Coromandel had also come up that evening with provisions for the workmen; and Mr Anderson informed me, it was his intention to proceed, in the morning, to the west side of the river in search of spars. I therefore embraced this opportunity of crossing the river in the Launch, to visit Kiperro.— After a cold wet and uncomfortable night— The morning (of the 25th) returned with a fair wind (but the weather continued stormy and wet)— We sailed in the Launch from the east shore, and got well over to the west side, when we ran up a river (called “Wyeroni”) on which there are a number of small Islands. We anchored under one of them during the night— A Native on board, informed Mr Anderson, that there were some fine spars up a river called the “Wyetematta” which fell into the Wyeroni; and this determined Mr Anderson to run up for the Wyteematta the following day.— 26th We accordingly sailed up that river in the morning with as strong and as fair a breeze as the boat could carry— The Wyteematta is in some places, five and six miles in breadth, and of sufficient depth of water for large ships— This great river runs direct to the west side of New Zealand— At 5 P.M. we anchored in five fathom water, so near the shore, that we tied the Launch to a tree.— There were some very fine spars, but not long enough, for first rate men of war.— I supposed that here, we were not much less than fifty miles from the ship.— We remained here all night and although I now was a considerable way on my route to Kiperro, I felt at a loss how to proceed; for want of a canoe, as we had passed all the villages.— 27th Early this morning we heard the report of three muskets, and soon after observed a canoe, full of Natives, making towards us.— When they came up, we found the party to consist of a Chief from Kiperro, with some of his people, and “Enakkee” a chief of Moguer belonging to a settlement on the west side of the Thames— After informing them of our design in coming up this river,”Kowhow”, the chief of Kiperro, said the land on the Wyeteematta belonged to him but, if any of the timber on it, would answer our purpose, he would readily give it;— observing that there was much more, on other branches of the river— Mr Anderson said he would remain, at the place we occupied, all day, to examine the woods adjoining it, and that he would not go far from Wyeroa for three days; as he intended to visit Magoea before he returned to the Coromandel.— I then inquired how far we were from Kiperra, and whether I could walk there in one day, or not— Kowhow informed me I could walk it in that time, and if I was willing, he would accompany me— Mr Ewels (Government Timber purveyor) said he would join us.— Kowhow therefore ordered thirteen men to prepare the Canoe and to attend us— In a few minutes we left the Launch,— proceeded about eight miles further up the river, and landed at a spot, from which, we could see the high-land Hills on the western shores of New Zealand— apparently at the distance of 18 to 20 miles. We walked, from this spot, very smartly, in order to reach our destination before dark— our road lay through one continued plain— which is free from timber, and has little or no rising ground till it reaches Kiperra.— We had to cross one stream of water, about 8 miles from the place we landed last, which, being too deep to ford, exercised the ingenuity of the Natives to get all over safely: The most active swam across, cut down some spars, and lashed them together; they then made a rope, of native flax, which they fixed to tree roots, on both sides, to serve as a hand rail; & by these contrivances we got safe over.— This stream forms a branch of the Kiperro river: and from it, we dispatched a messenger to Kowhow’s friends to give notice of our approach:— and by sun down, we arrived at the first village, where, a great abundance of sweet Potatoes were provided for our use.— Among other choice food here, a Cat had been roasted, and, as an inducement for us to partake of it, they assured us, it was an English one— this we knew, for we had seen it in a basket during our journey; but we were not, on that account, the more inclined to eat of such a dish.— On our arrival we found the Chief’s brother lying under a shed unable to stand from the wound of a spear, which, I understand, he had received some considerable time before.— Kowhow and two others of our attendants, made great lamentations over him, and wept aloud.— The place where he lay, and some distance round his shed was tabooed.— His wife and a pretty little girl were set apart to attend him; and no other person was permitted to tread upon the sacred ground, excepting myself & Mr Ewels— I sat down by the side of this poor afflicted warrior.— he showed me his thigh, the flesh was wasted away, and he had no power to move it.— We gave him a little tea, which he relished very much— they all seemed to feel much for his affliction. We spent the evening in conversing upon the dreadful calamities of war, and the advantages of Agriculture and Commerce &c.— Subjects, on which, they were anxious to gain instruction.— Kowhow shewed great aversion to war,— reprobated the conduct of many of his country men— Stated how many people of Kiperro, had been destroyed and cut off by war;— that they had been fighting for years with the Napoees, and the tribes in the Bay of Islands, and that the Napoees were then in the districts of Kiperro plundering, and murdering the inhabitants.— I lamented these public calamities, and expressed a hope, that when more Europeans should come to reside among them, an end would be put to such unnatural contests— 28th Next morning Mr Ewels, and a chief accompanied me to the Sand Hills in order to view the western shores, and the ocean in that quarter— We past, on our way, a Hippah situated on a Commanding spot: but the chief told us, it afforded them little protection against their enemies, since the introduction of fire arms, to their country. He shewed us where the balls had been fired upon the Hippah; and remarked that the distance from which they were fired, was too great to throw spears in return, with any effect.— The Sand Hills are very high, and broad, and command a very extensive prospect, on the sea and of the interior.— No vegetation appears on them, and the Sand shifts with the contend[ing] winds. They are several miles in breadth, and extend along the coast, further than the eye can reach, to the right and left of the spot where on we stood. We saw the rivers running from the interior into the harbour of Kiperro, but we could not see the harbour itself nor the entrance into it.— It lay to the northward many miles under the high Lands.— As our time would not allow of visiting the harbour of Kiperro (which would have taken several days) we determined to return to the Wyeteematta immediately, in order to secure a passage in the Launch, to the Coromandel.— On the sand hills we met a young man about 24 years old, of a fair complexion, with light hair— (his Master was with him)— I saw he was a European, or of a European parent, by his countenance and I put the question to his Master, who said, his father was a European and that he had him originally from the Bay of Islands— I wished to redeem him with a view to send him to the Missionary Settlement for instruction, but his Master did not seem willing to part with him.— We now returned to the village where, we found Kowhow and the two young men (who had, on the preceding evening, made such bitter lamentations over the afflicted chief) had been cutting themselves till their faces were covered with blood, and had renewed their mournful cries.— Kowhow requested me to pray to our God for the poor distressed man.— I promised to do so and observed, that there was but one God, and that our God was their God also.— I went up to the sick man’s shed and knelt down— He crept out on his hands and laid himself down on his side, uncovering his thigh, and, laying his hand upon the affected part, looked wistfully at me, as if he thought I had the power to heal him— His conduct called to my recollection what Naaman the Syrian Leper thought of the prophet, namely, that “he (the prophet) would stand and call upon the Lord his God, and strike his hand over the sores and so recover the leper”— The Ideas of the wounded Chief and those of Naaman, appeared to me to bear a great similarity to each other.— After I performed this duty, which deeply impressed my own mind, under the peculiar circumstances, I was called upon to address the Father of all mankind; who is gracious to every man, and whose “tender mercies are over all his works”. I told Kowhow that it was my intention to return that day. He urged me to stay one day more, saying he was very weary, and could not well go back with me, till he had recovered from his fatigue.— I observed, that if I did not go I would lose my passage to the Ship, and should then be deprived of the means to return, as a Canoe could not cross the river in the then unsettled state of the weather.— He saw the force of this argument, and said tho’ he was tired, he would go back with us, and we immediately took leave of the sick chief, and his people; and proceeded on our journey— Several Slaves were sent to carry potatoes for our use.— The wind was very strong and blew right in our faces, which, as the plain was quite open, rendered our walk very unpleasant. Just at dark we arrived at the wharf where we had, before, left the canoe.— It now began to rain, and continued to blow very hard; and, as we had no tents, we made the best screen we could, of the fern, and so remained till morning, tho’ the cold and rain, gave us but little rest. From the tempestuous night the Natives frequently informed us that we should not be able to get down the river, as the water would be too rough. 30th— When the day returned, we had no prospect of leaving our uncomfortable quarters, as the storm continued violent.— About 8 A.M., however, the weather began to moderate, and we purposed to embark.— We had a set of very fine young men to manage the Canoe, on whom we, at length, prevailed to venture— We had appointed to meet Mr Anderson, at Magoer, that evening— which was about thirty miles distant. Kowhow repeatedly said, we would not reach Magoer before the following day, (the water being so very rough & the wind against us)— But, after pulling very hard for three hours, we got sight of the Launch which animated our crew, and inspired them with fresh courage— they now exerted all their Strength to reach her— she was, however, too far off and labour was in vain: for, in the afternoon the wind increased with a heavy high Sea which compelled us to make for the shore.— We then inquired if we could go by land to Magoea: the Natives said we could, but, it was too far to walk: we resolved however to try our strength, and we ultimately succeeded in getting to Magoer that evening, where we met our friends, and took up our Lodgings in the Launch— and, tho’ a boat does not afford the best accommodation for weary travellers, we enjoyed the pleasure of some gratulatory meetings, with a grateful sense of many mercies.— 31st— This morning I felt myself much refreshed and the first business I attended to, was the paying of the Chief of Kiperro and his men, for their kind attention to us— This I did by giving them Axes, plane Irons &c to their great satisfaction as they never possessed so much wealth before.— Kowhow requested he might be permitted to visit the Coromandel, I asked Mr Anderson’s permission to take him which he kindly granted.— As soon as the supplies of potatoes &c (purchased by Mr A.) were put into the Launch, we sailed from Magoea. “E-nak-kee”, the chief who was at war with Tippoohee, accompanied us. I promised Tippoohee, that I would use my influence with Enakkee, to bring about a reconciliation between them; which I hoped to accomplish when I got the latter on board the Coromandel.— Tho’ we sailed early, night came on before we got out of the Wyeroa, into the Thames: and we therefore anchored under one of the Islands for the night. Aug: 1st. This morning it rained and blew hard, and the atmosphere was so dark and cloudy that we could not see the high land on the opposite shore of the Thames. After breakfast, we made sail for the ship, with a fair wind, and arrived on board, about 3 p.m.— I had been 21 days from the Coromandel during which I had slept in my clothes and generally in the open air, or in a canoe or boat, and the weather, for the most part of the time, had been wet and Stormy— I had also crossed many swamps, creeks, and rivers, from Towrangha on the east side, to Kiperro on the west— Yet, during the whole time, (through the kind providence of God) I was preserved in health, and met with no accident, nor any unpleasant circumstance to annoy me— on the contrary, I had been highly gratified with the journey, and returned to the Coromandel in health and safety— I hope my visit to the different tribes may prove a means of future good— I endeavoured in every place, to explain the true nature of the Deity to the Natives— namely, that there is but one true and living God, who made all things, and upholds them by his power.— And that our God is also their God.— That the tabooing of themselves, their houses, Fires, food, and all other things, could neither heal their wounds, preserve them from danger and death, nor restore them to health, when sick: but that our God, tho’ they knew him not, could do all these things for them— They all wished for Europeans to reside among them: and, my constant companion Timmorangha strongly recommended the chiefs every where, to leave off fighting— reminding them how often their wives and children were deprived of food, by the destruction of the potatoe crops in their mutual contests and from the same cause many wives were left widows and their children fatherless.— The usual reply is that they are aware of the miseries brought on by war, but that some chiefs would never give over fighting— Their fathers and forefathers were all fighting men— I have no doubt, however, but these partially discussed subjects will occasionally lead to useful reflection and bring on conversations tending to enlighten and enlarge their minds.— Being once more on board the Coromandel and having got Enakkee with me, I wished to fulfil my promise to Tippoohee, by an effort to reconcile the parties. I therefore requested Enakkee to acquaint me with the cause of quarrel between them— He stated (as he had done once before) that his father had been on the east side of the Thames in his canoe, which was upset in a squall, and he, as well as his crew, were drowned.— He, Enakkee, subsequently learned, that the bodies had drifted on shore, and were taken up and eaten by Tippoohee and his tribe:— for the insult, thus offered, to the remains of his father and friends he had declared against Tippoohee. I admitted that: if such was the fact of the case, Tippoohee’s conduct was very bad:— but their killing one another would only increase the calamity: and I wished him to meet Tippoohee on board: and we should hear what he had to say on the charge prefered [sic] against him.— Enakkee consented: and, next morning, Captn Downie was so kind as to send Mr Anderson in his boat, for Tippohee, who came off with him on the following day.— When Enakkee saw Tippoohee approaching the ship, he instantly took a canoe and went on shore and I feared he would not again return— When Tippoohee arrived, I informed him of what Enakkee alleged against him— He said he knew that Enakkee charged him and his tribe with finding, and eating the persons alluded to— but, the charge was groundless as the bodies were destroyed in the water; and never came to the shore: that the false report was made to Enakkee, by the Areakee, out of revenge, in consequence of a quarrel between the Arekee’s people and his (Tippoohee’s) men about cockles and thatch, in which case, each chief justified his own tribe: and the Arakee propagated this malicious report— which caused Enakkee to declare war on him in which, a brother of his own, and several people had already been killed.— Tippoohee did not think that Enakkee would return, or come to any accommodation with him— Enakkee, however, did return about an hour afterwards; and, when he came on deck, sat down opposite to Tippoohee, who also was sitting; but, neither of them spoke for a considerable time.— I was going to address them, when Timmorangha requested me not to interfere then, but leave them to their own feelings.— Their looks portrayed contending passions, and when, at last, they broke silence; it was in a sneering, contemptuous manner, which gradually increased to open reproachful terms, till they mutually advanced to each other in apparent rage, as if they were about coming to blows.— Timmorangha and Towreka (who were also on deck) put in a word now and then, between them, the effects of which, we did not perceive— till they became more cool,— and at length a reconciliation took place; when, Captain Downie invited them both into the cabin, where they eat and drank together as friends, to the great satisfaction of all present.— I was informed by Captain Downie (after my return to the ship) that Arekee was going to kill “Amoppa” (a subordinate chief of the Bay) and take his head off, for stealing a mat from the Arekee’s son. This intelligence as confirmed by Towretta, who said that the Arekee had, for several days past, been preparing spears, and other instruments of war, for that purpose.— Amoppa came and begged me to intercede with the Arekee on his behalf— and I therefore requested Towretta to go to the Arekee, with a message from me, conveying my earnest desire for peace between them; and to use all his own (Towretta’s) influence to bring about an accommodation, before any battle took place. A few days after, I received a reply from the Arekee, thro’ Towretta and Timmorangha to say that, he would not put Amoppa to death; but that their difference must be settled at a public meeting.— Early on the morning of the 11th (before I was up) Amoppa called at my cabin window to inform me that the meeting between the Arekee and him, was to take place that day; and requested I would attend.— Mr Hume, the Surgeon, Mr Hilliard, the captain’s clerk, and Mr James Downie accompanied me (after breakfast) in one of the Ship’s boats; and Amoppa who had remained alongside, followed us, with his Native friends, in 16 Canoes. The Arekee was at the head of the cove, three miles off, and prepared to receive us. Amoppa’s men were all armed, as were also those of the Arekee, some with muskets, and others, with the usual Native weapons. Amoppa drew up his canoes in a line— when his men leaped into the water, all naked, and ran in a close body towards the Beach, like so many furies, with their spears ready for an attack.— After they had gone through their military evolutions, and war dance; the Arekee’s party went through a similar ceremony, ending as usual, with the war dance. The offence alleged against Amoppa was then publicly discussed by the leading men of both sides.— Some spoke with great warmth and feeling, while, the principal interested parties listened attentively to the speakers, who made lengthy speeches.— We understood the conclusion they came to at last, was, tht Amoppa should give the Arekee a canoe, and one Slave, as an atonement for his crime.— Thus all differences among the Chiefs, at the Thames, were adjusted and mutual harmony again restored.— I now determined on leaving the Thames the following day, as I had given up all hopes of the Schooner’s arrival; Enakkee promised to furnish me with a good Canoe and to go with me to the Bay of Islands.— I was very happy that no differences had, as yet, taken place between the Europeans of the ship, and the Natives: and I hoped that a good understanding would continue while the Coromandel remained.— When we had got on board (after witnessing the foregoing transaction) Timmorangha came, in great agitation, to acquaint me, that when he was at the Thames, on a former occasion, a chief had then given him a Maree (one of the war instruments) to sell for him and to get him an axe in return— this instrument was made of Talc, which they highly value. Timmorangha got only a small tomahawk for it, which he considered to be, much below its real value.— The chief (who employed him) was very angry; and sent him notice, that if he did not procure an axe, the Priest should be engaged to kill him by incantation. Poor Timmorangha wished to assure me, that he would surely die, if the Chief put his threat in execution; and begged an axe to save his life.— I endeavoured to convince him of the absurdity of such a notion; but to no purpose, he still persisted that he would die; maintaining that the Priest possessed such power, and, the better to convince me of this Idea, he drew the supposed lines of incantation upon the deck, to show how the operation was performed.— He also said, that the chief’s Messenger was waiting alongside for his answer.— Finding it useless to argue the case further with him; I gave the axe, which with the greatest joy, he delivered to the messenger with a request that the, aforesaid, chief would be satisfied and proceed no further against him.— Such are the Strong Chains of superstition, with which the Prince of darkness binds these poor heathen captives.— What an infinite blessing will divine revelation be, to the Inhabitants of New Zealand, when its glorious light, shall have broken in upon them.— At present their minds are tormented, by the most painful (but groundless) fears— on the slightest occurrences which they deem offensive to their false God: and their bodies also suffer severely, from their ceremonial observances of superstitious rites— from the influence which Satan exercises over their minds.— I have known a Native to say that his God would kill him, because I had simply taken some of his fire, to kindle another— (without knowing myself that such an action could possibly hurt his mind) and I am persuaded that he firmly believed such would be his end, from the agitated state in which he appeared— yet, strange to say, that very man thought it no offence or crime (under certain circumstances) to kill and eat his fellow creatures.— I never met a New Zealander, that did not consider (his) God, as a vindictive Being— ready at all times to punish and afflict them— especially if guilty of any neglect or omission in their sacred rites. Hence they labour to avert his anger by every species of self denial and mortification— One Chief, I had known, burnt down his house, which had been neatly built, and ornamented with carved work, in hopes of appeasing the anger of his God.— I had visited him (before that occurrence) and admired the neatness and beauty of his premises: but, on my going a second time to the place, not a vestage remained, and I then learned, the fact here related— namely, that his house was sacrificed to Pacify his God. On the morning of the 12th I took leave of Captain Downie and proceeded in the Launch to the western side of the Thames which, in the place opposite to the anchorage of the ship, was about 15 miles broad— I intended, after crossing here, to go on to Mogoae (before mentioned) there to procure a canoe; and then proceed to Bay of Islands. On stepping into the Launch, from the ship, for the journey proposed, I observed a woman coiled up under a mat, and was informed, she was the wife of a Chief who had gone to War; and that she had formed an attachment to Timmorangha, and had a design to accompany him to Bay of Islands.— I immediately requested Mr Anderson (the 2d Master) to order this Lady out of the Launch and told Timmorangha that no women of her character would be allowed to go with me.— She was another man’s wife and must be left behind at her proper home: lest that, when her husband returned and found her gone, he should blame the Europeans.— Timmorangha made no objections to her being put out of the Boat; he said it was her own wish to go with him.— She was then ordered out, but she would not move: and the sailors were directed to put her out by force— she made all the resistence in her power, but, was at length put into a canoe, and the Launch immediately moved off— We had scarcely got two hundred yards from the ship, when we observed this Lady swimming after us, making every exertion to reach the Launch— Timmorangha was much agitated now, called out to me that she would be drowned, and begged the Boat might be put back, to save her life. I again told him she was a bad character, and we would not put back for her; and that he need not be alarmed, for she would return to the ship, when she found her efforts to gain the Launch were in vain.— She soon saw herself losing ground very fast, and we observed her return towards the Coromandel, which relieved Timmarangha of his anxiety. Our passage across the Thames was very pleasant, and we anchored at Mogoea, the same evening, which is between forty and fifty miles distance from the ship. As it was near midnight when we arrived, I remained on board till morning tho’ it was very cold. Enakkee (one of the principal chiefs of Mogoea) had accompanied us with an intention of conveying me in his canoe to the Bay of Islands.— 13th This morning Enakkee’s son with several of the Natives came off to the Launch, which lay about four miles from the settlement; when his father went on shore.— Enakkee is a great warrior, and a very fine, tall, and handsome man, who has been in many actions. Mr Anderson and I had the curiosity to count the scars on his body, received through spear wounds &c— they amounted to fifty; one of his front teeth had been knocked out, and another broke by a Patoo-patoo. After breakfast, Mr Anderson, accompanied me to Morgaea— It us a very populous settlement and contains the finest race of people, I had seen in New Zealand. They are very healthy, and their houses better, than most I had met with.— Their Stores are full of Potatoes, containing some thousands of Bushels; and they had also very fine hogs. The soil is uncommonly rich, and easily cultivated— The women and children were numerous but, most of the fighting men had gone on a war expedition to the Southwards. After visiting the different chiefs I returned on board the Launch for my Luggage: and, on landing again, Enakkee provided a good Hut for me, and my Native companions, and he also plentifully supplied us with such food as they had. I met here two chiefs from Kiperra one of whom, was considered a great priest his name was “Moodeeokow” and the other’s “Arvye”. They expressed regret that they had not seen me at Kiperro, when I was there, observing that a number of people had assembled, at the place I had stopt at, in that village, in hopes of seeing me, before I left; but were grieved and disappointed on finding that I had gone to the ship. I endeavoured to convince them, I was as much disappointed as they could be— because I wished to have seen them all, if my time had permitted.— The Priest appeared to be of a remarkable mild disposition, and so was the other chief, we spent the evening in agreeable conversation on various subjects.— The Hut I occupied was crowded with the Natives, and a great number stood round the outside. I told Enakkee that I wished to sail for Bay of Islands early next morning— He said this would be impossible as the canoe would require a thorough repair, before he could venture to sea at this season of the year; and that it would take two days to make her ready.— This information was very mortifying to me, as I was anxious to return in time, lest I should lose my passage in the schooner should she come again to the Dromedary. I however had no alternative, and was compelled to submit to the necessity of my Situation. On the morning of the 14th I accompanied Enakkee, some other chiefs and workmen, to examine the canoe, and set about the necessary repairs. The canoe was about 60 feet long, and very commodious, being designed for war. Enakkee and his men, set immediately to work. They took it all to pieces, in order to make it as strong and complete, as it was on the first day it was Launched.— In the course of the day we were visited by several Chiefs from remote parts of the Southward Settlements, several of them lent their assistance in repairing the canoe, so that by the evening they had put a great part of her together again. The weather was so wet and stormy, that, if the canoe had been ready we could not have then put to sea. I past part of the day in walking through the Potatoe grounds on which a number of slaves were at work. Near the settlement there is a very high Hill, which commands a very extensive prospect.— Its top and sides have every appearance of its having been the production of some volcanic eruption. On the east side, the flat land, for the distance of nearly a mile, is covered with stones of various dimensions, very hard, of a dark grey colour, and full of holes.— Some of them appear very much burnt. The soil among the stones, and where there are none, is a very rich dark brown loam, and fit for all the purposes of vegetation. Agriculture, by the plough might be carried on here to a considerable extent, as a pair of horses would easily work the greater part of the ground. They have no grain of any kind. Sweet and common potatoes, Turnips, and Cabbages constitute their principal food.— After I had returned from my walk and the Natives from their Labour, the evening was spent till a late hour, in conversing on Agriculture, commerce, and civil Government- Religion &c.— Subjects, they seem anxious to understand.— 15th — Enakkee and his people worked on at the Canoe and by the evening, (with constant labour) they had her repaired, neatly painted, and all finished, excepting a few ornaments of Feathers for the head and stern.— The weather was very stormy, and, from all appearance, was likely to continue so. Enakkee informed me, that I might not be able to put to sea for a month or more, on account of the weather.— This news I was not prepared to hear, and it made me fearful of losing my passage to Port Jackson— and I had besides only a few days provisions. I therefore resolved to walk to the Bay of Islands, and to leave Mogoea the following day, for that purpose. I communicated my intention to Enakkee, and wished to know from him, which way I should travel. He and all the other chiefs informed me, that I could not make my way to [the] Bay of Islands on the east side of New Zealand as the sea shore in many places was composed of nothing but high impassable rocks— neither could I cross the rivers, nor head the Bays which ran into the sea, on that side. That, if I was determined to go, I must take my route by Kiperra on the west side, and strike off into the interior of the country in order to head the main rivers or Bays. My companion, Timmorangha, said, he would accompany me, and when we had made the western shore, we could pass up a river called “Wyeroa” to a settlement named “Monyakaiea” which would bring us within three or four days’ walk of the Missionary station, at Kiddeekiddee.— He further observed that the road from Monyakaiea, at this season of the ear, would be very difficult to travel on account of the heavy rains— that we should have a number of swamps to wade through, and one river, which, in rainy weather, was both deep and rapid.— The swamps I did not think any thing of but, the river which we should have to pass six times presented a difficulty I did not know how to overcome, as I could not swim— Timmorangha said they could carry me across it in a Hammock, as they carried the wounded from the field of Battle. This removed my objections in a moment, and I resolved to proceed without delay.— As Enakkee had prepared the canoe solely for my use, I thought it but just to pay him and his people for their labour— I therefore called them together; and delivered into his hands the whole payment, that he might satisfy every man according to his rank and ability. They were all much pleased— Enakkee said, if I would only stay till the weather would allow him to put to Sea, he would man the Canoe with the ablest of his people and accompany me to the Bay of Islands and afterwards make me a present of the Canoe— I thanked him for his kindness but, could not accept his offer on account of the delay.— After all matters were finally arranged, we retired to rest.— 16th No prospect of a change in the weather this morning— The wind blew strong, accompanied with light rain. After breakfast, I collected my luggage, and opened my sea chest, to show Enakkee every article it contained, as I could not take it with me. I left it and some other articles, which he promised to bring to the Bay of Islands, when the weather permitted. I had received every attention from these people, and the chiefs assured me, that, if the Active or any other vessel touched at their settlements, they would pay every attention to the people who might be on board of them. It was this tribe that had the contest with the “Brothers” and “Trial” (two Brigs from Port Jackson) near Towrangha some years back, when six Europeans were killed, and (as they informed me) about 200 of them were shot.— The quarrel originated in some difference between the Masters of the vessels, and the Chiefs. The Natives were near cutting them both off: and one of the head chiefs was shot dead— his son, who stated the circumstances to me, was also wounded on that occasion, and another had a ball still remaining in his arm from that affair.— The Chiefs belonging to Kiperro, had remained with me at Magoea, and were greatly rejoiced, that I had determined to pass thro’ their district, on my way to the Bay of Islands, and told me that they and their Servants would attend me to Kiperro. I now took my leave of these hospitable heathens (of Mogoea) hoping that the period was not far distant, when their vallies would be covered with corn, and the voice of true joy and gladness, be heard in their dreary dwellings; which have so long been the abode of darkness, superstition, and death! On leaving Magoea we crossed a neck of land to the river Wyeteematta (described in a former journey) and came to the wharf where the Chiefs had left their canoe. It had been taken away, and one of the slaves was dispatched to the next village to procure another.— He returned in about an hour after, with a very fine canoe, and several men— I agreed with the owner to take us up to the head of the river (above 20 miles) which proved an unpleasant trip.— The wind was high and strong, the water rough and agitated, in consequence of its great breadth, and a strong tide, which compelled us to keep in shore. It was dark before we reached the head of the river: and being very wet and cold, and having no huts or tents to shelter us; the Natives made a fire on the shore; and we remained in this uncomfortable situation all night. 17th We proceeded on our journey, by the dawn of day, and after walking two hours, sat down to breakfast near a fresh water stream, and then continued our journey till we came to the first village, in the district of Kiperro (where I had spent one night in my former jaunt)— It was then about 2 p.m. and the Chief pressed me to stay till the following day. All my companions were tired, but I wished to go a few miles further towards Kiperro river, and it was with difficulty I prevailed on one chief to go with me, as they inclined to remain all night where they were.— Awye, the Kiperro chief, came with me, and I left the remainder of the party— We walked very fast over the Hill (alluded to before) and in three hours’ time came to a small fresh water lake, at the extremity of a wood, near a few Huts in which we found a Chief, his wife, and a few slaves. They were a very fine couple, and appeared to have been newly married.— The chief’s name was “Apoo”. He immediately got some fine potatoes dressed for us.— Fern root, Potatoes, and some wild fruit resembling the olive; appear to be all their articles of food.— The Hut was clean and neat & the floor was covered with a clean mat— They were all astonished to see me, as I believe, none of them had ever seen a white person before— We found it convenient to remain here all night and I had my wet clothes taken off, dried and put on again.— The chief was just beginning to clear a part of the wood for cultivation; which, as they have no proper tools, must be a most laborious operation. Being much fatigued, by the long walk and bad weather, I took some refreshment, and lay down to rest, wrapt up in my great coat, under the Guardian care of Him who keepeth Israel— After I had been here a while, my companions dropt in one after the other, till they all arrived. Apoo supplied them all with plenty of food (such as it was) and they also retired to rest. 18th— As soon as day appeared, we prepared to lave this sequestered spot:— for miles around which, no human habitation was to be seen.— Apoo and his wife proposed to accompany us.— We past the beautiful little lake, and ascended the rising Sand Hills, which are soft, and loose like mountains of snow. There is not a tree, or shrub or any sort of vegetation for a long distance to break the stormy Blast, so that the Sand is continualy drifted about in heaps according to the wind.— There are no foot paths, or tracks in any direction to guide the weary traveller, whose footsteps, however deep, are instantly erased by the rolling sand.— As we crossed these hills and vallies of sand, we had now and then a very extensive view of the western Ocean on the one hand, and of the rivers which flow from the interior, on the other.— After two hours travelling we reached the head of a valley situated at the foot of one of the Sand hills.— In this valley stood Awye’s village, to which he had dispatched a messenger to inform his wife of my coming, & on getting to the village we found a number of people assembled, and waiting to see us— Awye’s wife, daughters, and slaves were full dressed, that is, clothed in their best mats and their heads ornamented with feathers— They had prepared a great quantity of sweet and common potatoes, Fern roots (which are about the size of small turnips, and of which they are very fond). A shed had also been prepared and covered with clean fern straw, for us to sit on.— Here the Natives had a great feast, according to their custom.— There was a portion for me, another for Timmorangha and the party who constantly attended me,— dressed and placed before us, in small baskets.— In this manner, the whole was divided into parts: and after eating their fill, the surplus of each portion, was deposited in the baskets, in which they were respectively served, for the purpose of carrying it away; for, it is an invariable custom with the New Zealanders, when they visit each other, to take with them, what they cannot eat. The children were greatly alarmed and terrified, at my entrance into the village. They shrieked aloud, ran every where to hide themselves; screaming with all their might— one alarmed another of them, till terror spread thro’ the whole— If I had come from the invisible world, they could not have been more frightened.— The terrific impression upon their infant minds, at the first sight of a white person, was so strong as not to be removed by any attention on my part during my stay among them— Tho’ some of them attended me, with their parents, in my several visits— yet, if they caught my eye, but accidentily fixed on them they shrieked aloud, and nothing on my part could pacify them.— I had not met any thing like it before, in New Zealand: as their children in general, are open, free and familiar; anxious to show every little attention in their power, to strangers— There can be no finer children, than those of this Island, in the world.— Their Parents are very indulgent, and they always appear cheerful, playful and happy and they are also very active and intelligent considering the circumstances under which they are placed.— After stopping a few hours with Awye and his friends, it was proposed that I should dine at the next village, where two great chiefs resided— namely “Amoka” and “Mowetta” the latter was reckoned a great warrior.— Every party, or individual, packed up the shares respectively of what remained of his or their provisions into the several baskets provided (as before stated) and we marched off to the village alluded to (about 3 or 4 miles’ walk). Our company now amounted to about fifty, including Apoo and his wife, the Priest and Awye.— We past through some very rich but hilly land: a number of slaves were preparing the ground for potatoes. When we came in sight of the place, the chiefs and their friends appeared ready to receive us, and we were hailed with loud acclamations.— The usual introductions and salutations being over, we all sat down in a shed: and shortly after I was seated, a chief presented me with a Cat, suspended from a long spear, by a cord; but not quite dead— I understood, he intended it to be dressed, as a delicacy, for my dinner— I told him that white people never eat cats nor dogs— that these were tabooed Animals, and never used as an article of food by Europeans.— He immediately took the cat away: and they all seemed to think it strange, that we did not eat such things, as they deemed the most choice food— I told them we eat other animals which they have not seen, and that we also used the Hog for that purpose. I was afterwards presented with a large fat hog which Timmorangha killed in the English way, and his servants dressed it in the same manner— It was hung up on a tree as clean, as if it had been prepared for an English market. The New Zealanders do not kill their hogs by bleeding, but by a blow on the scull, and holding the head under water till the animal is strangled.— A number of chiefs soon assembled at this place, among whom was one named “Moodepangee” who is considered one of the greatest warriors in New Zealand.— I had often heard of him, from Duaterra, Tooi, and others He has been the rival of Shunghee and his tribe, for about twenty years.— Before the “Boyd” was taken at Whangaroa in 1809 Shunghee went against Moodeepanga with a great force— Moodeepanga defeated him,— Slew two of his brothers, wounded himself,— killed the greater part of his officers and men, and compelled him to save his life by flight.— The Chiefs on the south side of the Bay of Islands united their forces, after this, and went against Moodeepanga.— As they relied more upon their muskets than on their ordinary weapons of war Moodeepanga out generaled them, in the following manner. When the two armies met in the field; Moodeepanga, knowing that his enemy had muskets, directed his men, to wait the advance of their opponents and when they were on the point of firing, to lie flat on the ground, until the muskets were discharged, and then rise up and rush upon them. This Stratagem succeeded, the enemy’s shot passed over his men without doing injury; and they instantly rushed upon them, threw the whole into disorder, and killed a number of their Chiefs; among whom were the Fathers of Wevea and King George— The Chiefs that escaped saved themselves by flight and returned home with only fifteen of their men; the rest were either killed or taken prisoners.— I have often heard the chiefs, who had escaped, speak of that Battle.— My friend Timmorangha has attended four war expeditions against Kiperra, in two of which he was defeated, and many of his friends slain, among whom was his Grandfather who, after being killed, was roasted and eaten (as a mental gratification) by the conquerors— Tho’ Timmorangha has been at war with most of the chiefs in these districts yet, he was treated with great respect where ever we came.— The different Battles— the places where they were fought,— who conquered, and who fell, as also what had been done with the bodies of the chiefs &c were frequent subjects of conversation. I met no family who had not had some members or branches of it, killed in Battle, and afterwards eaten by the enemy.— If any Chief fall into the hands of a tribe which he has opposed or injured, he is sure to be roasted and eaten: and after his flesh is devoured, his bones will be preserved in the family as a memento of his note or rank— and be converted into fish-hooks, whistles or ornaments. The custom of eating their enemies is universal in the Island, but, its origin is too ancient to be traced— It is a subject of constant conversation with the principal families, I have visited, and tho’ they generally speak of it with a degree of horror and disgust— yet they expect this will be their fate in the end; as it has been that of their forefathers.— Wherever I heard the subject broached, I represented (to the parties), how much their national character suffered in the opinion of civilized nations from this horrid custom:— that, as no such thing was allowed in other countries, the whole world looked on the practice with abhorrence.— Many of them regretted it, as an evil to their country— saying that when their people knew better, they would do away with it,— observing also, that it was no new thing, it had always been practised in New Zealand.— If the head of a tribe be killed and eaten, the survivers (of that tribe) consider it the greatest disgrace which could befall them: and they, therefore, take the first opportunity to retaliate in the same way: which keeps up a continual animosity among them, and war, therefore, becomes their chief study, and most important trade. All these matters were, at this time, fully discussed between me, Moodeepangee, and the other chiefs, many of them are very intelligent men.— Moodeepangee is a man of very quick perceptions, and his mind was alive to every observation.— His person of the middle stature— very dark complexion,— a fiery, keen and penetrating eye.— He appeared about 50 years of age: and from the expression of his countenance, and manly deportment, he cannot fail of commanding respect among his country men.— I had heard so much said of him for years; that meeting him thus was, to me, a great pleasure and satisfaction. he said, his residence was at some distance, but that he had come to pay his respects to me, as soon as he had heard of my arrival, and hoped he would see me at his village also— I told him how much I felt obliged by his marked attention, and that I would endeavour to pay him a visit on the following day.— Our conversation continued till dinner was anounced, when more than eighty persons arranged themselves on the ground, according to Rank.— The slaves placed a certain number of baskets of provisions before each family: and when all were satisfied, each family or person packed up what remained, into their baskets respectively for future use— as before observed. We resumed our conversation after dinner, on Religion, Government, and commerce &c— Superstition has a most unaccountable influence over this people.— Trees, old stumps of trees, every kind of rubbish, as well as their Huts and fires were tabooed, or made sacred in a peculiar manner which requires all their care and attention to preserve.— They dreaded lest any part of the things allotted to me should touch their tabooed articles, which (as they believe and affirm) would cause their death:— on in their own words, “Their God would kill them.”— The Chiefs and their wives here, were (at this time) tabooed— They dared not touch any article of food with their own hands, and, if no one was at hand to serve them when they wished to eat, they were obliged to lie down, or stoop to the ground, in order to pick it up with their mouths. As the Principal Priest, Moodeakow had continued with me, from the time I first met him at Magoea; I took this opportunity of speaking to him, on the subject of “tabooing”: and began by observing, that, the people here endured great, and unnecessary privations from mistaken notions of the Deity— That there was but one true God, who had made them, as well as the white people— who is so just and good, as not to require any thing of us, but what is really for our own welfare and happiness: and He would not therefore be angry with them, for eating their food with their own hands; for it was for such purposes he had given them hands, and, if he had not intended, these members of the body to perform all offices to the body— he would not have made them hands at all— Neither would he be angry with them for drinking water out of my cup, or any other vessel,— or for roasting a potatoe at my fire— or on account of me doing so and so at their fires, or at other tabooed things &c. That they might also eat in their houses freely, without giving offence to God— I then remarked that “Pomare”, King of Otaheite, at one time, tabooed every thing as they did, but he had lately laid aside this absurd and injurious custom; and now acted, in this respect, like the white people— yet, God was not angry with him, nor has he caused him, or his people, to die, on that account. Neither will God be angry with the New Zealanders, if they now do the same. They heard me with apparent surprise, and asked me a number of pertinent questions; which, I answered generally, by stating, what God wished them to do; and what he had forbidden.— That he would be angry with them for stealing potatoes, pork or any other article from each other, or from strangers— for murdering and eating one another and for seducing wives from their husbands &c.— These were some of the crimes which would cause God to be angry, and to punish them.— They readily admitted the criminality of such acts:— but, believed that our God and their God were very different Beings saying that I might violate their taboos by eating in their houses, cooking at their fires &c their God would not punish me; but, He would kill them for my offence.— I then asked them if they knew any thing of the God of Kiperra, or had any direct communication with him.— They replied that they often heard him whistle, in a low note.— I also asked Moodeeokow if he, as their priest, had any immediate communication with their Deity; and he likewise said, that he had heard him whistle; and he had tried to imitate the note that he had heard:— I replied, that I could not credit what they had asserted unless I heard Him myself. They, however, maintained it to be a fact, saying that, all the inhabitants of New Zealand knew it to be true— I told the Priest I still doubted the circumstance, and except I was to hear him myself, I could not believe that either he, himself, or any other person had really and personally heard such a thing, as the whistle of the Attua. (God) and that I wished to accompany him to any place where I might hear the communication between him and the Attua:— He said the Attua was in the bush and I could not hear him— I offered to attend him into the bush; but, when he came to be very closely pressed, he acknowledged they had no God at Kiperra; & said he had heard there was a God at “Shukee-Haiga” but none other and requested I would give him one of my Gods and he would put him in a box, that he might always have him, with himself.— I had never seen any household God, nor had I ever before heard that the New Zealanders had any idea of a material God:— and I therefore told him there was but one only true and living God who had made the world and all things therein; and were I to make him a God— he would be made of wood or some other material substance which could be easily burned or otherways destroyed— and consequently of no benefit to any man.— They all smiled at the idea of burning a God, and evidently saw the absurdity of having, or worshipping a material God.— Whether Satan be permitted, as the God of this world, to practise oral deception, and by such means, maintain the dark Superstitions, which pervade the minds of these poor heathens; a[nd] so support his spiritual dominion over these benighted lands, I cannot tell! But, I have met with no New Zealander, even the most enlightened, who do not firmly believe, that their Priests have some direct communication with their God— and, as before observed, many of their Priests and others have told me, that they have personally hard such communications— which, considering their truth and integrity in other matters, is something surprising.- This is, however, a subject of such a mysterious nature, that I cannot make up my mind to believe, or disbelieve a circumstance so generally credited in this Island: Nor can I pretend to know, how far the Agency of Satan may extend over a barbarous, uncivilized people, who have no law, human or divine, to restrain the corrupt passions of men!— This I am fully convinced of, that in all regular civil Governments, where wholesome laws restrain men’s turbulent passions; that the secret Agency of the evil Spirit, who worketh in the hearts of the children of disobedience, is greatly restrained, and the force of his wicked instigations, weakened, and, under the divine blessing, counteracted by means of such laws.— I have dropt these remarks, as they occurred to me, at the moment, and shall now go on with my narrative.— We continued conversing on the foregoing subjects, till late in the evening— Timmorangha said there were too many Priests in the Island, and that they prayed and tabooed the people to death— He then related what happened to himself, when going with me to Towrangha (as before stated) observing that tho’ the priest said, if he, Timmorangha, went to Towrangha, the Attua would kill him in four days after (and that the God himself communicated this sad sentence) however, he, Timmorangha, did go to Towrangha, and is yet well and among them, as an evidence of the priest’s false prediction.— Tho’ Timmorangha spoke against tabooing, his own mind was greatly fettered by superstition: he could not admit that our God was their God, and frequently urged that our God was good, and we did not require the taboo &c— He also explained to the company the habits, manners, and customs he had observed among the Europeans, as also their religion, as far as he was able.— He was intelligent and of considerable observation.— and, Having resided with me at Parramatta for some time, he had gained considerable knowledge.— When my observations pressed hard on the Superstitions of his country, he would observe “When you send Missionaries to Kiperra the people will learn better, and lay aside the “taboo” and other bad habits.” Having had mutual pleasure in these discussions till near midnight— we retired to rest— but the Natives did not let me have much sleep, as one after another continued to ask me questions on the subjects of our previous discourse— 19th After breakfast I proposed to return the visit of Moodeepangee— Several of the principal chiefs accompanied me, and an hour afterwards we reached the residence of Moodeepangee’s son “Kahoo”, he was happy to see us, and wished us to dine with him— to which I had no objection, (Having devoted this day solely to visiting) Dinner was quickly prepared, and clean fern spread on the ground for us to sit down.— Kohoo was a fine young man not, then, long married— he resides in a rich valley, the soil of which is well adapted for sweet and common potatoes and an abundance of these, was dressed for our party.— Dinner over, we proceeded to Moodeepangee’s and in our way we passed by a very fine and strongly fortified Hippah belonging to Mowettee.— We also past thro’ some rich vallies, in one of them, a battle had been fought, two months before, in which one chief fell.— On reaching our destination, I found Moodeepangee ready to receive me. His children were all dressed, and their heads ornamented with feathers;— his head wife had got on her dogskin garment: and he had prepared the stump of a tree, on which he had placed a cushion of bullrushes for me to sit on.— He expressed the great pleasure my visit gave him, and presented me with an immensely heavy hog,— ordered proper provisions for my companions— and then entered into discourse on various subjects.— We talked of the wars between his tribe and that of Shunghee’s— He said he did not wish to be at war with any tribe, but was compelled to fight for the protection of himself and people, that a party of Shunghee’s men was then murdering and plundering the inhabitants of Kiperro district, and feared he should be obliged to take arms against them once more.— He, as well as most of the chiefs, wished for some regular Government to protect their persons and property from the lawless attacks of restless men— Timmorangha explained how the Government was administered at Port Jackson that we had but one king (Governor Macquarie) who put a stop to all fighting and irregularity there, and that, he had heard, King George did the same in England: but while there were so many kings in New Zealand, there would necessarily be continual wars.— he also said, Captain Downie of the Coromandel had written to King George to send a ship of war to New Zealand, and he thought when she came out, the country would be greatly benefited as she would prevent the people from the Bay of Islands, of coming to plunder those at the river Thames and Kiperra; and all other tribes from waring [sic] and murdering each other. Moodeepangee wished to know if such a ship woud come round to the Kiperro river: I told him, that it depended on the fitness of the harbour, if the entrance was good and safe anchorage inside, I had no doubt, but she would come there, and if otherwise, she would not be able. He said there were plenty of fine spars on the banks of that river, and in his districts and it would please him well, if ships would come for them. He would also like that some Europeans would reside with him, for the benefit of his people. I told him much would depend on the river and harbour, and until they were examined, nothing could be done.— His residence is beautifully situated within view of the river Kiperro, and the land around him is good, tho’ of a light sandy nature, it is quite free from stones, as far as I saw.— A deal of it would grow good wheat or barley. The country here, has the vestages of having at one time a great population, but is now thinly inhabited.— In the evening I returned again to my former quarters. The next day being the Sabbath, I wished to spend it where I was then, and on Monday to proceed on my journey. Our Saturday evening’s conversation was on the immortality of the soul— a doctrine generally believed among them, The resurrection of the body, is not so well understood, or it is rather beyond their comprehension, tho’ they do not deny the possibility of it.— I mentioned the happy death of the righteous, observing that when their God revealed to them, that they were to die, they were not afraid of death, but happy in the prospect of being in the same place with the gracious God whom they had long loved and served.— The chiefs said this was not the case with New Zealanders, for they were always very much afraid to die— I told them, when they came to understand God’s Book, which He had given to the white men, and which the Missionaries would give to them, and teach them how to understand it, they would no longer be afraid to die— provided they did as the book of God directed. They clearly understood the difference between the bad man who was afraid to die, and the good man who was not afraid. They said that the souls of New Zealanders (at their death) went into a cave at the North Cape, and from thence descended into the Sea to the next world. The privations and mortifications which these poor heathen suffer, from a sense of guilt and fear, are many and great.— Nothing short of the divine power of revelation, can free them from the bondage of superstition, and mental darkness, in which they are involved. They have no idea of a God of mercy and love— willing to do them good:— but, believe that an angry Being is always ready to kill and devour them, for the neglect of the smallest matter imaginable: and, under such impressions, they frequently sicken, pine away, and die. When I told them. My God was good, and took care of me wherever I went, and heard me, when I prayed to him, by night or by day!— They said, they had no such God, their God only punished and killed them.— Among these tribes, I always thought it most proper to pray publickly, first explaining what I was about to do: and, tho’ the Natives did not understand what I said, the performance of this duty supplied me with matter for conversation tending to their edification.— If they wished to know what I prayed for— I told them— that I might be preserved in health, and from every accident, while travelling thro’ their country: and that my God might send them Missionaries to teach them his book, put an end to their wars, and obtain plenty of wheat and cattle that their wives and children might have enough of bread and animal food to eat &c— They paid great attention in hearing all this, saying repeatedly “these things— very good— very good.” In this manner the week ended with us— and we retired to rest for the night. 20th Sabbath day, I had made it known that I would stop another day with Mowetta and Moodeepangee, with some others, came early to spend the day with me. Although these people had never heard of a sabbath day, to me, it was the christian Sabbath, and I was naturally led to converse with them, on the creation of the world, and of the first institution of this sacred day.— The sensible objects of nature furnished an excellent text to speak in a manner suited to their comprehension, and the account given by Moses is so beautiful in its order and simplicity; that, they found no difficulty in comprehending the general outlines of his Statement.— The firmament, the heavenly bodies, (Sun, Moon, and Stars)— the fowls of the air,— fish of the sea— trees of the forest, and the grass of the field, were objects, with which they were daily conversant— The order of time in which the different parts of the creation are stated to have been arranged, at the mighty fiat of the Supreme Being, was so regular and plain, in succession; that, the account struck their minds with great force: “God said, let there be light, and there was light: and the evening, and the morning were the first day” &c. When God had finished all his works on the sixth day, he rested on the seventh, and set it apart for his own immediate worship. Such simple, but comprehensive expressions found easy access to their minds, so that I had no difficulty in communicating the institution of the Sabbath, and the purpose for which it was ordained.— When I found myself deficient in their language, Timmorangha interpreted, by which means I was generally understood by the company— Moodeepanga was so much taken up with these sublime topics, that he stopt all the day (as did some others)— nor would he return home till I took my departure the next day— but remained in the same Hut with me, during the night— The Hut was large, and well filled with men, women and children (about 40 in all) who, by their discourse among themselves and questions to me, prevented my enjoying much sleep— 21st I was anxious to start early this morning, having five miles to walk to Kiperra river where I meant to embark in a canoe: but, as several Chiefs were present, who wished to say something on the occasion of my visit it was full two hours, before they had done speaking.— Moodeepangee expressed himself much gratified by my coming among them, and assured me, if Europeans came to reside in Kiperra, he would protect them: and, if the harbour was found safe for ships, he hoped to be supplied with colours to hoist as a signal when a vessel appeared in sight.— The provisions for my party (namely 700 lbs potatoes, and 300 lbs Pork— packed in baskets) being laid on the Slaves to carry— I took leave of Mowetta’s place & friends.— Moodeekow, the priest, Awye, Apoo, and upwards of thirty others, accompanied me to the river on the banks of which (as the tide was down) we had to remain till two hours after dark, waiting the return of water enough, to carry the canoe from the end of a small creek into the river.— When we had got the canoe out, and the provisions on board— Moodeekow, Awye, and Apoo (who determined to proceed with us as far as the canoe would go) took leave of their friends, who wept aloud— and cut themselves in a manner, as before described), painful for a christian eye to witness. They suffer in every possible way thro the influence of superstition— what an infinite blessing will their deliverance from this darkness be! even in a temporal point of view.— On the turn of the tide, we went rapidly down the stream— the night was cold and dark, so that I could not see, to ascertain the depth of water: but the river appeared to be of considerable breadth:— Before low tide, we went on shore, made a fire, and waited the return of day.— 22d —In the morning, I found the tide to rise about ten feet, and there were ten fathoms water near the shore, at the spot we had anchored. We embarked before high water and in less than an hour, got opposite to a village, which we entered, and remained for a short time. I was here informed that Shunghee’s tribe was murdering and plundering the people on the banks of the Wyeroa (a river we had to ascend when we got to Kiperro harbour) I regretted to hear this report— on account of the calamities these parties would bring on the inhabitants— many of whom, must be compelled to flee into the woods, exposed to hunger, cold and wet.— We proceeded down the river with the tide, and about 2 P.M. reached the Settlement of a chief named “OKakka”. This village is large and populous, and is situated on the south side of the river about four miles from the harbour’s mouth. On going on shore I found the chief at home who received me kindly. I told him I had come to see the river, and examine the mouth of the harbour, to ascertain whether ships could get in, and ride safely &c. He said there would not be time to examine it that evening but if I could stay, he would go with me in the morning— I observed that my time was short and if I could not see the mouth of the harbour then I should cross over to Wyeroa. He then said, that, tho’ he wished me to stay all night, if I was determined to go, he would, if I wished, attend me down the river to view the entrance. Two other chiefs accompanied us to the entrance— The wind blew fresh and a strong tide set against us, on paddling the Canoe down— When a cable’s length from the shore, I sounded with a line (I had for the purpose) and found 15 fathoms water— The river is here (in the harbour) from five to seven miles broad, but I had no means to ascertain it exactly.— When we had got a mile further down, the roughness of the sea compelled us to go on shore: and, as I could not get to the mouth of the harbour in a canoe, I ascended a high hill, from which I had an extensive view of the sea, but could not see the entrance distinctly— tho’ I observed breakers a long way out, in the channel.— One of the chiefs informed me, there was a channel to the southward, free from breakers, and had a depth of twenty fathoms water, but as I did not see or examine this Channel, I cannot affirm his statement to be correct.— If, however, a safe entrance and anchorage be found to this place, it will be very convenient for procuring and shipping good Spars, and Masts of all sizes— There are three fresh water rivers which run into this harbour, upon whose banks the finest spars are to be met with— I have seen the wood on the banks of two of them;— the other I did not ascend, but was told the spars on it are equally good.— One of these takes its rise from the Wytematta (already described) on the west side of the Thames.— The second runs from the interior, near Bream head, on the east side.— The third runs parallel with the sea coast for thirty or forty miles and then takes a nor-easterly direction.— I crossed one of the branches of the first river, about seven or eight miles from the Wyeteematta, as I travelled over land to Kiperro and observed its banks covered with lofty trees. As the harbour is enclosed by sand Hills, and the banks of the large rivers composed of sand, I should apprehend that there are many sand banks in the Harbour of Kippero, some of which I observed, and probably a sand bar across the entrance— Whether the immense body of water which must come rapidly down these rivers, in the rainy seasons, together with the strong tide, will open and clear a channel for ships— or not, I am not competent to judge: but as far as I am able to form an opinion, I am inclined to think there is a dangerous bar, from the nature of the sea shore and the banks of the rivers.— Finding that it was not possible, from the strong wind, and rough Sea, to obtain true information respecting the entrance into this Harbour; I made Okakka and his friends some trifling presents, for the attention shewn, and then we took our departure for the Wyeroa, with wind and tide in our favour, which we entered after crossing the harbour. — This river appears to be eight miles wide at the entrance, as far as I could judge, by the eye. It began to Rain and the increasing wind compelled us to go on shore, a little before dark, at a village, containing about 50 huts, on the banks of the river. The inhabitants had fled into the woods for fear of the plundering party (before named)— The night being cold and wet we were glad to get shelter in the deserted huts, and landed our provisions and luggage for that purpose— As we had no rest the preceding night— being in the canoe, We retired early to enjoy sleep, and, tho the rain beat and the wind roared loud, we remained quietly till morning.— 23d At day light we found the wind had increased to a very heavy gale, and the Surf broke upon the beach with great violence threatening immediate destruction to our Canoe— The Natives instantly threw off their mats— rushed into the surf, and dragged the Canoe through the breakers.— They then leapt into it— while the waves tost it about like a cork, I expected every moment it would have been upset— they however pulled off from the breakers, and ran up the river, before wind & tide, until they found a sheltered cove; and fixed her in it. The storm continued all day so violent, that the Natives would not venture out in the river. The provisions and things were carried to the Canoe to be ready, when the weather moderated.— As there was no prospect of the storm abating, they put up a screen, with stakes, and bullrushes, about seven feet high on the weather side, which shielded us from the rain; they also made a Hammock, for me, of the flax plant, and slung it under the screen, which kept me off the wet ground.— 24th On the return of day, the weather moderated, and we proceeded up the river at a rapid rate, having a good Canoe and sail,— the Wyeroa was here about 4 miles broad,— no Natives were to be seen on the left banks, and we observed a few fires only on the right side.— Tho’ thirty miles distant from the ocean in parts of this river, we could distinctly hear the waves breaking on the sea shore.— About 2 p.m. we arrived at the Hippah of the chief “Tetoka” (a noted warrior) who hailed the canoe, and urged me to go on shore. We all landed, and I was well received by him— His Hippah was crowded with men, women and children, and in a complete state of defence, according to their mode, but of little use against fire arms— He said part of Shunghee’s tribe was in their district, had killed five of his people, and committed other depredations— that his tribe was not then able to meet them in battle, having no muskets, while his enemy was strongly armed with these instruments of destruction— I lamented much that they should live in such a continued state of warfare, and be exposed to such calamities as they now experienced, but hoped, in time, an end would be put to such wars, and that they would have a regular Government to afford protection to the injured, and peace to all.— He observed that if Europeans would come and live with them, it might be otherwise than it now was, as they afford or procure protection, from such inroads.— I said, it was possible that some missionaries might, in time, come to reside in his district but I could not promise him, with certainty. That I would, however, use my influence with Shunghee’s tribe, on my return to Kiddee Kiddee, to prevent them, as far as I could, from committing such acts of violence.— Tetoko seemed anxious to live in peace, if permitted, and to cultivate his land.— He wished me to remain with him till the following day— but, I could not, for the reasons already given,— he would not, however, let us go till we dined with him; and he ordered a large quantity of potatoes and fish to be cooked, accordingly.— After dinner he presented me with two fine hogs— I told him it was not in my power to accept of his present, as we had already as much pork, as we could either use or carry with us.— It was with difficulty I prevented him from putting them into the canoe, till I told him to take care of them until a Missionary or some other European called upon him, as I intended, if I could, to send some person to examine the Harbour of Kiperro, during the summer season, when the weather would answer, to ascertain whether the entrance would admit a ship &c.— He said he knew there was plenty of water for a ship and had found it 20 fathoms— I remarked, if that was the case, the people on the banks of the rivers would derive great advantage from the shipping; but this we should know when the Harbour was examined.— He promised to take care of the hogs for the purpose intended— I made him some small presents, and, after receiving a quantity of fish and potatoes, we took our leave of him. There were a number of very fine children in this Hippah; sufficient to form a very good School.— We proceeded up the river with a fair breeze, which continued till sun set, and we then pulled along till dark by the Paddles, and when the tide came strong against us, we came to anchor, and lay in the canoe till it turned, and then went on, pulling up the river till near day light, when we landed on the beach, made a fire, and cooked our breakfast. 25th After refreshing ourselves we proceeded by day light, on our passage.— We past several small farms, on the banks of the river, but did not observe a single inhabitant till we came to a small village, about 2 p.m., the people of which were in great alarm, on account of the plundering party, before mentioned, which was doing much mischief around. The farm and village belonged to a chief named “Toorow” who lived further up— two canoes came off, and accompanied us to his residence. His Hippah stands on a bank on the left hand, in going up the river. He kindly invited us on shore and ordered the Slaves to prepare dinner, and sent also a basket of Potatoes to the canoe for my private use— He had one of the best houses I had yet seen in New Zealand: with a portico in front 16 feet wide where he and his friends could sit and enjoy themselves under shelter— His Hippah was completely fortified, with upright split timber from 24 to 30 feet high, put close together. Shunghee’s party had killed some of his people and done him considerable damage. All the inhabitants, on the banks of this river, had in consequence relinquished their farms, and fled into the woods: their hogs were killed, their stores plundered, and their crops destroyed, so that many were distressed for want of food.— The fire arms of the enemy gave them a decided advantage over the other tribes, so that none could stand against them. Toorow seemed a mild man, & had his stores well put up, and a number of people in his Hippah.— I expressed my deep concern for the distress they endured, and my disapprobation of their enemy’s conduct towards them and promised Toorow to speak to the Heads of Shunghee’s tribe when I got to the Missionary settlement against such proceedings.— I also here, as at other places, pointed out the importance of their having a regular Government for until something like it be established, the more powerful will always try to oppress and destroy the weaker party.— The Majority of all the chiefs I have seen, would be glad to live in peace if permitted, and to follow civil occupations. After dinner we prepared to depart.— Toorow wished us to stay till the following day— I satisfied him that we could not prudently do so— He advised me not to go high up the river towards Mangakaiea, in consequence of the heavy rains: as would find great difficulty in getting up the Rapids, by having to pull against the whole force of the stream without a tide to assist (because it went no higher than where we then were)— observing also that three canoes had been lately broke to pieces by the violence of the current, driving them on rocks and besides that danger I should find great difficulty in crossing a large river (which has to be crossed several times on my route) at this rain season of the year.— He also believed that, let the men of our Canoe pull ever so well, we would be three days in reaching the place at which I intended to land.— These unexpected obstacles rather stunned me: and I enquired if there was any other way by which I might get to Bay of Islands.— They informed me I might cross the country to the east of the Island towards a settlement called Wangaree, not far from Bream head, where I could get a canoe to carry me down the coast.— That the road to Wangaree was tolerably good, and no rivers to cross, the distance being little more than a days journey— I consulted, with my friend Timmorangha, who approved going by Wangaree, as he had many friends there about whom he would be glad to meet.— We therefore took leave of Toorow and his friends— And we proceeded a short distance up the Wyeroa, when we entered a river that ran to the right hand, from the head of which we had to go by land to Wangaree. We reached the foot of a fall, as far up as the canoe could go, a little after dark— went on shore and made a fire, as usual,— the night was cold, but the thick trees afforded us some shelter— 26th— I had this morning to take leave of my Kiperra friends— Moodeeokow, Awye and Apoo who returned with the canoe— they had been five days with me, from the time we left Mowettas village.— My luggage was packed up, and they appointed three of their slaves to assist Timmorangha’s servant in carrying it. I made them presents of such articles as I had left, and we parted with mutual esteem.— I had experienced as much kindness, from these por heathens (in their own way) as I could have expected from the most civilized in Europe. The morning was wet and stormy, the road heavy and dirty, and we had several swamps and runs of water to wade through.— After walking about four hours, I perceived Moodeekow and his son ( a fine boy) coming after us— who, on coming up, said he would accompany me to the Bay of Islands.— I was happy that he had formed this resolution, as he would there see something of civil life which might be of service to him, and perhaps to the Missionary cause hereafter.— I could not think of asking him to go, when we parted, as I thought it would be too great a task for him; but he was now glad that he had joined us again, and so was I. We past a large Hippah in ruins. It had been a very strong place, and apparently well peopled at no distant period.— Timmorangha informed me that the tribe was then nearly extinct, and had been cut off chiefly by war. We next came to a small village, at the edge of a wood, on the plain— the land about it was good, but the people had recently fled, leaving some few articles in their Huts.— We dined here in one of the sheds, for the rain was heavy.— Timmorangha, in looking about the skirts of the wood, found the place, where these poor people had secreted their potatoes &c— After refreshment we pushed on to another village, known to Timmorangha, as fast as we could, on account of the stormy weather, and reached it by sunset— this village was also deserted by its inhabitants— A small miserable Hut, and a shed, were all that was left; being both wet and weary, we crept into these for the night. I took of [sic] my wet clothes, but, it was with difficulty we could make a fire, by friction, to dry them, owing to the very wet state of the wood, and, had we not succeeded, we should have had a miserable night indeed. 27th— We started early, and soon came to another village, which had lately been burnt, the land round it was rich, and capable of growing wheat or any other grain, in abundance. This village was also on the skirt of a wood, and appeared to possess every local advantage, in soil, water, and timber to enrich the proprietor could he enjoy the fruits of industry, and exercise it: but in their state, there is no security for person or property.— I could not but lament to see, the dreadful effects of Man’s fall! That man, here, for the sake of a few potatoes, should Murder his fellow,— burn his habitations drive his wife and children to the woods to perish by hunger, if they escape the murderer’s hand! gives a picture of depravity, terrifying to an enlightened mind!— Timmorangha made many judicious observations as we past these scenes of desolation, and expressed an ardent desire, that the time might soon come, when his country would possess the means of putting a stop to such wanton cruelties! He thought when the Man of war, which Captain Downie had written for, would come out, his country men would be checked from committing such acts of violence as those described. When we had got a mile past the village, Timmorangha began to tire, and sat down to rest, as did the slaves;— I was very wet by wading thro’ the swamps, and very warm with walking, also, and therefore afraid to sit down lest, by checking perspiration I should catch a cold— for which reason I walked gently on, and Moodeeokow followed close behind me.— We shortly ascended some rising ground, and on the opposite hill, I observed a body of about 50 Natives, on the look out. I concluded they must either belong to the plundering party, or to the fugitives who were guarding against them.— When Moodeeokow saw them, he turned instantly back to Timmorangha and seemed much alarmed.— I remained on the hill, and the opposite party having seen me— two of them immediately came off towards me, in all haste, one was completely naked with a long spear, and a bayonet fixed on the end of it, in his hand,— the other had a carpenter’s axe with a long handle to it. The two bounded across the intervening valley, as swiftly as their strength would permit, attended by a faithful dog which, on coming nearer, I observed had lost an eye, and had a cut above the other. The man without clothes, I perceived had got three spear wounds, but they were all healed.— When they had come close up, they seemed greatly astonished to meet a white man in their forest, and stood still to take a silent view of me— I knew neither of them more than they did me,— I then told my name, with which they proved to be well acquainted:— and this information explained the singular circumstance of meeting a white man in such a place, and they gave me a cordial reception.— They then called out to their companions informing them, who they had found. I told them Timmorangha was on the road, and would soon be up. They were rejoiced at this news: and when he arrived I found that those two men, were his particular friends, and had been officers under him, in his war expedition to Towrangha (9 months before, as already [sic] described) and that he, who had been speared, was the first man wounded in action on that occasion.— They were mutually happy in thus meeting with each other. They now informed Timmorangha of the dreadful murders committed by the “Naypoies” among others they had killed ten belonging to Wangaree of whom they had eaten three,— a chief and his wife and a niece of Timmorangha’s.— Timmorangha was greatly afflicted by this intelligence.— The spirit of vengeful retaliation fiered [sic] his every nerve, and he seemed eager for vengeance.— But when the warmth of indignation was over, he said he did not wish to go to war,— he was afraid however, of being forced to take up arms in self defence, and as an act of common justice to his relations, and friends, if their enemies continued to commit such cruelties. I told him, that on my return, I would accompany him to the chiefs of Shungee’s tribe and see what they had to say, and what could be done in this matter.— He became more pacified by this proposal, and said, he would overlook all that they had done, provided they would abstain from such murders, and robberies in future. We now joined the party on the other hill who returned with us to Wangaree, where we all arrived about 3 p.m. Timmorangha was here among his own friends, who both wept and rejoiced at meeting him. Several of them were much afflicted for the murder of their relatives, and the plunder of their farms; and were also under constant apprehension and dread lest the Naypoies should attack them.— Wangaree is situated at the head of a small harbour that runs up several miles inland, into which a fresh water river falls; and up this river there are some fine trees for spars: but I doubt whether there are sufficient shelter, and depth of water, in any part, for ships of large dimensions.— Small vessels may anchor in several places.— This Harbour is about ten miles to the northward of “Bream head”.— We remained all night at Wangaree, which was taken up by Timmorangha and his friends, in speaking of their troubles.— Aug. 28th — Tho’ the morning was threatening, we prepared for our departure, and having got a good well manned Canoe, from the Chief, we proceeded down the harbour.. An hour after, the wind rose, and it rained heavy, which made us put into a small village on the left side of the harbour, where we remained two hours; till the storm moderated when we again went on:— but shortly after the tempest forced us, once more, on shore at a place lower down, where we kindled a fire on the beach, and sheltered ourselves as well as circumstances would permit and as the storm continued, we were obliged to remain, in this uncomfortable situation, all night. 29th— The storm having something abated, we set off two hours before daylight, and, before sunrise, got to the residence of “Weyeeweyee” (a head chief, related to Timmorangha). He was then, an old man, of a venerable appearance, tall, and stout— He rejoiced to see Timmorangha and informed him how the “Naypoies” had driven his people from their farms, in the interior, & destroyed, or took away, all their provisions &c— He earnestly wished to have Europeans settled among them— I gave him similar encouragement to that I had given the people of Kiperra, namely, that if the harbour was found in all respects suitable— something might be done as that would at least, induce ships to visit them especially the whalers: and, it was probable a vessel from Port Jackson might come shortly to examine the harbour.— He said a Brig called the “Venus” had anchored there.— This vessel had been piratically taken by the convicts at Port Jackson, some years back. Weyee Weyee ordered breakfast, and proposed we should stay with him till next day, which was declined, for want of time. After breakfast, he ordered a longer Canoe for us: and, after telling Timmorangha I should wait for him at the mouth of the harbour, two miles off, I walked on to see the place (having first taken leave of the chief)— When I had got round to the left head of the harbour’s mouth, I came to a populous village; some of the people, I had seen at the Bay of Islands, and they were happy to see me. I entered the place, and sat down among them, for some hours— expecting the canoe every moment— but, as it did not arrive— I returned to learn the cause of the delay.— I found Timmorangha sitting with Weyee-weyee and other chiefs, in close conversation— On asking the first, why he did not follow me according to promise Weyee-weyee replied, that his friend’s talk was so good and sweet to him, he could not think of parting, and if I had not returned, no canoe would have gone after me that day. After much persuasion Weyee Weyee was prevailed on to let us go: and we sailed out of the harbour about 3 P.M. with a favourable breeze.— When we had got about eight miles out along the coast, the wind rose, and the sea ran so high, as obliged us to go on shore for the night.— The coast here for some miles, consists of very high and hard perpendicular rocks: and there are therefore few places on which a Canoe dare venture to land, or even come close to the shore.— 30th The weather was tolerable this morning, but the wind against us— We however put to sea, by daylight, and the men kept close to the shore, and pulled hard to make way; but had to go round the coves, not being able to cross them, owing to the adverse wind and high sea.— At dusk, in the evening, we reached the Hippah of “Mayanger” (the chief who accompanied Dr Savage to England twelve years before.)— This Hippah is called Pie-arakka— It stands on the summit of a very high conical hill, and is nearly surrounded by water, when the tide is in;— except at one narrow passage, it appeared inaccessible on every side.— As soon as the Natives observed the canoe at the foot of their Hippah, they rushed down the pass— spear in hand, as if going to encounter an enemy.— On being informed who we were they directed us round to the opposite side of the Hippah, where we could land, and invited us to spend the night with them, which was a most acceptable request us, as we were much fatigued, and both cold and hungry.— On landing I was conducted up the narrow pass, which I could not ascend without help, on account of the steepness, and narrowness of the path.— When I had reached the top I found a number of Men, women, and children sitting round fires, and roasting Snappers, Crawfish, and fern-roots. By this time, it was quite dark. The roaring of the Sea at the foot of the Hippah, as the waves rolled into the deep caverns beneath the high precipice, on which we stood, and on whose top and sides were numerous Huts; with groups of Natives, wildly standing or sitting round their numerous fires, enjoying the converse of savage life;— excited, in me, a train of new Ideas, and strange reflections.— Tho’ the omnipotent Creator, has made of one blood & substance, all the people and nations that dwell on the face of the earth, and has fixed the bounds of their respective habitations; yet, how widely different are their circumstances and situations!— It would perhaps be difficult to draw a fair comparison between the comforts and enjoyments (Mental and corporeal) which are possessed by those in polished christian Society,— and, the Privations and Miseries, which must be endured by people in a savage state! With some such reflection I contemplated the position of the poor heathens, who were then before me: and afterwards sat down among them.— A woman handed me a roasted snapper, others prepared me some fern-root, and, being very hungry, I relished my supper very well, notwithstanding the manner in which it was cooked and served.— Moyanger was from home, and I knew none of those present:— but, the officer in charge of the Hippah was very kind to me, as were also the people— We were accommodated with one of their best Huts, for the night: and Timmorangha amused them till a late hour, with an account of our tour, and the particular incidents of our journey.— 31st We prepared early to leave this romantic spot. The sides, near the sea, have the appearance of an old Abbey in ruins, and the broken rocks, resembled the remains of broken massy columns, which time had wasted or worn down— On our departure the chief presented me with a hog— for which I made him a small present.— This Hippah is situated at the bottom of a Cove; on the north side of which, a ship might be sheltered and anchored in apparent safety— there being five or six fathoms depth of water with a soft bottom. The chief said there was only one small rock in the cove, and showed me the spot where a whaler had anchored, some time back. The rock alluded to, is seen above water. We quickly passed the head of the cove and stood along shore, till we came opposite to a small harbour called “Tootookakka”— I was in this harbour about six years back. Small vessels only can be admitted, the entrance being narrow, and the bounds small within. The “Prince Regent” anchored here one night after the Dromedary had left the Bay of Islands. There are plenty of fine spars in its neighbourhood.— In passing this harbour the wind began to increase and the sea to rise, which shortly forced us to take shelter in a cove,— there we made a fire, dressed our hog and took breakfast.— This cove belonged to Timmorangha, as well as the land— for a considerable extent, on the coast, and in the interior around. The soil here is exceeding good, but no people lived on it, at that time. There was an extensive settlement about twelve miles along the coast called “Winnanakkee” and As there was no prospect of the weather permitting us to leave the cove for some time— I resolved to travel by land to Winnanakkee.— Timmorangha said the road was difficult and too fatiguing for him, but if I was determined to go, his servant would accompany me as a guide. We immediately set off on our journey.— I hoped to reach Winnanakkee that evening; but the servant told me we could not— the distance being too great— we must lodge in the wood, all night— We pushed on however as fast as we could, and, after walking for hours, up and down precipices, over rocks, and wading through water, at heads of such coves or creeks, as we could ford, we at last had the pleasure to observe the smoke from the settlement we sought (about five or six miles off) and that we had got over the worst part of the road.— These circumstances inspired us with fresh confidence: and by renewed exertion we reached the village before it was quite dark; very weary and wet.— I had formerly known the chief of this settlement and his wife, who were overjoyed at my arrival. The servant fortunately brought my blanket, which enabled me, to get my clothes taken off and dried, while I wrapped myself in it.— The chief’s wife had a good fire made, and administered to all my wants, as well as she could.— They gave me the use of their own Hut, which was very comfortable, and spread some good mats on the floor, for my bed.— I enjoyed my Hut very much after such a laborious journey, and felt grateful for the accommodation given me by these benighted people— The chief’s wife expressed much concern, that she had no provisions, which she thought I could eat— They had no pork because their hogs had been destroyed by the enemy, as well as their potatoes— She had some cockles and fern-root but thought I could not eat them. She had also some Komerus, or sweet potatoes, and two pumkins, which she would dress for me, observing that if I could not eat the Komeras, I might like the pumkin because it was very sweet.— While this kindly anxious woman was racking her mind to find me suitable food, her husband had sent out to purchase a basket of common Potatoes, for which he paid a Tokee, solely for my use: and this relieved the good woman’s anxiety.— My arrival was soon known thro’ the settlement, and tho’ the rain fell heavy numbers crowded round the Hut.— Tingangha (the chief who received me) wished to know where I had been, and what had brought me to Winna-nakkee (as he had been astonished as well as gratified to see me here). I gave him the particulars of my Jaunt, which he thought surprising, especially that of having walked so far— I told him where Timmorangha was left, waiting a change of weather to come on, but if he did not come soon, I would proceed without him— Tingangha said that the road was bad and that it would take me four days to reach Wyekaddee— and that, if possible, I ought to go in a Canoe &c.— After conversing with the chief and others some time, I retired to rest— safe from the stormy blast.— Sepr 1st I was sorry to find no change in the weather this morning, the chief observed that Timmorangha would not be able to put to sea.— I wished to proceed: but he and his wife urged me to stay a day with them, and if Timmorangha did not come by the following morning I should have his war canoe, well manned; to carry me to a harbour called “Wangoodoodoo”, and I should then be within one short day’s walk to Bay of Islands.— I told them I had very urgent reasons for going on— but, if made sure of his canoe, I would wait till next morning Mrs Tingangha observed she had some small chickens under a hen, which she would kill for me to eat, and would send a man into the wood to get me some pigeons, for she was much concerned lest I should suffer from hunger. I would not allow her to kill the chickens, as they had but one hen, and assured her I would not suffer from hunger while I had plenty of potatoes— She asked how I had rested during the night, and hoped I had made up my mind to remain another night— That she would set to cleaning out the house and then she was sure I would sleep well.— She was as good as her word, and made a very clean comfortable place for me.— I spent the day in visiting the inhabitants till dinner, and in the evening I went to a fresh water river, which runs from the interior, and amused myself in a Canoe.— There is plenty of fine timber on the banks of this stream— but, no harbour near, to admit shipping.— The day was showery and stormy, and we therefore could not expect Timmorangha.— The land about Winna-nakkee is very good, and they are a fine race of people, exceedingly kind and civil. They are in great want of Agricultural instruments, and were anxious I should procure them a little wheat.— I promised them some, as well as some fruit trees._ 2d Timmarangha did not arrive, and the canoe was early got ready according to promise.— Before I took my leave the Chief introduced his two children a son, and daughter, named after two of my children— the Boy after my son Charles, and the girl after my eldest daughter Elizabeth.— His wife said she would accompany me to Wangoodoodoo. The chief wept much at parting, and wished he could come to see me at Parramatta. He also begged that some Europeans might reside with them— I observed, if there was less of war in New Zealand, Europeans might be induced to come and live among them, but, as it then was— they were afraid.— We now stept into the Canoe, and proceeded down the harbour, at the mouth of which, we met Timmorangha— However, as I had such a fine Canoe, I wished to go on, and if he did not choose to go with me now, he could follow me to Wangoodoodoo after.— He said he would see Tingangha, take some refreshment and then follow me, and so we parted— In less than half an hour the wind and sea rose, and compelled us to return, and on landing, I took a guide, and set off by land— I found the road very bad, as it lay by the sea shore, we had continually to strike inland in order to pass bays and precipices, and then descend to the beach again. Several swamps were also in our way.— In the evening we arrived at a small village, when the storm increased— The Natives received us very kindly and gave us a Hut & potatoes &c. Here Timmorangha joined us.— There was no Chief here, and the poor people were preparing ground for potatoes. I had little rest at night. 3rd We rose at dawn of day, and prepared for our journey. After we had walked half an hour I observed a war canoe coming after us which was well manned: it contained the wife of Tingangha, who had determined that the canoe should attend us to Wangoodoodoo (as soon as the storm abated) from a kind consideration of the fatigue we would otherwise undergo, owing to the very bad state of the road. We felt grateful for this instance of her attention, and immediately proceeded on board her canoe to Wangoodoodoo; the inhabitants of which received us very kindly, and accommodated us for the night. Next day we reached Parroa Bay (the most southern cove in Bay of Islands) Some whaling vessels were laying near this, and I got on board one of them (the “Catherine”) with Capt. Graham, her commander, who happened to be on shore at the time we met him. The enjoyment of Civil Society once more was to me a great luxury: and excited in me a greater sense of its blessings than I had ever felt before: Having by experience formed a correct judgment of the miseries of Savage life, during a three months tour through the various Settlements of this Island (before enumerated) and deprived of all communion with civil life, for that period; I now put a much higher value on the inestimable Blessings of Christian society & privileges (which I had always enjoyed) than I had done at any former period of my life. On reviewing the scenes I had passed through in that short period, I felt my mind overflowing with gratitude to my divine protector. The giver of all good, to whom be all glory ascribed. I had met no serious accident in my journies by land and water, nor did I experience any injury from the cold, the wet and deprivations of food and rest, which I had undergone. Tho’ I had often to lie down in wet clothes, in stormy weather, wherever the night overtook me,— whether in an open canoe on the sea, or in the woods or fields on shore, a kind and gracious Providence attended my steps, in my going out, and in my coming in, and gave me favour in the sight of the heathens among whom I sojourned, until I was brought to my European friends at Rangheehoo— (4th Sepr/ 20.) The Government Schooner “Prince Regent” having come into the Bay of Islands laden with spars for Port Jackson— I embarked in her, on the 17th Sepr. to return to the colony of New South Wales: but she encountered very bad weather off the North Cape, and being deeply laden, the Captain was obliged to return to the bay in order to lighten her.— I had suffered so much from sea sickness on board this small crowded vessel, that I resolved to leave her, and wait for a passage in the Dromedary:— I found, on inquiry, that the latter vessel would not leave New Zealand for six weeks; and in this interval of time I thought it advisable. for the good of the cause, to revisit the tribes on the western and eastern coasts: and, on 30th Octr, set off for the River Thames, with the intention of going down the east coast first (in company with the Revd John Butler and Mr Shepherd.)— We touched at Wangoree, where I met some of my former friends— and then proceeded to Magoea on 9th Novr, from thence we paid a visit to the ship Coromandel, anchored at 50 miles distance, on the opposite side of the river, and, on returning again to Magoea, we spent several days in examining the surrounding land, Rivers &c. We likewise visited the several tribes around and then made our way to the western coast coming to Kiperro, once more, we looked a[t] every thing which appeared in any way interesting. On the 7th The Revd J. Butler left me, to return to Bay of Islands: and after his departure I (on the same day) directed my course towards the sea shore, and on the approach of evening I made, on the beach, the best birth I could for the night.— Early next morning I continued my journey, in the same manner, and reached the Heads of the Hokianga river on the evening of 22d Novr and took my lodging with my old friend Mowenna, and his numerous tribe, who were happy to see me. They manifested considerable anxiety for the acquirement of useful knowledge: and we conversed, during the evening, on such subjects as appealed calculated to raise them from their present state of degradation and misery.— They next day supplied me with a good Canoe, and men to take me up the river Hokianga, by which means I reached the spot from whence, it was necessary to cross the county to Wangaroa harbour, where the Dromedary then lay (with a full cargo of spars) ready for sea.— After overcoming some little difficulties in my way, I got on board on the 25th and after a very agreeable passage without any incidents worthy of notice, I arrived, in due time, at Port Jackson with a thankful heart for the mercies and deliverances I had experienced at the hands of our Heavenly Father.  In the preceding pages I have stated some peculiar events that occurred under the direction of Divine Providence, to open a way for the knowledge of the Christian religion and the arts of civilization, in the South Sea Islands—— Forty years have passed away since I first became partially acquainted with the character of the New Zealanders. In the year 1795 I was doing duty at Norfolk Island; previous to which, two young Chiefs had been brought there, in a King’s ship (the “Dedalus”) and placed under the care of Captain Phillip G. King, then Lieutenant Govenor of the Island, who was exceedingly kind to the young men: their names were “Hoodoo” and “Toukee” (and my subsequent intimacy with them, has been detailed in my former voyages.— From the interest created by these Chiefs, and what passed, at that time, between the Lieut Governor and me, concerning them, I felt (and have ever since felt) a strong desire to promote the improvement of their countrymen by the introduction of Christianity and Civilization. In due course of time, after my return to N.S. Wales, the intercourse between Port Jackson and New Zealand became more frequent, and the chiefs had opportunities, from time to time, of coming to the Colony, and they in general resided with me during their stay. — I soon perceived they were a noble race of men, and only wanted the means of instruction, to entitle them to rank with civilized Society. I knew, however, they were cannibals; as Cannibalism was a frequent subject of conversation between them and me, at my own residence, as well as on my visits to their native Island. They do not, of course, view this horrid custom as a crime: but consider, that, if a Chief be killed and eaten by one tribe; It becomes the duty of the injured tribe, to kill and eat one of the same rank belonging to the offending tribe: as soon as opportunity may offer: so that their strong superstition and mutual wars always excited to Cannibalism.— Having detailed in the foregoing particulars, the full nature of this dreadful habit and the opinion of a great part of the Chiefs thereon, I shall here only add, by way of confirmation, an account of a most horrid scene of Cannibalism, which took place before the eyes of our Missionaries (in 1821) after they had been six years among them, during which, I had myself paid them several visits.— The account given by Mr Francis Hall is published in the Church Missionary Register for November 1823 from which the following is extracted— “On the 19th Decr 1821 Three of the war canoes with Moodeewhy’s tribe from Shukianga, returned from the river Thames where they have for several months been spreading death and destruction around them.— They landed about half a mile from the Settlement, got some food and then proceeded towards their homes, to our great joy. They had upward of 100 prisoners of war with them, who might generally be distinguished by their sorrowful countenance. Some of them were weeping and mourning bitterly— one woman in particular, before whom they had, with savage cruelty, placed the head of her brother, stuck upon a stick. She sat upon the ground before it, and the tears ran down her cheeks in streams. We saw several other heads stuck upon sticks about the camp, and we understood that they had many packed up in baskets. These Canoes brought the news of the death of Tettee, a chief, and son in law to Shunghee: he was slain in fight. Tettee was the most civilized, best behaved, and most ingenious and industrious man. whom we have met among the New Zealanders. His brother Apoo, a fine young man, is also among the slain.— This has created grief in the family.— Tettee’s wife and Mattooka his brother are watched and bound to prevent them from putting an end to their lives. Apoo’s wife hung herself on hearing the news. Shunghee’s wife has killed a “cook” or p[risoner of war; wich is customary on these occasions. Decr 20th 1821.— Hearing that Shunghee’s wife was about to kill another slave, we went up the hill to the hut where she was, with Tettee’s wife and child— all weeping and mourning most bitterly.— We found that they had not killed the boy; and hope from what Mr Shepherd and I said to them, that they will not. I offered her an axe to spare his life.— Decr 21st This day Shunghee and his tribe, with some other tribes, arrived here from the fight, with the dead bodies of Tettee and Apoo.— Most of the European men went down to the point, about a quarter of a mile, to see the ceremony of their landing; but very sorry were we, that our curiosity led us to witess such a scene of horror. A small canoe with the dead bodies first approached the shore: the war Canoes, and those taken in fight, about 40 in all, lay at a short distance.— Shortly after, a party of young men landed, to perform the war dance and song, as usual on their return from fighting. They yelled and juped, and brandished their weapons, and threw up human heads in the air in a shocking manner; but this was but the prelude to the horrid work which was about to take place, of which we had no idea.— An awful pause and silence ensued.— At length the canoes moved slowly and came in contact with the shore; when th widow of Tettee and other women rushed down upon the beach in a frenzy of rage, and beat in pieces the carved work at the head of the canoes, with a pole; they then got into a canoe, and pulled out several prisoners of war, into the water, and beat them to death; except one boy who swam away and got into another canoe. The frantic widow then proceeded to another canoe and dragged out a woman prisoner into the water, and beat out her brains with a club with which they beat out fernroot.— We retired from this distressing scene as no interference on our part could avail, and we understand that after we came away, Shunghee killed five with a sword with his own hand. In the whole, nine persons were murdered this evening, and were afterwards eaten by the chiefs and the people.— It is a custom with these wretched men, to make these sacrifices, as a satisfaction for their friends killed in battle. The prisoners of war— men, women, and children— are very numerous; but especially the latter two.— They are said to amount to about 2000; and are distributed chiefly among the different tribes in the Bay of Islands.— The people are now more bloodthirsty than ever; they talk of going again soon, and mean to sweep the whole Island. In this expedition, they did all the mischief which they had threatened. Poor Enakkee was killed and eaten: they brought his head away with them, together with those of a great number of his people.— Enakkee gave them a warmer reception than they expected.— Decr 22d— The numerous Natives around us, have done us less injury than we expected during the past night. Several of the tribes from a distance took their departure early this morning, peaceably: first making a large heap of their old kakahows, and burning them. It is customary, when they return home, to burn all the garments which they have had on at the time that they killed men.— Mr Kemp and Mr Shepherd went down to the point to see the body of Tettee. Shunghee was busily employed in making a small enclosure of pieces of a canoe, decorated with feathers and carved work, after their manner, in which to deposit the bodies of the brothers Tettee and Apoo.— Part of the bodies of the people killed yesterday were then roasting at a fire at a little distance: and some human flesh, ready cooked, lay in baskets on the ground. Shunghee had the audacity to ask them to eat some, and said it was better than pork.— Part of one poor woman killed yesterday, the Natives cooked on the side of the hill, at the back of our house: the head they cut off and rolled down the hill: and several of them amused themselves for some time, in throwing large stones on it till they had dashed it to pieces; when Mr Puckey got it from them and buried it. “We hear that , among the slaves who were taken from hence to Wyemattee yesterday, one of them, a woman, becoming tired or lame, could not keep up with the rest: she was, in consequence, killed and eaten— this being the custom in New Zealand!” ———— In conclusion, is with pleasure I have to state, that since the time ^at which the above took place some New Zealanders have died in the full assurance of faith; and others are walking in the fear and love of God, as monuments of his Sovereign mercy and Grace. Such are the wonderful effects of a preached Gospel.”— I have no doubt but, in that day when God shall make up his Jewels many of them will be claimed as the redeemed of the Lamb to the honour and praise and Glory of His Grace! They will sit down with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of Heaven, there to praise redeeming love forever and ever.— Amen!(Mem:— For particulars of fourth Voyage side page 69.) ________Particulars_________ Of the fifth [sixth] Voyage of the Rev: Saml. Marsden, to New Zealand, in the year 1830.— ______________ Having obtained leave of absence from His Excellency the Governor, I embarked, on the 16th Feby 1830, on board the Elizabeth for the Bay of islands with one of my daughters. We had no sooner cleared the Heads of Port Jackson, that a heavy gale set in from the Southward which soon raised a high sea. I immediately became very sick, and continued so the following day, when the wind shifted to the South East. From that time we met with contrary winds, and a head sea; with the exception of a few hours, until Thursday the 28th, when we saw land to the Southward of Cape Maria Van Dieman, and on Friday Morning we reached it, and sailed close in with the land, until we passed the Cape, on sounding which the wind was against us, and we bore away up Sandy Bay, working to windward all the night. Sunday the 7th was a most beautiful day. The sea was smooth and a very light wind, and the scene around us was very interesting, as we were amongst the Islands of Knuckle Point. Fur canoes came off from the Islands, with an abundance of fish. We were now at anchor. The Natives urged us much to go on shore, and promised to supply us with plenty of fish, potatoes, and hogs; but we declined their friendly offer. The chief gave me much information relative to many of the Inhabitants whom I had formerly known. I performed Divine Service, and have seldom spent a more pleasant Sabbath day at Sea. Monday the 8t.h. The wind became fair, when we weighed anchor, and proceeded on our Voyage, and passing Wangaroa we saw the Heads of the Bay of Islands, and in the Evening anchored opposite to the neighbouring Settlement Paihia. The Missionaries had heard a few days before that I might be expected. As soon as the vessel appeared in sight, the Revds William Williams & Brown came off to meet us in one Boat, and the Rev. Henry Williams in another. It afforded us much mutual satisfaction to meet once again in this heathen land of darkness, ignorance, and cruelty! They all expressed their joy on my arriving at that critical moment, as they were in grater agitation and alarm, than they had ever been before at any period of their residence in New Zealand. They informed me that there was open war amongst the Natives at the Bay, and that a battle had been fought on the 6th Inst. in which it was stated that seventy had been killed or wounded, and that Messengers had been sent in all directions, by the Chiefs of the contending parties to collect their friends, and that on their arrival the contest would be renewed; and they could not tell what might be the fatal consequences both to the Mission and the Natives. On my landing at Paihia, I found a number of the Natives who had fled to the Missionary Settlement for refuge, and some of the wounded who had been carried from the field of battle to have their wounds dressed by the Revd Wm Williams. From the information I received, there were about 1400 Natives engged in the contest on the South side of the Harbour. The following statement contains the particulars of the quarrel as far as I was able to learn from the Natives, the Missionaries, and the Masters of the seven ships which were then in the Harbour. It was stated that Mr Brind, Master of one of the whalers, had two young women on board his vessel, daughters of two of the principal Chiefs, Rewa and the late Shunghee. There was also another young woman sister of Wirrepoka who was said to cohabit with one of the men on board. These three were all women of rank. Some difference occurred between them, and the wife and daughter of the head Chief, Kevi Kevi, who resided on that side of the Bay in which the Shipping were anchored. It appeared that Kevi Kevi’s wife had in this quarrel torn some of the hair off the head of Shunghee’s daughter, and burnt it— which was one of the greatest insults which could be offered to the young woman, according to their superstitious notions. This was the account the young woman gave me. Mr Brind interfered in behalf of the two young women, his favorites; and they sent information to their friends of the differences that had arisen. Rewa and Wierepoka, immediately took up the quarrel, one in behalf of his daughter and the other on behalf of his sister. They met at Kororarika, the place where Kevi Kevi lived, to enquire into the cause of these serious differences. The latter had heard of their intention and prepared to meet them. This took place on the 23rd of Feby, and rewa and Wierepoka settled their dispute with Kevi Kevi, but the quarrel between Shunghee’s daughter, and the wife of Kevi Kevi was not settled. Oneroa, who is the head of Sunghee’s tribe, and her brother Hari—Hungi had not yet arrived. Rewa,Wierepoka, and Kevi Kevi, considered Mr Brind as the sole cause of the quarrel. It was stated that the latter wanted the Natives to kill Kevi Kevi, some of whose allies had already come to protect him, in case any violence should be attempted either upon him or his people. Mr Brind had at that time a hundred bushels of Potatoes upon the beach, and as a satisfaction for the disturbances he had created, the Natives seized them, which greatly incensed Mr Brind, and he told the Natives that if they did not kill Kevi-Kevi, he would do so himself. There were several whaling ships then in the bay, which had put in for supplies. I was informed that Mr Brind had written to the Masters of the whalers, informing them that he thought it necessary that they should bring their Ships as near to the Shore as they could— hoist their Colours— and fore upon the Natives. Though much alarmed they all declined to adopt Mr Brind’s directions; when he immediately weighed anchor, and sailed. His ship, the Conway, was a large one mounting 14 guns. The Natives soon heard that Mr Brind had solicited the whalers to fire upon them, and they immediately stopped all supplies. On the 9th of March shortly after Mr Brind had sailed the Chief Oneroa arrived with his tribe and some of his allies, to avenge the insult which had been offered to the young woman, whose hair Kevi Kevi’s wife had torn off her head and burnt. Kevi Kevi, had assembled his friends in case he should be compelled to have recourse to arms. On a former occasion Kevi Kevi’s wife had given great offence to Oruroa and his tribe.She is a woman of high rank, and a very proud spirit— a Native of the River Thames. Her feelings had also been before excited by some reproaches cast upon her and her tribe by Oruroa’s tribe. She had told them that the Natives of the Thames would fight and conquer them, and afterwards make slaves of them; and they should carry their firewood upon their shoulders, heat their ovens, and cook their provisions, which language had given great offence to Oruroa and his tribe. On the Evening of the 5th March the day be came to Kororarika, he and his party went over the adjoining hills, and early the next morning they all returned with a bundle of firewood upon their shoulders and their guns in their hands, and proceeded to Kevi Kevi’s residence, and told him and his wife that they had brought the firewood, as their slaves, and laid it down. This was intended as an insult to Kevi Kevi and his tribe. After some conversation they returned, when one of Kevi Kevi’s men fired a musket, and killed a young women belonging to Oruroa’s party. They then all flew to arms. After some time Oruroa’s party gave way leaving on the beach about twenty killed and wounded on both sides. In this conflict six chiefs were killed, among whom was the late Shunghee’s brother and the brother of george of Wangaroa. When the firing had ceased on both sides, Oruroa returned with his party and took up the dead and wounded of their friends, and carried their bodies with them, but left their dead slaves on the beach where they had fallen, and Kevi Kevi as the victor. When the action began, Mr Dean, Master of the Elizabeth Whaler, was on shore with his boat. The wife and daughter of Kevi Kevi ran to Mr Dean’s boat in order to escape on board the Elizabeth leaving Mr Dean on Shore in great danger. The Natives on seeing the wife and daughter escaping in the whaleboat, fired and killed the daughter, while the mother got safe on board. Some of the Whalers had loaded their guns, and were ready to fire upon the Natives with canister shot, in case they should attack those Natives who were on board, as the ships were within gun shot of the shore. Mr Davis, one of the Missionaries, was on board the Sovereign whose guns were in readiness, and intreated the Captain not to use them unless absolute necessity should oblige him for the protection of the ship. The Masters of the whalers were very much agitated, and scarcely knew how to act. They all accused Capt. Brind as the author of the misery occasioned by this disturbance. On Sunday Morning, the 7th, at the advice of an old Chief, Warerewee,— Kevi Kevi also left Kororarika and came over with his people to Paihia, the Missionary Station. Warrerewee was convinced that Kevi Kevi could not defend himself against Oruroa, when he renewed his attack upon him. Kevi Kevi wished to fortify himself near the Missionary station. To this the Missionaries could not consent, as it would have exposed them to too imminent danger. At length it was finally determined that Kevi Kevi should take up his station at the junction of the Kowa Kowa and Wykaddee Rivers; a point strongly fortified by nature about four miles above the Mission Station. As soon as this was agreed upon Kevi Kevi moved with his peoples to his station, and began immediately to prepare for his defence against Oruroa when he should return. Both parties now dispatched Messengers in all directions to collect their friends and allies. The Missionaries were at this time in the utmost anxiety, as they could not conjecture as to the issue of the war. They had received information a few days before, by the Schooner “New Zealander” which had arrived at Hokianga that I was on my passage. On the 8th of March two days after the battle, I entered the Harbour, and in the Evening anchored opposite to the Missionary Station. Two boats came to meet the Elizabeth, before she anchored, in which were the Revds Henry & William Williams & Brown. I met the brethren with much satisfaction and joy. They expressed how much they were gratified that I had visited them at that particular time of danger and trial, as they were then in greater peril than at any former time. They informed me of the bloody contest that had taken place two days before on the [1830] opposite Shore— that numbers had fled to them for protection, and were now within their enclosures, as well as the wounded who had been brought to have their wounds dressed. They also added that some thousands were expected to assemble from various parts of the Island, in two or three days, as the war—tribes had been summoned to attend their Chiefs. They hoped that my arrival would bring about a reconciliation and restore peace before these auxiliaries could arrive. Soon after I had landed, some of the Chiefs came and related to me what had taken place, and what was likely to happen; and requested that I would on the following Morning visit the Camps of the two contending Chiefs Kevi Kevi & Oruroa, and see if a reconciliation could not [be] effected before the arrival of the war parties; adding that no time was to be lost in accomplishing this object. To this proposal I readily assented, and promised to visit them both on the next day. Early on [March 9] Tuesday Morning the 9th the Revd Hy Williams and myself proceeded on our Mission. We first visited the Camp of Kevi Kevi distant about four miles from Oruroa’s, and we were received with great cordiality by him and all [1830 March 9] the other Chiefs who were assembled in the Camp. I here met with many Chiefs from distant parts of New Zealand with whom I had been formerly acquainted They all expressed their gratification at our meeting again. After conversing upon different matters, the Rev. H. Williams entered upon the subject of our mission. He stated to them the evils of war and more particularly of a civil war, in which they were then engaged. We then endeavoured to impress upon them, that they were not fighting for the protection of their lives and property, but they were merely killing each other, in which contest some of them lost their dearest friends. They listened to us with great attention, and several of them replied to our arguments. They repeated the original cause of the war, and laid the entire blame upon Captn Brind, condemning his conduct very much, & observed that they regretted the distressing calamities that had taken place, and were desirous that the differences should be settled, but that it was impossible for them to do so amicably without the consent of their friends, who had not yet arrived as some of their relatives had been killed in the late action. At the same time they wished that we would use [Hoken - 1830 March 9] our influence with Oruroa and his Chiefs in order to prevent any more bloodshed. Having thus publicly ascertained the sentiments of Kevi Kevi and his party we proceeded immediately to the Camp of Oruroa. On our landing we joined the assembly of the Chiefs. I was well acquainted with their leaders, and after the first salutations were over we entered upon the subject of our visit. In all our conversations with the Chiefs of both parties, they argued that we were answerable for the lives of those who had fallen in the battle, as the war had been occasioned by the misconduct of one of the Masters of an English vessel— Mr Brind. They wished to know what satisfaction we would give them for the loss of their friends who had been killed. We replied it was not in our power to give them any satisfaction, though we lamented what had taken place, and condemned the conduct of Captain Brind. We then informed Oruroa and the Chiefs who were with him that we had had an interview with Kevi Kevi and his tribes, and that we were authorized by them to state that they were willing to come to some negotiation for peace, and wished that [1830 March 9] we would facilitate the settlement of their differences. This information was agreeably received, excepting by a few who were anxious for war. One Chief gave us private information that a large body of armed men had arrived, and were then on the island of Motoroa about five miles distant, and that it was their intention to proceed by night and attack Kevi Kevi by surprize in his Camp; and requested tht we would lose no time in proceeding to Motoroa in order to avert this design. Having been thus privately informed, we stated to Oruroa our wish to be introduced to the Chiefs and their men who were assembled at Motoroa, and requested that two of his Chiefs might accompany us for that purpose. Tetore, & Towreta, two of the principal Chiefs agreed to go with us. When we arrived at Motoroa, we found the beach covered with war Canoes, and a very large concourse of armed Men. The Assembly was crowded. Here also I met with many Chiefs with whom I had formerly been acquainted in my journeys through the interior of the Country, and who were glad to see me again. After some trivial conversation upon various subjects, The Revd Henry Williams stated the object of our visit, and they all [1830 March 9] heard us with the greatest attention. Many of the Chiefs replied in turn, & some of them spoke with considerable force, and dignity in their address, & their orations continued for some hours. Some were for war, and others for peace. We remained until night closed upon us, pleading for a reconciliation. Though we had devoted the whole day we were happy to find at the end that we had some prospect of success; as it was finally agreed that we should proceed the next morning to Oruroa and report to him what had taken place at Motoroa. We returned home about 9 o’Clock in [10th] the Evening; and the next morning as soon as day dawned, a Chief named Timmaranga, knocked at my bed room window, and requested to see me immediately. He had just arrived with his tribe from Tiamhi. When I got up, he told me that he and his men were come to join the people at Kowa Kowa, to support Kevi Kevi against Oruroa and his tribes. Timmaranga had lived with me at Parramatta some years before. He was much rejoiced to see me, and observed that his Countrymen would not attend to the advice which I had given them when I was formerly in New Zealand, which was not to war with each other, and this advice he had also given them. [March 10] Timmaranga was a very powerful Chief. He had been my constant companion in my various travels in New Zealand, and was acquainted with most of the Principal Chiefs, both in the West and east side of the Island. I told him I was anxious to see peace restored amongst the Inhabitants, and requested that he would use his influence to induce all parties to make peace. He promised me he would use his endeavours. After Timmaranga had departed with his tribe to join Kevi Kevi, the Revd Hy Williams and I went over [to] Oruroa’s Camp to report what had passed at Motoroa the preceding day. We had a long discussion with the Chiefs and wished each party to appoint Commissioners, in order that the terms of peace might be mutually honorable, and then no disgrace would attach to either party of which they seemed to be much afraid; for they said they would rather fight than accede to any disgraceful conditions. It was therefore agreed that four Commissioners should be appointed to arrange the conditions of peace. I was nominated as one, for one party, and the Revd H. Williams for the other, with a principal Chief from such party. [1830 March] This point however could not be finally settled until they had consulted their friends and allies who were encamped on the Island of Motoroa. After we had urged all the arguments we could to bring about a reconciliation, & had made a favourable impression upon the minds of some of the Chiefs, we walked over the ground where the battle had been fought, and beheld the bodies of some of the slain lying upon the fires partly consumed. The atmosphere was very offensive, and the sight disgusting. We could not but bitterly lament the dreadful effects on sin, and the baneful influence which the Prince of Darkness exercised on the minds of the benighted Heathen! We took our departure from this scene of slaughter and cannibalism to the missionary station with the sanguine hope that peace would be established. Early the next morning, [12th] Friday the 12th, information reached us that 600 men had arrived at Motoroa, to join Oruroa’s army. From the progress we had made towards restoring peace, I was persuaded that no fatal consequences would result from this accession to Oruroa’s forces; and we were moreover informed that many more of Kevi Kevi’s friends had joined his party. [March 13th] The weather was so stormy all this day and the sea so high that we could not visit either Camp, nor have any intercourse with them; though we received intelligence that large parties were arriving hourly at each of them. In the last interview we had with Oruroa & his party, we urged them to bring the negotiation for peace to a final close. We told them that we were weary of visiting both parties without their coming to any decisive determination; but they replied that we must not be tired but continue to go backwards and forwards until their disputes were adjusted, as it was not possible for them to make any amicable settlement by themselves, and that we must act resolutely. We then took our leave and returned to Paihia. [14th] The next morning being the Sabbath, it was determined that the Rev H. Williams should visit the Camp of Oruroa, and preach to the numerous tribes who were assembled there, with the view of softening their angry feelings, and strengthening the impressions already made upon their minds of the blessings of peace. The Revd W. Williams [the Rev. Alfred Brown] and myself with the other Missionaries and Natives proceeded to the Chapel to perform Divine Service. The contrast between the East and West sides of the Bay was very striking tho’ only two miles distant. [1830 March 14] The former was crowded with the various tribes of Native warriors in their savage state practising their military exercises, quite naked: nothing either was heard save the discharge of musketry, and the noise, din, and confusion of a military camp of barbarians. Some were mourning hideously for the loss of their friends in battle; others suffering from their wounds, and the minds of the whole multitude involved in heathen darkness without Hope— and without God! On the West side of the Bay, was “The sound of the Church going bell”— the Natives assembling together for Divine Worship, clean— orderly— decently dressed— and most of them in European Clothing. They were carrying in their hands the greater part of the Church service, with Hymns translated into their own language and which many of them could read. The uniform conduct of the Natives here reminded me of a well regulated English Country Parish. During public worship the Natives behaved with the greatest propriety, and joined in the service with the utmost solemnity. Here might be viewed at one glance the blessings of the Christian Religion, and the miseries of heathenism, with respect to the present life; but when we extended our thoughts to the eternal world, how infinite and awful was the reflection! [1830 March 14] Many of the Natives have a great desire to obtain a knowledge of God, and his commandments, to be at peace. I consider this Sabbath to have been one of the most pleasing and interesting of my life! The daystar from on high had evidently begun to shine upon these benighted heathens, and some of them have begun to enquire what they must do to be saved. Though the Missionaries and their congregations are situated in the very midst of Satan’s dominions, where he exercises all his hellish arts, yet shall they see the day of his fall, like lightning from Heaven! God hath graciously promised that His glory shall be revealed, and that all flesh shall see it together; and the Scriptures must be fulfilled. The time will come when human sacrifices and cannibalism shall be annihilated in New Zealand, by the pure, mild, and heavenly influence of the Gospel of our blessed Lord & Saviour. The work truly is great— but divine goodness will discover both the means and instruments, to accomplish His own gracious purposes towards fallen man. His word which is the sword of the spirit, is able to subdue the most savage nations to the obedience of Faith. [1830 March 14] It is the duty of Christians to use the means to sow the seed and patiently wait for the heavenly dews to cause it to spring up, and grow until the time of Harvest. The subject of this digression I hope will be a sufficient apology for its introduction. When the Revd Wm Williams had read the service, I preached from the two last verses of the 8th Chapt of Romans. I endeavoured to shew what the Apostle meant by the love of Christ, and to convince all that they were safe, though surrounded by war and cannibalism, who believed the Gospel and would not be separated from the love of Christ. As the Revd Henry Williams had gone over to preach to, and converse with the Chiefs on the South side of the Bay where the battle had been fought, in order to strengthen the arguments we had already urged for reconciling the contending parties; after morning service the Revds Messrs W. Williams, Browne [sic], and myself resolved to visit Kevi Kevi’s Camp at Kowa Kowa. On our arrival we found a number of tribes assembled together armed for action. All was din and confusion, as was to be expected in a savage war-camp. I visited the head Chief Kevi Kevi who informed me that his mother was dead. She was a very old woman. I had visited her two days before. [1830 March 14] She had lived for many years as Queen of Kororarika, but had been compelled to flee with her Son in order to save her life, though she was in a dying state, and had only a few days to live. According to their custom they had compressed her knees and chin together, and wrapt her whole body close up in a Mat. In that state she will remain until her flesh decays from her bones, when they will be removed to the family sepulchre, and deposited with the bones of her deceased friends. After leaving the Hut where the body of the late Queen lay, we joined the Assembly of the Chiefs, when the Revd William Williams addressed them in their own language. They were very attentive to him, and wished to know what had passed between us, and their enemies, and whether there was any prospect of a truce being effected. We replied that we had had several interviews with the Chiefs upon the subject and they were disposed to abstain from war. After long consultation it was agreed that Warerewi [sic for Warenui] should return with us in the boat to Paihia, and visit Oruroa’s Camp, the following morning, and hear what were the sentiments of his party. Warerewi was an old Chief of great influence, and was considered a wise and prudent man. [1830 March 14] He had joined neither party but was a friend to both, at the same time he was nominally allied to Kevi Kevi. When we arrived at Paihia it was time for Evening service, and Mr Williams preached in the Native language. He asked Warerewi if he would accompany us to Church, and he immediately replied by enquiring what payment Mr W. would give him for so doing! After some little conversation he went with us. Mr Williams alluded to this circumstance in his sermon, and asked the Congregation what payment as person would receive for coming to Church, and before Mr W. had time to explain the cause of asking this question, a Chief stood up and named Tiawanga and said he would receive “salvation”— in consequence of which reply a short dialogue ensued between Mr W, and the Chief. In the course of his sermon, Mr W. asked what was the cause of the present distressing evils of war in New Zealand? Tiawanga rose a second time & said that the New Zealanders had but one thought; and the Europeas, on board of Ships (meaning those in the Harbour) had but one thought; for they both thought [1830] only of the things of the present life— if they had two thoughts, one of this life, and one of that which is to come, an end would be put to their wars. Mr Williams proceeded, and the Natives were very attentive during the whole service. When the Sermon was over they sung an Hymn in their own translation, and then upon the blessing being pronounced the Congregation dispersed. The whole scene was very gratifying to me as many of the Natives seemed to understand and be much affected with what they heard. [March 15] Monday 15th was very stormy, we could not visit any of the Camps, & therefore passed the day in conversation with such Chiefs as were at Paipea, upon the evils of war, and advanced what arguments we could to dissuade them from prosecuting their destructive designs: representing to them the folly & cruelty they were guilty of in killing each other, and that if they wished to continue an independent people they ought to preserve every New Zealander’s life for their mutual protection, should any foreign enemy endeavour to deprive them of their Country and reduce them to slavery. That for that reason alone, they should all be united in one body for their general protection’ for if they persevered in their civil wars, and murdered each [1830] other they would be unable to defend themselves should they at any future time find it necessary to do so. They heard us with much attention and admitted the force of our remarks, & I doubt not will seriously reflect upon them. They urged us much to persevere in our communication with the contending Chiefs, in order to conclude the terms of peace. [March 16th] The next morning accordingly we the Revd H. Williams and Mr Davis set off for the Island of Motoroa to visit the army which had encamped there. with th sole view to promote the reconciliation. On their arrival they were kindly received, and they informed the Chiefs what progress had already been made towards their object with the opposite parties at Kawa Kawa, & Kororarika. They replied that they would consider the subject during the night, and would leave Motoroa in the morning; and if their Canoes steered for Kororarika they would have decided upon war; but, if they directed their course to a point higher up the Cove, they would meet us to arrange the terms upon which they wod accept peace. When matters were so far decided Messrs Williams & Davis returned home. [March 17] The next morning at the dawn of day, a Chief [Tohitapu] called me up, and informed me that the war Canoes were under weigh. [1830 March 17] We all instantly arose and our bats having been immediately prepared, we embarked to meet them. Their canoed were filled with fighting men, many of them well armed— and thirty six in number. We proceeded in their direction and were rejoiced to see that they were making for the point agreed upon the preceding evening, thereby intimating their resolution to entertain our proposals for peace. When we reached them we found that they had left their women & their Children at Motoroa, and were prepared for action at a moment’s notice. They stopt when we reached them, and conversed as to our future operations. We were anxious that the two main bodies should not come within gun shot of each other, for fear of the consequences. It was agreed that three Chiefs should accompany us to Kevi Kevi’s Camp, and that their forces should station themselves on the East side of the Harbour, upon a high hill opposite to Kevi’s Camp, but at such a distance that they could do no mischief with their guns. When these preliminaries were settled, the fighting men ran up to the top of the hill like so many furies, quite naked, and firing their muskets incessantly, until they reached the station assigned. There they continued shouting and discharging their muskets in the view of their enemy. [1830 March 17] When we approached the Shore the Commissioners brought their small Canoes between our boats, and in that position we landed. They told us, if they were killed, we must be given up as a sacrifice to their friends. As both parties however placed the utmost confidence in us, we were fully persuaded that the Commissioners would be cordially received. As soon as the Canoes touched the shore, they all leaped out without speaking a word to any person, and ran with the utmost speed to the place where the Chiefs were assembled. We followed as fast as we could, but it was not easy to make our way through the crowds of Natives who pressed on evr’y side, until we entered the assembly of the Chiefs. One of the Commissioners known by the name of Captn Campbell and a very great Priest among them after sitting some time in perfect silence, stood up, and addressed the whole Assembly, relative to his own party. He told them that the Sun was now beginning to shine upon them, and that their prospects were much brighter than they ever had been. When he began his address, he stationed himself in front of the Assembly, at the distance of about fifty paces, but as he delivered [1830 March 17] his oration he advanced with solemn dignity within about two paces of the Chiefs, concluding his address with much energy of expression, and a stamp with his foot, and afterwards retired to his former station, and commenced a new subject. The Company heard him with much patience and attention, though he continued this harangue for a long time. He held a stick in his hand during the time, and after delivering the final sentence he snapped it in two and threw it upon the ground in token of the entire departure of any feelings of resentment on the part of himself and his tribe. As soon as he had resumed his seat, one of the adverse Chiefs rose to reply, and his address was received with similar attention; after whom several others spoke in succession. Their orations lasted for some hours until the conditions of peace were settled as far as at that time they could be: and on the following day, if Oruroa approved and his friends approved of what had been arranged, the final ratification of peace was to be made at Kororarika by the Commissioners of both parties in public. The arbiters appointed by Kevi Kevi and his allies were to call the next morning [March 17th] at the Missionary Station for us to accompany them to Kororarika to witness the treaty. As soon as these points were decided the Assembly dispersed, and each Chief rejoined his tribe, formed separate bodies under particular leaders, who assumed the command, and formed their forces into regular ranks. The Natives were quite naked, having only their belts on. They then leaded and discharged their muskets, each tribe firing by itself several rounds, and dancing the war dance. At length they all mingled together fired their muskets promiscuously, and practised their various military exercises. [March 19th] Their wild shouts and yells echoed in the air, like the roaring of the ocean in a storm, when the furious waves are dashing against the rocks. Oruroa’s party on the opposite Hill continued also firing their muskets, and dancing in a similar manner. As soon as the whole Ceremony was closed we took our departure, not without much satisfaction that we had accomplished the object we had so long had in view and hoping to enjoy a little rest after nine days of such unremitting labour. I have no doubt but that these disturbances will tend to extend and confirm the influence of the Missionaries amongst the Natives throughout the Country and be over-ruled by Divine goodness for the promotion of God’s glory, and the salvation of these poor Heathens; for great numbers were brought together from different parts of the island, whom the Missionaries had never before seen. This gave us an opportunity of speaking to them at all our public meetings. They were convinced that we were friends to all parties. [March 20] On the following morning several Chiefs called at Paipea to take their leave of us. I made them a few trifling presents and they returned to their settlements, after parting with mutual satisfaction. In the final treaty of peace Kevi Kevi was to surrender to Oruroa the District of Kororarika which is the most valuable part of the Bay of Islands, there being safe anchorage for Ships near to the Shore. Thus terminated a civil war which threatened sad destruction to all parties concerned. Its events made the most favourable impression upon the minds of the Inhabitants in favour of the Missionaries, and at the same time gave then a very useful insight into the characters & customs of the New Zealanders; which circumstance will I trust tend to promote the mutual confidence. On the next Sabbath [March 21st] I preached from the 10th Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, 49th verse, shewing what were the first doctrines preached unto the Heathens by the Apostle Peter, namely, remission of sins by faith in Christ, and pointed out the wonderful effects produced by this first sermon, for the Holy Ghost fell not only upon Cornelius, to whom Peter was to preach the Gospel, but was also poured out upon all that heard him, and they received the knowledge of salvation by the remission of their sins, and that the same gospel preached to the New Zealanders, would through the divine blessing, procure that same blessed effect upon them. A very strong and deep impression has been made upon the minds of some of the Natives by the Missionaries preaching the gospel to them. Many are now enquiring what they must do to be saved. As the good work has begun, we may with confidence rely upon God to carry it on. I was much gratified at one circumstance that came to my knowledge. Some women had gone to Kororarika to join their husbands during the late disturbances. In the Evening they assembled together in one of the huts, where they sang a hymn and prayed. They were laughed at by some of the Natives, when Tetore, the Head Chief, who happened to be near, rebuked the scoffers. These women would not have performed their devotions, at such a time, and in such a scene of bustle and confusion, unless their hearts had been deeply impressed with the importance of religion. One single fruit is sufficient to exhibit the nature of the tree. [March 22nd] This morning (22nd March) the Revd W. Williams, Mr Davis, and I, left Paipea for Keri Keri’s, where we arrived in the Evening and found all the Missionaries and their families well. Several important improvements has been made since my last visit. I was happy to see several of the young men and women, who were living with the Missionaries, residing with them still, greatly improved in their external appearance, as well as in their religious progress. The Natives rejoiced at my appearance, and I spent a very pleasant morning with them. It was truly, highly gratifying to me to observe the great advancement they had made in civilization, and to learn that they were impressed with the importance of true religion and were earnestly seeking after the “one thing needful”. [March 23r] On the 23rd I accompanied five of the Missionaries to Waimate, a Native settlement about nine miles from Keri Keri. Here the Missionaries estimated the population at about one thousand, and about the same number with the compass of six miles. The soil is rich and an abundance of fine timber and a copious supply of good water; one stream capable of turning a wheat mill. In some parts were heavy crops of maize ready of for harvest, such as I have seen on the banks of the Hawkesbury River in New South Wales. I believe the land is capable of producing from 60 to 80 bushels per acre with good cultivation. There were also many plantations of common and sweet potatoes. When the ground is brought under proper cultivation it will produce the greatest abundance of grain of all kinds as well as vegetables. On our way we met with many slaves of both sexes loaded with provisions. They were going to take possession of Kororarika according to the conditions of peace recently established. Though Oruroa’s party were defeated in the first attack and driven from the field of battle in which some illustrious Chiefs fell, yet at the treaty it was agreed to resign Kororarika to Oruroa and his party in satisfaction for the loss of their friends. We arrived at Waimate in the Evening, and had no sooner pitched our tents than we were surrounded with Natives. Rewa and some of the principal Chiefs spent the Evening with us. Our conversation turned upon the miseries of New Zealand produced by the constant war of its inhabitants. They attended to us with apparent interest, but replied that they could not avoid wars acts of violence or robbery were constantly committed by one or another and they had no means of preventing or punishing these public evils but by war or plunder. They regretted the serious loss of life sustained in the late battle, and attributed all the recent calamities to Captn Brind as the original aggressor. In addition to political subjects we introduced that of religion. One Chief whom the Revd Mr Williams had visited was there. He told Mr Williams that he had prayed to our God every day in consequence of what the Missionaries had told him, but observing that God was a great way off, and he did not know whether He had heard him or not, as he had received no answer. I was much struck with this remark. It evidently appeared that he desired to know the only true God. He reminded me of the Roman Centurion Cornelius who prayed to God always until he received instructions from Heaven through the ministry of an Angel, who desired him to send for Peter, who should tell him what he ought to do by to be saved. I trust that God who answered Cornelius will answer the prayer of this poor New Zealander. Mr Williams also remarked [1830] that some time before in one of his Journeys amongst the Natives, he met with this Chief’s daughter, who told him that her father prayed daily to our God. Though these are trifling incidents they shew that some impression has been made upon the minds of the Natives and that they are gradually preparing for more knowledge. When I beheld such a number of these poor heathens crowding around our Tent as close as they could press upon each other, and remembered that they were Cannibals, and that we felt ourselves more secure from plunder or personal injury than I should have done in similar circumstances in N.S.Wales when we lay down in our Tent, I could not refrain from asking myself and Companions how can this be? What will these people become when they are brought into the glorious liberty of the Gospel. Before we retired to rest, it was highly gratifying to hear the Natives who had accompanied us from the Missionary Station, singing their evening Hymn before going to sleep in the distant woods, where the name of Jesus had never been heard of from the Creation of the World, before the glad tidings of salvation was brought to them by our Missionaries. The Red Wm Williams prayed with them in their own tongue, after which we all went to rest. [1830 March 24] 24th This morning we set off to examine the settlement in different directions, in order to fix upon a proper station for agriculture. Rewa the principal chief has long wished for some Missionaries to reside at Waimate, and renewed his application since my arrival. It is a most desirable object that a Missionary Station should be established here in the interior, remote from the baneful influence of the Shipping and where the Natives are so numerous. From its locality situation it was will at all times insure a numerous population as the common necessaries of life may be easily produced from the richness of the land. I also considered that it of the first importance that a Missionary should reside in the midst of his people. The Natives had asked Mr Kemp who occasionally visited, the reason why the Missionaries did not come to live with them. “You tell us about your God and your religion when you come, but we forget what you have told us before you visit us again. You should tell these things to-day, repeat them tomorrow, and the day after, and then we should remember them>’ Such are their observations, and it is greatly to be wished that [1830] their desires could be complied with. After we had surveyed the various parts of the settlement, and selected a station, should it finally be decided to form a station here, we returned to Keri Keri. On our road we fell in with numerous Natives, some carrying provisions to Kororarika, and others returning to Waimate. In the Evening we arrived at the Missionary Station where I remained several days. [in pencil - Omission here] [March 29] On Monday the 29th we had a full Committee, all the Missionaries being present. The subject of our deliberation was to determine upon a new station in the interior, and to fix upon the most eligible locality for it. After the most mature consideration it was resolved to establish it at Waimate, in a situation the most favourable for agriculture, as soon as it could conveniently be done. This measure would place the Missionary in the centre of the field of his labours, and at the same time contribute towards the supply of his temporal wants. [March 30] The removal of Messrs King & Shepherd from Rangihoua to some other station, also came under the consideration of the Committee; and it was finally resolved that they should remain where they were for the present [in pencil - Omissions] and which decision was unanimous. The following morning [1830 March 31] having a little spare time, I took my daughter with me and went to pay a visit to an old Chief named Kopiti, whom I had formerly known. Mr Clarke accompanied us. He had fled for safety to a small rocky island with only one tree upon it. He greatly feared being killed by one of the war parties, & had taken with him a few of his people. When I first knew Kopiti, he was a man of much consequence, and still thought himself one of the first Chiefs in point of rank and descent; but is authority, owing to age, had now become greatly reduced. Some years ago when he first came to visit me on board the Active, he asked me if King George ever went on board ship, observing that if King George did not who was King of England, he as King of New Zealand could not, but would remain in is Canoe. When I told him that King George did visit his Ships, he said he would then come on board, and did so. Te Island is surrounded with high rocks, and we found it very difficult to land on any part, and to ascend to the top, where the old Chief was seated. He was much rejoiced to see me and made many enquiries about King George. Though Kopiti had nothing in his external appearance of Royalty, yet he was as great in his own opinion as any Sovereign upon Earth, and perhaps not less happy than most. [1830 March 31] He appeared very cheerful, and boasted much of his lands, his slaves, his power, and his dignity. I could not but reflect how much man is the creature of habit, and how very few are his actual wants.— I was much entertained with his conversation. Before we parted, he urged me to leave my daughter with him, and he would provide for her from his large possessions. At length we took our leave of the old Chief, having had much gratification in listening to his anecdotes respecting the former and present state of his Country. The old man lamented the changes which had taken place amongst them in consequence of their wars, and the loss by himself and others of their rank and honours by these political revolutions. His slaves now rendered him little attention, and he had no power to enforce their obedience. Thus we find mankind whether savage or civilized, unhappy and discontented! Te baneful effects of man’s fall, and disobedience to his Creator, are felt in every part of the Globe, and the whole universe mourneth, on account of sin! [1830 April 1st] On leaving Kopiti’s we returned to Kevi Kevi [sic] and spent the following day with the Missionaries, arranging various affairs connected with the Mission, [April 2nd] and on the following Morning took my departure for Rangihua, which I had not visited since my arrival. Mr & Mrs Clarke and my daughter accompanied me. On our landing the Natives received us with great gladness. They informed us with the utmost distress that the day we came into the harbour a fine yong man, the only son of the late Duaterra died. He was a very amiable youth, and much beloved both by the Natives and Europeans. Had he lived it was intended that he should have returned with me to New South Wales. He could read and write well. The Chief’s wife, who was his Aunt, had observed to Mr Shepherd it was singular that God should leave the old, infirm and sick to live, while he called away the young by death. Warepoka the Head Chief told me that the youth’s last words were an enquiry where I was. The Missionaries had great expectations from him; he had been brought up with them, and was much attached to them. He was allied to the first families in the Island, and [1830] had he lived would have had great influence among them. How mysterious are the ways of Providence! His father was the principal Instrument in the hands of an all wise God, in preparing the way for the introduction of the Gospel into New Zealand. He had laboured hard for nine years, and suffered every hardship to prepare a way for the Europeans to reside in his Country and when he had the pleasure to see them settled, he was called away by death, and is promising son; and his wife hung herself at the request of her own Mother, in order that she might accompany him into the invisible world, that their mutual happiness might remain uninterrupted after death. After they were both dead, a retired place was selected and enclosed with a fence, in which a platform was erected about six feet high, when their bodies were wrapped up according to their custom, and in that state, they were laid together & would so remain, until the flesh was decayed, when their bones would be removed. The enclosed ground was quite sacred, and none could enter in to profane it. When I visited New Zealand afterwards, I applied to the priest for permission to go and see how they were laid, and obtained leave. The priest told me that [1830] their God could not injure me if I entered the sacred limits, but he would kill any of them. Such influence has their superstition over them. [April 3] On the 3rd of April I visited Tipuna and examined the ground purchased fom the Natives with a view to remove the Missionaries from Rangihua as this was considered a much more eligible situation. I found there had been considerable work done; some ground fenced in, a Cottage built, and the frames of a house erected; but the works had been suspended by a Resolution of the local Committee which was confirmed by the parent Committee in London accompanied with directions to withdraw all the Missionaries from Rangihua, and place them in one or both of the other stations. I regretted that this measure had not been more considered before it was decided upon, as it appeared to me an important station, and I was apprehensive the change would give great offence to all the Natives on that side of the harbour. They soon heard of the proposed arrangement and it produced a strong excitement amongst them. On the following day [April 4th] I met the Chiefs, and requested them to muster all the Natives of Rangihua upon the beach immediately, to ascertain their nuber. In a short time eighty men, seventy one women, and fifty one Children assembled. The Chief informed me that twenty men were out fishing and a number working in the fields. They entreated that the Missionaries should not be taken from them. I told them I coud make them no promises until I had written to England. The Head Chief wanted to know the reason of their removal, and enquired what had been done to offend them? “Had any of them been robbed, or murdered, or injured? If any of them have received any injury from us, they have a right to leave us, but if they can [not] show us just cause of complaint we shall all be very angry at their departure.”— Mr King had lived with them on the same spot, since the Missionaries first landed in New Zealand and the Chief told him that if the Missionaries left them, their houses shod never be touched till they were rotten, and when any European came there, and enquired whose they were, they would tell them that they once belonged to the Missionaries, and were preserved as Monuments of their disgrace for deserting their stations without any injury being offered to them, or any just cause of complaint. I was much concerned to see their feelings so much wounded, and in order to quiet their agitated minds told them, that they should not all be taken from them, and this assurance pacified them. I am decidedly of opinion that it would have been neither safe nor prudent to removed [sic] them at that time. The Head Chief observed to me that the Men in New Zealand were ding off very fast. Some were lost at sea in their Canoes in stormy weather, others were shot in battle, and others died from the fatigues of war, and many hung themselves; and that New Zealand would never be better circumstanced, until they had some Commerce, by which their wants could be supplied; but that they could do nothing without assistance, as they had no means. The last time the Chief was at Sydney, he went with me to see Archdeacon Broughton, who asked him “why they did not build houses”— he replied “will you give us any nails”— He observed that they could assist to build a ship if they had materials, and kill whales if they had a vessel; but as they were they could do nothing; and they should continue to carry on war with each other, until there would be few remaining. There were many Natives Chiefs present when the Chief expressed himself in the above terms, who acquiesced in with these sentiments, so fully sensible are [1830] they that they can never rise from their present state of misery and degradation without the aid of the civilized world. [April 4] On Sunday the 4th I attended Divine Service in the School Room. Many of the Natives were well dressed in European Clothing, and behaved with the greatest decorum. The two principal Chiefs with their wives were there. The Litany with some of the service which had been translated into the Native language, was read by Mr King and the Natives joined in the responses, which were either printed or written; both of which they could read, and understood well, especially those who attended the Schools. Afterwards I preached from the following words “The Lord is risen indeed and hath appeared unto Simon”. In the afternoon the Natives were examined and catechized. I addressed them as well as I was able in their own language, on the sufferings of Our blessed Saviour, how he was laid in the sepulchre, and arose from the dead, and afterwards ascended into Heaven. Since they pay so much attention to their own dead, it was easy to explain to them, in what manner Our Lord was laid in the Sepulchre by his Disciples. I explained to them the period of his continuance there, and of his abode upon Earth previous to his ascension into Heaven. [1830] When I felt any difficulty in making them understand these important doctrines I availed myself of Mr Shepherd’s interpretation. I said much to them upon the Resurrection of the dead, and that all their friends would rise again at the last day, and appear before that Saviour of whom I was speaking and that those who feared and loved him now would then be received into his glorious Kingdom, and dwell with him for ever, whilst all the wicked would be condemned to dwell in everlasting fire. They were much impressed with these subjects and appeared to understand them and as I had Messrs Shepherd and King with me, I was at no loss for an interpreter. I have no doubt but that God will take a people unto himself from amongst these poor Heathen, who shall see his salvation. [in pencil - Omission] [April 5] Monday 5th This day I left Rangihua, and crossed the Bay to Paipea. The Revd Hy Williams had got the roof of his house completed on my Return. In the Evening Mrs Williams provided a supper for the Native Carpenters eight in number. It was very pleasing to see them sitting down dressed in European Clothing, clean and orderly, to a good English plum pudding, which some probably [1830] had never before tasted. They were all happy and highly gratified with the feast. Some of them work well as Carpenters, and one of the Chiefs is now building a comfortable house for himself. [April 6] 6th Several Chiefs called upon me thi Morning, one of them came from Hokianga to invite Kevi Kevi and his tribe to leave Kowa Kowa and to accompany him to his District in order to prevent any more differences between him and Oruroa, who had now taken full possession of Kororarika, which before the late contest belonged to Kevi Kevi. The Chief condemned the conduct of both parties who had been concerned in the quarrel. He observed they had not been fighting against a common enemy, but one friend with another, and that such warfare was dreadful. I was pleased to hear him reason so sensibly upon this subject, as it admits the hope that they will eventually conquer their passion for war. [in pencil - Omission] [April 10] 10th This day I went to visit the remains of a tribe to which Tooi belonged. The Revd Mr Brown accompanied me. When I first visited New Zealand this tribe was one of the most powerful but is now reduced by war to a very small number. We spent a few hours with them conversing upon the miseries [1830] which they had brought upon one another by their disputes. They contended that New Zealand was in such a state that they could not help themselves. I felt much for them! In the Evening we returned to Paipea [April 11] Sunday 11th. This being Easter day it was observed with great solemnity. I preached in the Morning from the 15th Chapt. of Corinthians vs 3,4. During Divine Service, a Native Man, his Wife & Child were all christened and a daughter of Mr Richd Davis at the same time. It was a very solemn season. The Natives were deeply affected with the sacred ordinance. This man and his wife had been anxious for a long time to obtain salvation. They had repeatedly expressed their views and wishes respecting the sacred ordinance. Their lives and conduct had been becoming their profession, and they were fully convinced of the necessity there was for them to apply to Jesus Christ for the pardon of their sins, or that they could not be saved. All the Europeans in the Settlement were present, and a number of Natives both men and women. It was not possible for any Christian Congregation to have been more serious, or apparently more devout during the whole service. The Church and Baptismal services were both performed in the [1830] Native language, in which all the Natives joined the responses. [April 11] They understood the ceremony as well as Europeans in general do, and were much more impressed with its importance. The grace of God which bringeth salvation, is most evidently appearing in the whole lives and conversation of several New Zealanders, who reside at the Missionary Stations. They are thirsting after Christian Knowledge. I may here observe that these poor heathens tho’ in a barbarous state, are much more likely to embrace the Gospel, than many other civilized heathen nations who profess some national religion. The New Zealanders may be said to have no national religion. They have no rooted national religious prejudices to overcome, and by embracing Christianity they expose themselves to no persecution from their near relatives and friends. They incur no public contempt— nor lose their rank in society. There are no religious casts [sic] among them as in India, and other parts of the world. There are only two Classes in New Zealand, the free and bond. Every one whether he is free or a slave is at perfect liberty to act as he thinks proper with respect to his religion. Their superstition relates particularly to certain spots of ground, or vessels which they have tabooed, or set apart for some sacred purpose. I have not met with an instance [1830] in which their Priests have made any opposition to the doctrines taught by the Missionaries, or cast any reproach upon those who regularly attend their Instruction, and openly profess the Christian Religion. I consider these circumstances favorable to the introduction of the Gospel amongst them, and that they tend much to relieve the anxiety of the Missionaries as their hearers in attending their ministry give no offence to their superiors. The great doctrine of Atonement for sin is also easily comprehended by the New Zealanders. They are taught from their infancy to demand satisfaction or as they call it payment for every injury howver small. If adultery has been committed, the husband may put to death his wife and her seducer and may take satisfaction upon the offender for any additional other injury according to its nature. Such is the universal custom in New Zealand, “an Eye for an Eye, and a Tooth for a Tooth.” [April 13] 13th This day I visited Kevi Kevi. Several of the Natives at this Station express much concern for the salvation of their souls. One young man wrote a note to me expressing a wish to see me, and I immediately went . He was in much distress, and felt the burden of his Sin upon his conscience, and wanted spiritual advice. He is a married [1830] man of exceeding good character. [April 13] I spoke to him of the love of Jesus to returning Sinners, and mentioned particular characters who came to Him for pardon and peace when He was upon Earth and that he pardoned a great many sinners, and would receive him with the same love, and further that Jesus had appointed Missionaries to preach the Gospel to New Zealanders, as well as to the Natives of Otaheite, and all the other Islands, and that the Missionaries in New Zealand had left their Country and friends to publish the Gospel to them. The young man was much affected as well as many others who were in the room. The work of grace has evidently begun at this station among the Natives, and we cannot doubt but that divine goodness will carry it on, and relieve tem from the miseries and degradation in which they are now, from the influence of the Prince of Darkness. [April 16] On the 16th I visited Paipea to arrange some Missionary concerns, and [April 17] the following Morning returned to Keri Keri. On passing one of the Islands in the River, the Natives in the Boat informed me that several men who had fallen i the late affray were buried there, and amongst them was one women the wife of a Chief who had been slain in battle, who when her [1830] husband’s body was brought to be interred, requested that she might be put to death, and be buried with him, and was accordingly killed! So little controul have these poor heathens over their natural feelings in the day of trouble. They have no God whom they know that they can flee to in the hour of affliction. This unfortunate female had no sympathizing friend to administer to her the consolations of Religion and to relieve her distressed mind. What infinite blessings does christianity impart to all those who embrace it; and even nominal Christians often derive many advantages from the very idea that there is a God in Heaven, who can relieve them in the time of trouble. On my arrival at Mr Clark’s— Mrs C, said that the young man, to whom I had spoken on Wednesday, had been with her during my absence and had opened his mind more fully than he did to me. He told her his heart was heavily burdened with sin. His mind was so distressed that he could not sleep, on account of two sins which he had committed. One was he had been tattooed contrary to the advice of Mr Clark, who told him that if he were tattooed he would want to show himself, and [1830 April 17] afterwards would be anxious to get a gun and when he had a gun, he would want to fight, and then he might either kill some person, or be killed. Every thing thus predicted by Mr Clarke had occurred he had been tattooed, got a gun, and had killed two men in the last action and was nearly shot himself. He saw a gun levelled at him, and instantly stooped, when the shot went over his head and killed in [sic] teh man behind him. He acknowledged that it was God alone, who saved him from death and ruin. The reflection that he had shot two men greatly distressed his mind. He seems to be fully convinced of the evil of sin, and I hope that his present repentance will produce a real change in his purposes and character. His distress reminded me of what David suffered at the remembrance of the sin he committed when he murdered Uriah, and afterwards composed the 51st Psalm. [April 18] Sunday 18th This day I preached twice at Keri Keri, to full Congregations and administered the Holy Sacrament. In no part of the Universe can the Sabbath day be more sacredly observed, than in this Settlement. The Missionaries can leave their Houses open; and every European man and woman attend Church without any apprehension of their premises being robbed. All is still, quiet, and orderly, from [1830] Morning to Evening. In the Evening I took tea with Mr & Mrs Hamblin. They have some Native domestic servants whose minds are deeply impressed with the importance of eternal things, as well as several others, residing with Messrs Kemp, and Clarke. I was much gratified with Mrs Hamblin’s account of her female servants. The word of God has produced a powerful effect on their minds; and the communications of the Spirit both in convictions & consolations appear to me to be very remarkable. Yet their experience seems to be perfectly agreeable to the experience of some of the Heathen in the Apostolic times. About 7 o’Clock I returned to my room where I lodged at Mr Kemp’s. He informed me that there were several young men & women who wished to have some conversation with me upon religious subjects: and I received them with pleasure. Twelve in number immediately entered, and their anxious countenances bespoke to the inward workings of their minds. Their object was to learn what they were to do to be saved. I endeavoured to represent to them the love of Jesus in coming from Heaven to die for a ruined world, and for them as well as for Europeans. I gave them many instances of his love to poor sinners like themselves, when he was upon Earth— such [1830 April 18.] as his compassion to the two blind men who sat by the way side begging— the woman who was a sinner and living in a state of adultery when Jesus met her at Jacob’s well; and also another woman, who was taken in the act of adultery, and brought to Jesus when he was in the Temple. But Jesus forgave her, and bade her “go and sin no more.” Many other instances of his love and mercy I stated to them, and showed them how they either had sinned in a similar way formerly, or were living so now, and that they were guilty in the sight of God. At the same time Jesus was ready to pardon them, and save them from eternal ruin. They listened to me with tears, and deep contrition. What I could not clearly express Mr Kemp explained. When I had conversed with them about an hour, I told them that we must close our Meeting with prayer to God for his divine blessing, and we all knelt down for that purpose. It was my intention to have addressed the Father of Mercies but to my great astonishment a young New Zealand woman began to pray aloud. I never heard any address offered up to Heaven with so much solemn sweetness and freedom of expression, deep contrition, devotion, and emotion. I could not doubt but that she prayed with the Holy Spirit, and with the understanding also. She prayed that God would pardon her sins and preserve her from evil, and for all the Natives in the room, and that they might be delivered from the temptations with which they were surrounded. Her very soul seemed to be absorbed with the deep consciousness of the evil of sin, and the love of Jesus, who came to save sinners. Her voice was low, and soft— her sentences short, and fully expressed in the true spirit of prayer. My own mind was deeply affected. I had not expected to have seen in my day such a spirit of grace and supplication poured out upon this barbarous nation for pardon and grace to the only true God, with such godly sorrow and true contrition. All in the room were affected. The aged widow of the late Chief Shungee, and two of her daughters were present; when we arose from our knees the old woman exclaimed “Astonishing! Astonishing! Astonishing!” and retired. I must confess that I was not less astonished than she was. the female who prayed is one of Mrs Kemp’s domestic servants and has lived in the family seven years. She is married and has two children, and in all respects conducts herself as a true Christian and adorns the Gospel. Surely these are promising tokens [1830] of Divine mercy towards these poor heathens. The “daystar from on high” now shines upon them, and most clearly intimates that the sun of righteousness will soon arise and dispel the thick clouds of darkness, ignorance, and superstition, in which their minds have hitherto been involved. This was one of the happiest Evenings I had ever spent, and the very remembrance of it is still truly refreshing to my mind. [April 19] Monday 19th I this day examined a number of young persons in their Catechisms, and was much gratified to find that they had such a knowledge of the Christian Religion, and were eagerly thirsting after more. They could readily answer every question in the two Catechisms which had been translated into their own language, and such portions of the Scripture has [sic] had also been translated, and which they had committed to memory. It will be a happy day when the bible is put into their hands complete. They are very fond of reading and writing. For several days I have been detained at the Settlement by heavy rains, and spent my time in conversation with such Natives as come in my way, about the wonderful works of Creation. They wanted to know if God made the heavens and the Earth; the Sun and the Stars. One young women asked me [1830] how far the Heavens extended &c . &c. &c. I informed them that God made all things and that he would at a future day destroy them all again when he came to judge the world. They were much impressed with what I said. Tears stood in their eyes, as they caught every expression I uttered. The works of Creation and the future judgment will henceforth be a subject of much conversation with them and their associates. On one of my previous visits to New Zealand I was sitting one Evening in the room where I now am, meditating upon the 72nd Psalm, when the Natives killed a young woman behind my bedroom as a sacrifice! And she was afterwards roasted and eaten! The Natives danced with the most savage din round the victim of their superstitions. In the Morning I enquired what was become of the young woman and they told me with the utmost unconcern, that they had killed and eaten her! I was now astonished to behold the wonderful change that had been effected upon this little spot by the Gospel. Upon this very place where those hellish song resounded, and Rites were performed, I now hear the Songs of Zion, with joy and melody, and the voice of prayer and supplication ascending to the only true God! Many [1830] Many of the Natives now look with the greatest abhorrence upon their former superstitions and cruelties. So wonderful is the power of God’s word and Spirit. I cannot express my own feelings, from what I have seen and heard upon this very spot. I can only say it is the Lord’s doing, and it is marvellous upon in my eyes. I is not to be wondered at when we hear this circumstance, that Satan should raise up powerful enemies to the cause of Missions. The spiritual weapons of the Gospel will shake his Kingdom, and overthrow its very foundations in the hearts of the heathen. The British nation maintains a standing army of Missionaries in every heathen nation [sic] to protect its Rights and Liberties against all Enemies— So ought the Church of God to maintain a standing army of Missionaries in every heathen Nation where this can be done, in order to protect the Rights and Liberties of all her subjects. What is gold or silver, to be compared with the immortal Souls of poor punishing Heathens. While we behold many of our most valuable and warmest friends of the Missionary cause taken from the Peril to come in the very midst of the contest— men upon whom our hopes and expectations were fixed for final success, and whose names will be had in remembrance— let [1830]us offer up our earnest prayers to the great head of the Church to raise up others to fill their ranks. Every Christian is called upon to aid in this glorious work while it is called today. [May 2] May 2nd I preached twice at the Chapel and was much pleased with the conduct of the Natives at public worship. The Holy Spirit is working powerfully upon some of their minds— they are earnestly praying to God and seeking after his salvation. they now assemble every Evening at this station, for prayer and religious conversation. [May 3] On the 31st I was unwell from a severe cold and remained in the house. In the Evening about twenty Natives came in and sat down, when I addessed them from the 18th Chapt. of Genesis, and told them how the Lord appeared unto Abraham who was a righteous man, accompanied by two Angels, and informed him that it was his intention to destroy Sodom, and all its inhabitants for their wickedness. Abraham prayed for them, but they were all destroyed with the exception of Lot his Brother’s son, and his two Daughters. For God in his Anger rained down fire from heaven, and consumed them. The Natives were much affected when I concluded, and retired. [May 6] Thursday 6th This day I dined with Mr & Mrs Hamblin, a young woman waited at Table whom I had not seen before. [1830 May 6] On enquiring of Mrs Hamblin who she was, I was informed that she came out of the interior, and had lived with her some time before, but had been with her friends about 12 months. She returned voluntarily, and told Mrs Hamblin that she would never leave her as long as she lived. She seemed much concerned about her future state, and with great simplicity asked Mrs Hamblin if there was any more room in Heaven, for she was much afraid she was too late. The words of our blessed Lord recurrred very forcibly to my recollection, where he says “tell them to come in for there yet is room.” I never expected that these words would have their literal fulfilment, or that any one would ask the question if there was any more room in Heaven. This young woman said her mind was very dark, and, her heart hard, and requested Mrs Hamblin to tell her what sh must do. Mrs H. replied that she must pray to God, and told her what words to use. She answered with much affection “those are the very words we used last night, when I and some of the girls were praying together, but I am afraid God will not pardon me, I am so great a sinner.” She was very meek, and lowly in mind— I was interested with the simple statement of her case. [1830] From the foregoing observations it will be evident that the Gospel has made some deep impressions upon the minds of the Natives: Some have departed this life in sure and certain hope of everlasting glory. As God has begun his work, we cannot doubt but that he will finally accomplish all his gracious purposes towards these poor Heathens, and many of them will at last join with that great multitude which no man can number, who will assemble before his throne from every Nation under Heaven, to sing the redeemer’s praises through the countless ages of eternity! I shall now make a few remarks on their laws and customs— If adultery is committed both the criminal parties commonly suffer death when discovered. Te injured husband may rob, or put to death the man who has violated his wife, and he is also at liberty to put the woman to death. If a Chief’s wife is guilty of adultery, the Chief tho’ innocent of his wife’s crime, is plundered of all his property. The great Chief Shungee had three wives. I knew them all. One of them was seduced by another Chief. Accordingly when it was publicly known, the guilty Chief shot himself, and the wife of Shungee hung herself, and Shungee was robbed of much of his property, and found it necessary to leave his settlement, and seek an Asylum elsewhere. This calamity eventually drove him to war with the people at Wangaroa, in which he was wounded so as to cause his death.— When a man is guilty of theft, the injured party is at liberty to take from the offender all he possesses by force, if able to do so, such as his Canoes, Potatoes or anything he can seize, in satisfaction for the injury. It is also sufficient to excite a war, if one Chief rob the Sepulchre of another, and steal any of the Bones of his departed friends. This is considered a heinous offence. In consequence, the bones of the principal deceased Chiefs, are hid in Rocks and Caverns by some of their confidential surviving friends. I enquired where the Bones of Shungee were deposited and was told that no one could tell.— For a person to speak disrespectfully of their relatives, whether dead or alive is a cause of great offence. As they have no civil or criminal law by which, by which justice can be regularly dispensed, they generally appeal to force. This state of things must continue, until their minds are more informed, and regular laws established among them. In time of war, the fighting men seize provisions wherever they can find them. Some Chiefs when they know that war parties are out, will set apart a portion of their potatoe grounds with the crop on the ground and Indian Corn, to prevent them from destroying the whole. With respect to their female slaves, it is seldom that a Chief can be prevailed upon to permit any of them to marry. He always appropriates a number of wives for himself. To violate any of their women would be death to her as well as to the seducer. On this account there are comparatively few of these women who are married, and hence the small proportion of Children to the women. This is a cruel and barbarous custom. The Chiefs find these reputed wives more industrious than free women, and more to be depended upon for honesty. It is wholly from motives of private interest that these poor female slaves re set apart for their Masters. This unjust and cruel custom is not likely to be done away with, until the Christian religion has produced its due effect upon their minds, and they are brought to adopt the customs and manners of the civilized world.— The New Zealanders have a strong belief in witchcraft, which they call Makutu, and that those persons who have this power, can destroy any whom they wish, by their art. When a man believes that he is makutued, he generally pines away, for the dread of death, has such an effect upon his mind. It sometimes happens when a man of great repute dies, though it should be from natural causes, his friends believe that he has been makutued. When the Chief Shungee died, of the wounds he had received in battle, many of his friends believed that he had been makutued by a Chief [Pango] to the Southward of the River Thames, who chanced to be at the Bay of Islands, and who would have been murdered under this superstitious impression, if he had not made his escape. The greatest insult that can be offered to a Chief, is to use improper language towards him, and particularly to curse him; as they are apprehensive that the curse whatever it be, will come upon them. Hence it rarely happens that the New Zealanders make use of bad language to each other, as Europeans do. When a Chief dies and leaves a wife his brother may take her if he wishes to do so, but it is quite optional. When Shungee’s eldest son was killed in battle, his youngest brother took his wife to live with him as his wife. Slaves, are either those taken in war or purchased. It is very difficult for a slave to escape to escape from his Master for the law of New Zealand is, that whosoever apprehends a runaway Slave, shall be the future owner of that slave. It is also a great insult to a Chief to call anything after his name. If a man were to call his Canoe by the name of any Chief, it would be immediately seized by the Chief, or any other article in like manner. When a Child is born both the father and mother are tabooed. A few days after the birth a preparation is made for a feast. The name is given to the Child by the parents. Several prayers or incantations are offered up at the time— the subject of which is, if a boy, that he may be courageous and daring. After the parties have feasted— (the mother upon sacred food— the father and others upon common) the leaves of a particular tree, as I am informed are procured, and dipped into water, and the person holding the Child in his or her arms sprinkles it with the water. This I believe is a universal custom amongst the Natives. They believe the Child would die if this ceremony were omitted. From whence this custom of sprinkling the young Children originated, I could obtain no information.— Observations on my fourth visit to New Zealand ________________ In the beginning of the year 1823 the Revd Henry Williams with Mrs Williams and family arrived at Port Jackson on their way to New Zealand. At that time there was no vessel in the Harbour in which they could proceed to their destination. About three months afterwards the Ship Brampton from England anchored in Sydney Cove, when I engaged her on the 22nd to convey the Rev. H. Williams and family, together with the Rev Saml Leigh [Nathaniel Turner] and his Lady, & Mr Hobbs who were going to join the Wesleyan Missionaries in New Zealand; there were also Mr & Mrs Fairburn and two Children; and my man-servant. The day was very fine but little wind. I felt very anxious to see New Zealand once again, to observe the progress that had been made in the improvement of the poor heathen. It is now more than two years since I left the Island; and much good and much evil since that period, has appeared amongst them; and many obstructions to the work of the Mission. [1823] I am still confident that this land of darkness and superstition, will be visited by the day star from on high— “the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together, for, the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it”— O Lord let thy Kingdom come, and then thy will shall be done on Earth, as it is in heaven. [July 23] Wednesday— 23rd Last night we were obliged to come to anchor, for want of wind, near the Heads; and at daylight we weighed, and cleared the heads of the Harbour, at about 8 o’Clock with a fine breeze. The morning was very fine; I felt happy that I was leaving the Colony for a little time, in which I have suffered annoyance and vexation from wicked men. Perhaps if I had not met these vexations, I shd have felt less inclination to have left my comfortable home and family. In the midst of all I feel I am in the path of duty, and therefore can leave with quietness and confidence my family and all my concerns in “his hands who keepeth Israel, and neither slumbereth nor sleepeth.” In reflecting upon the state of New Zealand, there are many things in this Mission that give me both pleasure and pain. I am happy that the Church Missionary Society have not relinquished the cause, but have sent out more strength to carry on the work. Many have been the discouragements from improper conduct of some of the Society’s servants; but I am confident that the “sword of the spirit which is the word of God” shall subdue the hearts of these poor heathen, to the obedience of Faith. Moses by divine commandment selected twelve Princes, Rulers in their respective tribes, to spy out the land of Canaan: they went thro’ the land, but when they returned they brought up an evil report of that which they had searched, and told Moses that they were not able to go up and take the land. Ten of the twelve rulers joined in this Report, but Caleb and Joshua said, we are able to go up at once, and possess it. As long as Caleb and Joshua remain in New Zealand, the land will be taken, though it cannot be said to be the “promised land”— a land flowing with milk and honey”— yet it is the land of promise. I have no doubt but I shall find some on my arrival faithful to the cause, tho’ others who once ran well have turned aside from the path of duty and brought an evil report upon the Mission. How mysterious are the ways of God. He permits men to engage in this work; they labor for a time with honor to themselves and [1823] to the cause in which they are employed, and at length they are taken in the snare of the Devil— fall from their stedfastness— bring guilt upon their own consciences— pierce themselves thro’ with the bitterest sorrows, and go mourning all their future days! What warnings ought these to be to the followers of Christ. [Aug 1] Friday August 1st. This Evening we made the “Three Kings” of the North Cape of New Zealand, and ran between the islands and the main land. The Sea rolled mountains high, and the gale was very heavy. We had met with nothing remarkable during our passage, but boisterous stormy weather part of the way. [Aug 2.] Saturday, August 2nd. This morning we found ourselves to the Southward of the Cape, and before 12 o’Clock saw the North Head of the Bay of Islands; but the wind was unfavorable. In the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour, but could not work in as the wind was directly against us. We observed the brig Queen Charlotte, a few miles to the leeward of the Brampton, working up, and both vessels laid off and and [sic] on during the night. [Aug 3rd] Sunday, August 3rd. At daylight this morning the Queen Charlotte was about 3 miles [1823] to windward, working up the Harbour with a foul wind. The Brampton being light she did not hold the wind. In working up, we had stood in on one tack pretty far over to the South side of the Harbour, and when the ship was put-about she struck upon a rock, but without receiving any perceptible injury. In the Evening at dusk we came to anchor in Kororarika Bay, about nine miles from the Missionary Station Rangehoo. None went on Shore this Evening. It being the Sabbath I administered the Sacrament in my Cabin in the morning, and in the Evening we had Divine Service between decks. We had preached every Evening when the weather permitted to the Ships Company, from the time of our leaving Port Jackson, and had found it profitable to ourselves, and may through the Divine blessing prove profitable to those who heard us. [Aug 4] Monday 4th This morning I went on shore to Rangehoo, saw Messrs Hall, King, & Cowell, they and their families were all well. I learnt that the Revds Leigh and White were settled at Wangaroa and Mr Shepherd with them. It was Mr Leigh’s original intention to have settled southward of the Bay of Islands, or in some other Station nearer the River Thames. We had been to the Southward, but found the Inhabitants were either killed or driven from their homes by the war that had taken place along the Coast since I was there three years ago. He and his colleague had steered their course to the Northward, about fifty miles from the Bay of Islands. There is a very considerable population in the Harbour of Wangaroa where the “Boyd” was cut off, about sixteen years ago. It was my intention to have fixed the Revd Henry Williams on that station when we left Port Jackson, and I purposed that Mr Shepherd should accompany them him, as he had acquired considerable knowledge of the language, and had written to Mr Shepherd on that subject. I was informed that the Rev Mr Leigh was very ill, and it would be necessary to recal [sic] Mr Shepherd and his wife to the Bay of Islands, as the tribe to whom he had been sent required his return. The Station the Revd S. leigh had fixed upon, is a very important one, and I hope the Mission will succeed in that very spot where so many of our Countrymen were massacred and eaten by the Natives. The Revd Mr Turner and Mr Hobbs set off as soon as they could, by land, to Wangaroa, taking with them a native guide, in order to see their Colleagues, and consult as to [1823] the removal of themselves and baggage to their intended Station. It appeared to me very providential that the Revd S. Leigh had fixed upon this place for their Missionary labors, as they might keep a communication with the Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society by land, and be of mutual advantage to each other. I had now determined to settle the Revd H. Williams upon the South side of the Bay of islands, about sixteen miles from “Kiddee Kiddee” and twelve miles from “Rangehoo”, at “Wytanghee” or Pyhea. After spending the day with Mr Hall, I returned on board the Brampton. [August 5] Tuesday 5th April.—The Revd H. Williams and myself, went to Wytanghee, to see if we could fix upon a station for a new settlement. The land is very good and the situation beautiful. We had some conversation with the Inhabitants on the subject, and told them what were our intentions, but came to no arrangement with them, as the principal Chiefs were absent at the war. We crossed the Wytanghee River, and examined the ground on the other side which appeared good also: there is a large population at both places, and a number of fine [1823] children who continually surrounded us. The head chief was also gone to war so that we could not come to any final determination this day, and therefore returned on board in the Evening. [Aug 6] Wednesday, the 6th. This day called a full Committee of all the Missionaries at “Kiddee Kiddee” with the exception of the Revd H. Williams, when the Resolutions of the parent Committee, transmitted to me from London, were read and considered until a very late hour. The evils censured in these communications could not be denied. In reading these Resolutions I endeavoured to impress upon the Committee, the importance of the different subjects they embraced, and cautioned them against the consequences of departing from their public duty in future. At a very late hour we closed our deliberation for the present, and deferred the future further consideration of these communications to another future opportunity. [in pencil - much crossed out of original] [Aug 7] Thursday the 7th. This morning I left “Kiddee kiddee” in company with the Revd H. Williams, in order to fix upon a new station for him, about fourteen miles from the above settlement. We examined the [1823] soil, and resolved upon taking his residence here. The site is situated on the Banks of the Kowa Kowa River. The head Chief was absent at war. He had lived with me at Parramatta, and I knew him to be a worthy man, and would make no objection to Mr Williams being there when he returned. It was therefore agreed immediately to prepare a place for landing the Sores, and a temporary building for Mr Williams and family. The Natives of the village were accordingly directed to collect materials for a thatched building, and to erect it with all possible despatch as the Master of the Brampton was urgent to have the Stores landed. The day was very wet and stormy, so that we were unable to return to our Ship, distant about eight miles, but with some difficulty reached the Queen Charlotte after dark, very cold and wet, where we remained for the night. We had the misfortune to have our boat swamped alongside the brig, and lost our oars. [In pencil - omission on Kendall] On my arrival on board the Brampton, I found that the Revd Mr Turner had returned from Wangaroa. He brought me a letter written by desire of the Revd Mr Leigh, who was so indisposed that he could not write it himself, [1823] in which he requested me to go and see him, and arrange with the Chief commonly called George, for the land they wished to settle upon, as they could not come to terms with him. From the account Mr Turner gave me of Mr Leigh’s health, I was satisfied that he was totally unfit for his station at Wangaroa; that he could [not] suffer the privations and anxiety, inseparably connected with a Missionary situation, on a new station, in a heathen land. I determined if possible to visit him before my return to Port Jackson, and see if anything could be done to administer to his comfort and relief. Mr Turner pressed me much on this subject, as he thought Mr Leigh was so ill, he was not likely to recover.— [Aug. 9] Saturday 9th I remained on Board all day to arrange the necessary measures for landing the Stores &c. Mrs Williams and her children went to “Kiddee Kiddee” and Mrs Turner her little girl and female servant, were taken to Rangehoo, until some opportunity offered of for Mr T., and family joining their Mission at Wangaroa. [Aug 10.] Sunday 10th— This day I preached at Rangehoo, and administered the Holy Sacrament in the morning. The Revd H. Williams preached in the evening. We had a quiet and comfortable day. The [1823] Natives were catechized by Mr Hall, and sung hymns and repeated prayers in their own language, which was exceedingly gratifying to my mind. I observed with great pleasure that the Natives in every place were much improved in their appearance and manners, since I last visited them and that notwithstanding the misconduct of some of the Europeans the work was gradually going on, and the way preparing for the blessings of the Gospel to be imparted unto them. I have no doubt but that the greatest difficulties are now over, and God will either incline the hearts of those who are now in New Zealand to devote themselves to the instruction of the Natives, or He will find other instruments to do His work. The present Missionaries tho’ some have erred greatly from the right way, yet they all have had trials and troubles: some allowance must be made for their peculiar situation, their want of Christian Society, and public ordinances of religion— such privileges as are enjoyed by the Church of God in England. I have a lofty tree upon one of my Estates in New South Wales which stands upon the summit of a Hill. When I first got possession of this site, this tree was surrounded [1823] by many more, and it appeared from its strength and stateliness that it would stand uninjured for Ages. I removed all the rest, and left it to stand alone as a conspicuous monument, when it soon withered and died! It still stands a dead lifeless object, and has furnished me with many reflections at different times. Remove a Christian from London who is learning the first fruits of righteousness like a tree planted by the water side; and transfer him to the barren deserts of New Zealand and I apprehend he would in a short time exhibit a faded aspect and his leaves droop and die. If Missionaries in heathen lands lose their spiritual strength, which they are very prone to do, it would be happy for them if they could be transplanted for a time into a Christian soil, until their vigor should be renewed, their spirit refreshed, their zeal rekindled, and altogether renovated for their arduous undertaking. [Aug 11] This Morning I left Ranghehoo and went on board the Brampton, where most of the Missionaries were assembled in order to send off all the stores we could to “Kiddee Kiddee” before the Ship left her present anchor, it being the Master’s intention to remove her about nine miles farther nearer to the South side [1823] of the Harbour. After the goods were sent off I accompanied the Rev. J. Butler, and Rev. H. Williams to the Head Chief, at Tarra’s River. After meeting him and his people we returned to Ranghehoo where I held a Special Committee, when all the Missionaries were present excepting Mr Hall who was absent on some other duty. We did not close our proceedings till midnight. At this Meeting the Resolutions of the Parent Society were brought under consideration a second time. the respective Salaries were arranged, and some other concerns connected with the Mission, when the Committee was adjourned to a future day. [Aug 12.] Tuesday 12th This Morning we procured what boards and other sawed Timber we could from Mr Hall for the purpose of erecting a temporary building for the reception of the Rev. W. Williams [sic] his stores &c at Pyhea in order that all his goods might be landed as soon as possible from the Brampton. We hired a large war-canoe to take the Boards &c to Mr W’s station about nine miles distant on the South side of the Harbour. We then proceeded on board the Brampton accompanied by the rev. J. Butler & Messrs Kemp and King, in order that they might render what assistance they could to the Revd H. Williams in the landing his goods and securing them [1823] on Shore. [in pencil - Long omission here on Kendall] Since my arrival I had not lost any moment in examining the Natives relative to their Wars, Religion, Customs and Manners. The character and history of the New Zealanders would be very interesting if it could be purely written. They are a noble race of Men, and are very religious in their way. Men of the first capacity of mind: of great perseverance, and enterprize, who never lose sight of an object until they attain it. They are powerful reasoners upon every subject they that has come within their knowledge: possess a quick conception, and are well acquainted with human nature. At present there is nothing in New Zealand but war, to exercise their active minds. Should the arts of peace in time open to them the field of commerce, to provide them with employment, the inclination for war would gradually disappear. During the time I had been on shore, the Snapper, a small cutter had arrived from Port Jackson bound to the Society Islands. [Aug 13] Wednesday 13th It was resolved this morning to engage the Snapper to convey the Revd Wesleyan Missionary Society’s Stores to Wangaroa to join the Revds Leigh [1823] and White, as there was no prospect of their getting to this Station by any other Conveyance. As the Revd S. Leigh was so very ill and could not settle with the Natives about the land and so earnestly solicited me to visit their Station, I determined to embark in the Snapper. It was arranged for her to sail in the afternoon. The weather became very stormy, before all the Stores were on board, so that our sailing was postponed until the following morning. I expected to return before all the Stores were landed from the Brampton, so as to complete my other business before she was ready for sea. [August 14] Thursday 14th At Daylight this Morning I embarked on board the Snapper, a very small vessel, of about Thirty tons, with the wind fresh against us. When we gt out to sea the Cutter was tossed about much, having to contend with an adverse wind. The distance between the two Harbours is from 40 to 50 miles. Late in the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour of Wangaroa, but cold not work in, and therefore lay off until day. [Aug 15] Tuesday [in pencil - Monday] 15th The wind continuing contrary, a boat and several Canoes towed us into the Harbour, and at Noon we came to an anchor. Shortly afterwards George, the Chief, and several others with him came on board. I requested George to take charge of the vessel until I and the Master returned from visiting Mr Leigh who resided about eight miles higher up the River. The Revd & Mrs Turner also accompanied us to the Missionary Settlement, where on our arrival we found Mr Leigh very unwell attended by Mrs Leigh. When the Missionary Stores were landed and the station and every arrangement made that was in my power to do for their comfort and safety, I embarked on board the Snapper & returned to the Brampton after an absence of about five days. On my arrival at the Bay of Islands I lost no time in visiting the different stations, and in arranging for the future concerns of the Mission as far as I could. I endeavoured to reconcile all differences that had existed among the Missionaries, and to encourage them in their labors. I visited the neighbouring Chiefs, and recommended the Missionaries to their care and protection. They all showed a willing mind to do all in their power to promote their happiness. Several Chiefs now urged me to allow them to accompany me to Port [in pencil - Great omissions] [1823] Jackson, amongst whom was the Head Chief Dekokee— At length I promised to take with me twenty Chiefs including their sons and servants. All were now busy in preparing for their voyage, as the Brampton was expected to sail immediately; and having finally completed all my arrangements relative to the Mission, I took my leave of the Missionaries and their families, intending to return to New South Wales immediately, and for that purpose embarked on board the Brampton, with the Chiefs &c. [Sep 6h] On Saturday the 6th the Revd H. Williams and some other persons attached to the Mission came on board, with an intention of paying their last visit, and returned to their stations in the Evening. [Sep 7th] The next day being the Sabbath the Captain was determined to sail. Many of the New Zealanders in the Bay of Islands since the Sabbath day has been established amongst them are very particular in observing it. In the evening when they saw the Captn preparing to get the ship under way, expressed their astonishment at his attempt to violate the Sabbath, and remonstrated very strongly against his doing so, and entreated me to dissuade him from it. The Head Chief was much agitated, and declared that if the Capt sailed on that day, our God would be so angry that he would destroy the Ship, but nothing that I and the Chief could urge had any influence on the Capt. The morning was very fine, when we first got under way, and the sail set to a fair wind, with every prospect of our soon clearing the Harbour. In a little more than half an hour the weather changed, it began to rain, & blew a gale, and the sea rose high tho’ we were several miles within the harbour in a very safe Cove, and not far from the entrance of the Kowa Kowa River. The Capt. was resolved to proceed to sea. In working down the Harbour against the wind, the Ship struck upon two sunken rocks which went thro’ her planks and in a moment destroyed all hopes of saving her. There was an Island in the Bay called Mootooroa, between two and three miles off, which was the only possible landing place, from the high surf which broke across the bay. I requested the Captain to allow his Jolly-boat to be launched and to lend me two men to land me and the Revd Mr and Mrs Leigh, and which we had but small hopes of reaching from the raging surf & high wind— the rain too falling in torrents. On landing we met two or three poor Natives who assisted us to get some fern and a little brush-wood to make a small shed to shelter us somewhat from the inclemency of the weather. The gale continued about two days— we had no provisions with us, the Missionaries knew nothing of our shipwreck, nor could any others land from the Ship, which however could not sink being jammed between two rocks. The loss of so fine a vessel was a distressing calamity. The Chiefs who had urged the Captain not to sail, firmly believed that it was a judgment from God for breaking the Sabbath, which they called “Ra-taboo” or sacred day. I may here mention a similar circumstance which occurred at Okianga, and related to me by one of the Chiefs of that River whom I well knew, and who was an eye-witness of the event. An American ship sailed from Port Jackson to New Zealand (I knew both the Capt. and the vessel) and anchored at Okianga River. The Captn resumed his voyage on the Sabbath, and got out to sea. Soon after he had cleared the heads a strong gale set in against him, which drove the ship on a Sandbank at the mouth of the Harbour. The Capt. cast both the anchors, in order to secure the vessel. But the Chief laboured to impress upon my mind that the gale was raised by the anger of our God and who dived under the vessel, broke the anchors, tossed the Ship into the air and down again, and at last dashed her on shore upon this beach, and the ship and cargo were totally lost. These two events will long be considered as just judgments upon the Masters of the Ships for violating the Sabbath, by the Natives of New Zealand. We may remark upon such awful examples how the winds and the sea obey the divine command. These shipwrecks made more impression upon the minds of the Natives than all the preaching and arguments of the Missionaries could have done without supernatural influence, in producing in them a belief that there was a God who had ordained the Sabbath, and enjoined cessation from all worldly occupations. The Chief Dekokee told me about an hour before the Brampton stranded, that our God would destroy the Ship, for no other reason than that the Capt. sailed on the Sabbath. I always rested on the Sabbath day on my different journeys thro’ New Zealand, and passed it in conversing with the Natives upon the subject of religion and the appointment of the Sabbath by our God, who was their God also, and who would require the like observance of it by them. They appeared ever willing to hear all I had to say upon the subject. After the wreck of the Brampton I had to wait five weeks for an opportunity to return to Port Jackson; when I embarked on board the brig Dragon and arrived in Sydney in October following. During the period I was waiting I was occupied, and I may say gratified by daily observing the advances the Native inhabitants were making in the knowledge of the Christian religion, and in the arts of civilization. I was much delighted to see the respect they paid to the Sabbath and to the public ordinances of religion particularly at those stations where the Missionaries were settled. I cannot entertain a doubt from what I saw and heard, but that the labors of the Society will be crowned with success. They have been blessed, and I believe God will continue to bless them. There is one circumstance worthy of notice. The Mission has been established one and twenty years, and neither man nor woman belonging to the station have died at New Zealand, whilst in the service of the Society. This may be considered as a token for good, and that the great head of the Church has taken this Mission under his special protection. The Missionaries have been living in the midst of the most savage cannibals during the above period who have murdered and eaten numbers of their countrymen and sometimes in the presence of the Missionaries who could not restrain them from such acts of barbarity and cannibalism. The safety of the Missionaries and their families cannot be attributed to chance or to the humanity of the Natives, but to Him who keepeth Israel. Those friends of this important Mission should bear in grateful remembrance all the way the Lord has led this Mission, and all who have faithfully laboured in it; in order to excite their gratitude, stimulate their exertions, amd encourage their hopes; then they may rely with implicit confidence that the labors of the Missionaries will continue to be blessed, and that a people shall be born in New Zealand who shall serve the Lord on Earth, to the praise of his glory, and finally reign with Him in Heaven in the midst of that great multitude, “who have washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb”— and by the sovereign grace and love of God have been collected from every nation, kindred, tongue, and people, who will sing with one voice “Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honor, and glory and blessing, for thou hast redeemed us to God by thy blood—.” No anticipation of future happiness can inspire such unspeakable joy in the believing soul as this heavenly reflection. Let then the Missionary Societies which love our Lord Jesus Christ send forth Missionaries into every Heathen land to sound the Gospel trumpet, until the knowledge of the Lord cover the Earth, as the waters cover the Sea!”The following are a few general remarks of such occurrences as have taken place since our departure from Port Jackson. On Thursday Morning the 29th July 1819 we embarked for New Zealand, on board the General Gates an American brig which I had taken up for the purpose of conveying myself, The Reverend Mr Butler and family, Messrs Hall and Kemp and Mrs Kemp, with Tooi & Teeterree, one New Zealand Woman who has resides for a time with her Husband at Parramatta, together with three Mechanics and their families. We met Teranghee Tooi’s brother about ten miles from the Heads of Port Jackson, coming to Parramatta to look for his brother, in the Active. The whole on board belonging to the Settlement at New Zealand amounted to Twenty two persons, men, women and children. We had not been long at Sea, before most of us were very sick. The first two days were favourable, tho’ the winds were light; afterwards we met with variable winds, and sometimes very strong against us, with a very high Sea, so that our passage, as far as concerned the winds, and seas, was very rough and unpleasant, and distressing to all who were subject to Sea Sickness. On Tuesday night the 10th August about 12 OClock the Master concluded from His reckoning that we were near the Cape Van Diemen on the Southernmost point of the North Cape of New Zealand, and sounded, when he found the water to be 40 Fathoms. He immediately stood off from the Shore, for about 2 Hours, when he again stood in for the Land, and before the break of day we were close in with it. We had now a moderate fine Breeze, and the wind fair, and on the return of day, to our great Joy, we had a near view of the North ape, and soon saw the native fires, on different parts of the Land. We sailed close in shore, all along the North Cape. In a short time we came up with about 40 Canoes, full of People: to some of whom we spake, and were informed, that they could not have any communication with us, as they were tabbooed. They were fishing for none but sword fish, with short lines, and all the fish they caught of this kind were tabbooed, and could not be disposed of, as they were to be preserved for their winter food. We saw a number of their stages on shore, which were erected to dry their fish upon. I enquired after the Chief and Jem the Otaheitian and was informed they were on shore. There appeared to be about 250 or 300 Natives in the Canoes. But as they were tabbooed we could not have any particular communication with them. The wind continuing fair, and the weather fine, till after we had passed the Cape, when towards evening it gradually died away, so that we made little progress during Wednesday night. Towards noon on Thursday the breeze freshened, and became pretty fair, so that we came opposite to the Cavallie Islands, before sun set, when several Canoes visited us. In one of which was the Chief OKeeda whose son had lived with me 12 Months at Parramatta, and was gone again in the Active. O’Keeda informed us, that they were assembling their men to go to war with the People of Whangharoa, and that Shunghee was to leave the Bay of Islands on Friday Morning, with his War Canoes, and warriors, to join the people on the main, opposite to the Cavallies. OKeeda requested to remain on board till we arrived at the Bay of Islands, which request was complied with. The cause of the difference between Shunghee and the people of Wangharoa, we were informed by OKeeda was; A Whale had been driven on the Shore, belonging to Shunghee, and the people of Wangharoa had taken and eat it, which was considered as a public theft, and for which Shunghee was going to punish them. On Thursday Evening about 12 OClock The General Gates anchored safely off Ranghee Hoo, in 12 fathoms, when the natives fired immediately several Muskets to welcome our arrival tho’ midnight. Several of the natives, with the Pilot came off immediately, but we could not admit them on board till Morning, and therefore requested them to return on shore and inform the Settlers, with which request they complyed. At day break, the Vessel was surrounded with natives. Some of the Settlers came on board and informed us all was well. Our meeting afforded mutual satisfaction to all interested in the Mission. When we viewed the Shores of New Zealand, and the Croud of Natives flocking around us, our hearts were warmed within us, and we considered that we had now arrived at the Land of Promise. About 11 OClock Shunghee arrived with his war Canoes, and fighting men, on his way to Wangharoa. He received us very cordially, as well as all the Chiefs who were with him. I told him we had heard of his intention to go to war with the people of Wangharoa, and remonstrated with him upon the folly of carrying on a continual warfare one with another. Several of the Subordinate Chiefs urged me to speak to Shunghee to give over fighting, that they wished to live at peace, and some of them requested me to take Shunghee with me to Parramatta, and that this would tend to promote the general quiet. I used every argument with Shunghee to dissuade him from fighting; he laughed at me, and said it was very hard for him to comply with my wishes, but that he would not fight while I remained at New Zealand, and would accompany me to Port Jackson, if I approved of his going. And that he would at present suspend his intentions against the people of Whangharoa [sic], but he must go in a few days near Whangharoa, to remove the bones of his wifes father, but he would not fight, and I might go with him if I chose. I told him I would if I could spare time. Shunghee is a man of the mildest manners, and disposition, and appears to possess a very superior mind. Canoes continued to arrive for the greater part of the day at Ranghee Hoo till the beach was crowded with natives. Early in the morning we began to land our stores, and continued the whole of friday and Saturday. We had considerable difficulty, from the multitude of natives that covered the shore to get thro’ them with the stores, they were so eagar [sic] to see either us or what we brought. They gave us every assistance to carry the Stores to the House appointed for their reception, nor did we miss these two days a single article that I know of, excepting a Silk pocket Handkerchief which was taken out of my pocket. When I mist it I informed Shunghee and in about Ten minutes he brought me my Handkerchief again. I made no inquiry who had taken it but left Shunghee to settle that matter. During these two days we landed all our light and many of the heavy stores, as the weather was fine. On Saturday night a heavy Gale came on, which drove the boats of the Active and General Gates from their moorings and brake them to pieces. This was an unfortunate accident, as we had only a whale boat belonging to the General Gates which was not sufficiently strong to carry our heavy stores on shore. On Monday Morning we resolved to build a punt 24 feet long by 10 for the purpose of landing the heavy stores, and general use. The Gale continued on Monday with heavy rain, that nothing could be done. As we were confined to the House this day we deliberated upon the propriety of immediately forming a new Settlement where the operations of Agriculture could be carried into effect, on an extensive scale. Korra Korra Tooi’s [in pencil - Tooi is one of the N. Zealanders who was in England] brother arrived on Monday evening, who is Shunghees opponent, and commands a large extent of the Coast, on the south side of the bay of Islands. The two Chiefs were soon acquainted with our intentions of forming a new Settlement, and were both equally anxious to have us within their respective Jurisdictions. Shunghee said he would give us our choice of all his lands, and any quantity we might wish. Korra Korra was ready to do the same. It was agreed upon that we should proceed on Tuesday Morning to Kiddee Kiddee, the district about 12 Miles from Ranghee Hoo, where Shunghee carries on his principal cultivation of sweet and common Potatoes. Accordingly after setting the natives to cut the timber for our new punt, and giving the necessary directions to the Carpenters, myself, The Revd J. Butler Messrs Francis & William Hall, set off with Shunghee in his war Canoe for Kiddee Kiddee where we arrived in the afternoon, and proceeded immediately to examine the Country. I had surveyed this part of the Land, and about 14 Miles to the West of it, when I was in New Zealand in 1815, and considered this district the most promising for a new settlement of any I had met with in New Zealand. The soil being rich, the land pretty level, free from Timber, easy to work with the plough and bounded by a fine fresh water river, and the communication by water free and open to any part of the Bay of Islands, and safe Anchorage for Ships of any burden within about 2 leagues of the Settlement. Shunghee told us we were at full liberty to take what land we wanted, on either side the river, as it was all his own to a very great distance. We determined upon forming the principal settlement at this place, as we could not doubt but the rich soil would be grateful for any cultivation we should bestow upon it, and return a plentiful produce, we therefore told Shunghee we should with his approbation settle there. Shunghee was much gratified as well as his people with our determination. After walking over the Land till towards dusk, we returned to Shunghee’s Village, where we were to sleep for the night. We found a fine Sow about 140lb weight at the door of our hut which Shunghee was going to kill for our Supper, with plenty of Common and sweet potatoes. As we had brought with us a sufficient quantity of provisions we requested Shunghee not to kill the Sow, and with some difficulty we prevailed upon him, at that time, to spare her life. From the heavy rain the ground was wet, and we had had some rain on the passage from Ranghee Hoo, together with walking through the wet fern, our Cloaths were wet. Those we took off when we entered the Hut where we were to remain for the night, and had them dried. After taking necessary refreshment, and spending the Evening in pleasant conversation with Shunghee and his People who were in the Hut with us, and about the entrance, we read a Chapter sang an Hymn and returning our grateful thanks to Almighty God for his kind protection of us, and for the safety and comfort we enjoyed, in the very midst of Cannibals, and then laid down in peace to rest, till the morning. The next morning about 3 O’Clock we rose sung an Hymn and offered up our morning sacrifice of Prayer and praise to our Great Creator and preserver, and after breakfasting at 4 OClock, crossed the river, in order to examine the land on the opposite banks. Here we were much gratified with a fine clear Country for Cultivation and of great extent, tho’ the soil in some parts did not appear so rich as the Land we had passed over the preceeding evening. On the whole of the survey we had taken, we were perfectly satisfied, that a more suitable situation cannot be found, in any of the adjacent districts to the Bay of Islands. There is a fine fall of water close to the place where we intend the new town to stand, for a corn mill, saw mill, or any other purpose, without the expence, and risk of making a dam, which is a valuable consideration. At Kiddee Kiddee any quantity of Grain &c may be grown that the settlement may want for years to come, either for victualling the native Children in the Schools, or Europeans belonging to the mission. Before our departure we marked out the Ground, where wished our public store to be built, and requested Shunghee to put up a Temporary Building for the accommodation of the Stores, and the Mechanic’s who had accompanied us from Port Jackson. Shunghee immediately set his people to work. Having now gratified all our wishes, as far as respected the object for which we had visited Kiddee Kiddee, in the evening we returned to Ranghee Hoo, in Shunghees war Canoe, and with much pleasure, he accompanied us back again. Korra Korra remained at Ranghee Hoo with Tooi till we returned, in order that he might know, what prospect there was of our forming a Settlement within his jurisdiction. When we arrived he was anxious to know if we approved of the Land we had seen: and had come to any determination relative to forming a Settlement there. We told him that the land was good at Kiddee Kiddee, and on that account we must form a Settlement there. Korra Korra was much affected, said Shunghee would now cut him and his people off. We replied that Shunghee had promised us he would leave off fighting if we would settle in his district, and would reside himself with the Europeans. Korra Korra replied Shunghee would make fair promises, but we could not see into Shunghees Heart: and gave us to understand, he would not believe a word he said, however fair he spoke, and recited instances how Shunghee had taken advantage of himself, and others, in former times; and contended, what he had done formerly, he was still capable of doing again. We endeavoured to pacify Korra Korra as well as we could, but in vain. He said, he should be perfectly satisfied, if the Europeans, were fairly divided between him and Shunghee but it was too great an affliction for him, for all the Europeans to reside with Shunghee. He made strong appeals to our feelings, and urged his request by every argument he could advance. We all felt much anxiety to relieve his distress. I and Mr Butler promised to accompany him, and Tooi the following day to Parro, where he resided, and examine his land, and if we found a suitable place for a settlement we would build him and Tooi an House, and one or more Europeans should reside with him at present, till more Europeans arrived from England, when his wishes would be complied with, as far as we could. This assurance relieved him a little tho’ not much. The next day I and Mr Butler went with him to Parro: He was tolerably quiet on the Passage. Tooi had not as yet seen his relatives and friends, and therefore he accompanied us, with his Brother Teranghee. After we arrived at Parroa, Korra Korra brought on the subject again of the Settlement on his district where he lived, he told us there was a fine tract of Land called Manououra, which he would give us, and which we should see, the next morning. We endeavoured to convince him, that it was not in our power to form any extensive settlement at present within the Limits of his Jurisdiction. Korra Korra got extremely angry, told us, that he was treated with great ingratitude: That his Brother Tooi had been long absent from him, and his friends: had gone to England: had brought out the white people with him, and after all, he was not to have the advantage of any of them to reside with him. That this was an act of great injustice, and such as we ought not to be guilty of. His brother Teranghee joined him, in his remonstrances with us, and at last both of them got warm. Tooi took our part, and endeavoured to convince Korra Korra, that we had not the means at present, of supplying him with Europeans. He then got extremely angry with Tooi, and Teranghee joined him. Korra Korra told Tooi he might go and live at Ranghee Hoo, or with Shunghee, or where he liked, for he cared nothing about him, as his request could not be complied with relative to the Europeans. Tooi wept, and was much distressed. Mr Butler and myself felt much pain on both their accounts. Tooi told us privately we must make our principal Settlement with Shunghee. He was the most powerful Chief and under His protection, the Missionaries would be safe, and that his brother must wait, till we had it in our power to meet his wishes. After a long conversation, and strong remonstrances from Korra Korra we retired to rest. Mr Butler and myself were convinced we could not avoid doing something for Korra Korra. We also pitied Tooi. He was anxious to live a civil life, and not to conform to the native habits, and dress any more: but he said he could not stand his ground if he had not one or more Europeans to support him. The ridicule of the Natives, if alone, would compel him to conform to their dress, and to live in their manner, which he was greatly averse to do. Tooi is a fine man, well informed, and well disposed, and has a love to our religion, and will do all in his power to second the Views of the Society. His family is of the first respectability, and his brothers influence and authority, extends along the Coast almost to the River Thames: and his friends from the North to the East Cape. We feel much interested in the future welfare of Tooi, and must give him all the support possible. The next morning Korra Korra was more calm, and appeared more reconciled than he had been before. He was very friendly, and expressed his Sorrow for the warmth with which he had spoken to us the preceeding evening. We assured him that we would assist him all in our power. As we had gone down to Korro Korro’s place in the General Gates, where the Master intended to fit out for Sea again, we remained on board all night. Korro Korro had accompanied us with Tooi from Ranghee Hoo. As he knew the Vessel would anchor off one of his Settlements, he had given directions, to his people previous to his visit to us, that none of them should presume to come to the General Gates till the following day. It was dark when we anchored: we were hailed from the Shore by one of Korra Korras Officers, when Teranghee answered and informed the People that Tooi was arrived, and gave directions, that messengers should be immediately sent to the different districts to inform the inhabitants of Tooi’s arrival. A party of Chiefs had arrived a few days before at Whycaddee from the River Thames, by whom one of Tooi’s Cousins had been cut off some time before, and were apprehensive that the Father of the young man, and Korra Korra would revenge his death. Tooi ordered a messenger to be sent immediately to Whycaddee to inform the Chiefs that a general pardon would be granted to them: and that if they thought proper to come and pay their respects to him, their persons would be safe. The next morning the Vessel was Crouded with Chiefs, and their friends, who came to see Tooi; some wept for joy, and all welcomed him home. The Chiefs from the River Thames met us the next day at Ranghee Hoo. After breakfast we set off to Manououra to examine the Ground for a settlement, accompanied by Korra Korra and many of His people. We found a level piece of good land surrounded by Hills, whose soil was generally rich, at the head of a fine harbour. As this was the best situation for timber, water, and good land, we determined upon forming a small Settlement here. The harbour abounds with the finest Fish, the fresh water is good, and safe anchorage for Shipping, and a very convenient place for a public School. Korra Korra was much gratified with our choice. Here Tooi intends to reside. We gave directions for materials to be collected immediately for a temporary building for the Europeans, and afterwards returned in the Evening to Ranghee Hoo. The distance is about 9 Miles between Manououra and Ranghee Hoo. [in pencil - For Mr Wilson] On Friday morning the 20th. we set all the hands on we could muster for our punt, as we could not land the remainder of the Stores till this was completed. We had soon 14 Natives sawing Timber, others cutting Knees, and all the beach exhibited a scene of Happiness and busy Civilization. A more grateful sight could not possibly be seen by a benevolent mind: Our hearts overflowed with joy and gratitude. We viewed the various operations with inexpressible delight, and considered them as the dawn of Civil, and religious liberty, to this land of Superstition, darkness, and Cruelty. On the following day, all our works went on well, and every preparation was made for completing the Punt with all possible dispatch, in order that the stores might be landed, and the settlements formed at Kiddee Kiddee and Manouowra. On the Sabbath we assembled on the beach for public worship, as there was no place sufficient for Divine Service, to hold the people. We were surrounded with the Natives, and a number of Chiefs from different districts, and some from the River Thames. It was very gratifying to our feelings and afforded us a pleasing prospect, to be able to perform the worship of the true God in the open air, without any sensations of fear or danger, when surrounded with Cannibals, with their Spears stuck in the Ground, their pattoo pattoos and daggers concealed under their mats. We could not doubt but the time was at hand, for gathering into the fold of Christ, this noble race of men, whose temporal and Spiritual wants are inconceivably great, and call loudly upon the Christian World for relief. Their misery is extreme, the prince of Darkness, the God of this World, has full dominion over both their bodies and souls. Under the influence of darkness and superstition, many devote themselves to death, and the Chiefs Sacrifice their Slaves as a satisfaction for the Death of any of their friends: so great is the tyranny which Satan exercises over these poor heathen: a tyranny, from which nothing but the Gospel can set them free; and we cannot hope for the Gospel having its full effect, according to the ordinary course of the Divine proceedings, without the united aid of the Christian World. Suitable means must be provided for the Civilization, and Evangelization, of the inhabitants of New Zealand, and if this is done, there can be little doubt, but the important object will be attained. Monday 23d. We this day built a shed for the Carpenters to work in, and in which Divine Service might be performed, while we remained at Ranghee Hoo. The Natives continued to saw Timber and to render us any Service in their power. Thursday 26th. I went with Tooi accompanied by Mr Saml Butler to an Island called Motoodooa belonging to Korra Korra, and where he principally resides. My object was to set the people to work the next day at Manououra. We arrived about 2 oClock and found Korra Korra was on board the General Gates, about 2 Miles distant. The first object that struck my eye, near where we landed, was a mans head stuck on a pole, upon the summit of an Hill close to the Shore, and near the Hut where we were to sleep for the night. I looked at the head, the face appeared beautifully tatooed, or carved. I inquired of Tooi whose head it was: he told me it was the head of a prince, near the East Cape, who had been killed by Shunghees people and purchased by some of Korra Korras people. This sight naturally excited sensations of horror in my breast: and caused me to value, more and more the blessings of Divine Revelation, and the protection of Civil Government. These are blessings that can never be duly estimated, by those who enjoy them, as they respect the life that now is, as well as that wch is to come. As the afternoon was fine, we walked over the Island to the opposite side: When we got upon the Top of the Island, which is very high, we had a full view of Korra Korras Hippah or Castle, which was situated on the top of another Island, less than two miles distant: a number of natives were at work on this Island. I was anxious to visit it, and when we came opposite, I hailed for a Canoe, which was sent. [in pencil - Mr. Wilson] Tooi Mr Butler and myself got into it, and crossed over: we were received with much pleasure by the Natives. We found Korra Korras head wife, or Queen hard at work wth a little wooden Spade digging the Ground for Potatoes, and Teranghees wife, with several more women and men. They were all much rejoiced with our visit to them. The old Queen earnestly requested I would give her an Hoe, and endeavoured to convince me, how hard it was, to turn over the Ground with a stick. I promised to comply with her request. After spending about an hour amongst them, we returned carrying with us a quantity of Fish which they gave us. The land on this Island was rich; part of it was sown with Turnips, and part was already planted with potatoes. The Women turned over the ground with Sticks, about two feet long, and as thick as a broom stick. They wrought hard, but made little progress in Cultivation, for want of proper Tools. When we had reached the beach, Tooi said, one of his Sisters was coming, whom he had not seen since his return, and earnestly requested me to get into the Canoe before she arrived, as he did not wish to have his first meeting with her there. I begged him to wait for her, as she was hastening down the Hill, and not to regard me, but I could not prevail upon him: He leaped into the Canoe, and urged me to follow him. I delayed till she had reached the beach, when I stept in; Tooi ordered the Canoe to put off, but at that moment his Sister sprung into the Canoe, weeping aloud, and past by me. she fell on her Knees grasped Tooi’s knees, he saluted her, when she gave vent to her feelings in tears, and loud lamentations, which she continued for about an hour: when we landed on the opposite Island, she still sat weeping for a long time. Tooi conducted himself with great propriety, he suppressed all the wild feelings of an uncultivated mind, and yet showed all the soft and tender feelings of nature towards his Sister. I could not but view his Conduct with admiration, and told him to indulge his affection for his Sister without any respect to my being present. I saw he was anxious, lest the warmth of his Sisters Affection, and the strong manner in which she manifested it, should overcome his manly fortitude, and cause him to imitate her example, as he had done on a former occasion, when I first visited New Zealand. When we landed we found Korra Korra and a number of his people, who received us with much Kindness. I told him I was come to set the people to clear the land at Manououra, and to set out the house which it was necessary to build for their accommodation. He received this news with much Joy, and said he would accompany me in the morning, and give the necessary directions to his people, to lend their assistance. When he saw the Hoes for breaking up the Ground, he was much pleased. After conversing upon various subjects, we had Supper, sung an Hymn, and committed ourselves to the protection of the Angel of the Everlasting Covenant, and then lay down to rest. A number of the Natives lay round about the Hut, and some within. I slept well till the day returned, being weary with walking, when I lay down. We took our breakfast, and then set off for Manououra, which lay a few Miles distant on the opposite main. On our way we came up with a very large war Canoe. I inquired how many men she carried, and was told 60 fighting men, with their provisions &c when they went out to Sea, to the River Thames, or to the East Cape, and 80 men in smooth water. On examining the Canoe, I observed in the Sterne the Head of a Chief: the features of the face as natural as life: and one of the finest Countenances I ever saw. The Chief must have been previous to his death about 30 years old. The Hair was long, and every lock combed straight, and the whole brought up to the Crown, and tied in a Knot, and ornamented with feathers, according to the custom of the Chiefs, when in full dress: The Hair and Countenance both shining with oil, with which they had been lately dressed. From the beautiful tatooing of the face, the Chief must have been a person of high rank. I inquired whose head it was, and was told, that it was the Head of a prince who had been killed beyond the River Thames by Shunghee.– It is possible, that the death of this Prince, may be revenged, by his Childrens Children, if the tribe to which he belongs, should ever have strength to retaliate upon Shunghee, or his posterity. Hence the foundation is continually laid for new acts of Cruelty and blood, from generation to generation: as the remembrance of these injuries seems never to be forgotten by them. I shall here mention an instance of retaliation some of the circumstances of which came within my own Knowledge. About 15 or 16 years ago a Vessel belonging to the house of Campbell & Co at Port Jackson, called the Venus, was taken by the Convicts at Port Dalrymple. When the pirates had possession of the Venus, they sailed for New Zealand, and toutched at the bay of Islands: from which they took a Chief’s Sister, named Temmarangha, and afterwards sold her at an Island near the East Cape, for some mats. Two of the natives afterwards quarreled about her, in consequence of which she was killed. Sometime after, some Natives arrived from the East Cape at the Bay of Islands, and gave information relative to the fate of Temmaranghas Sister. Temmaranghas Father was alive, and previous to his death, caused Temmarangha to swear that he would revenge the death of his sister. In 1815 Temmarangha accompanied me to Parramatta, and two years after his return, he mustered his tribe, and set off to the East Cape, to perform the oath which he had sworn to his Father. He killed the Chief of the Island where his sister had been murdered, and brought away his Wife a prisoner, and gave her to his brother, with whom he now lives. Mr. Kendall informs me, that there is always some, either remote, or immediate cause, that induces the Chiefs to go to War: and that it is not for the mere motive of plunder and blood, but to obtain satisfaction for some real injury done to them or to their Tribe. In the above Canoe I met with Hooratookie, his two brothers and Uncle, who were all Officers under Korro Korro. Hooratookie was the first New Zealander who was introduced into civil society, about 25 Years ago, he had been landed at Norfolk Island with another of his Countrymen, by some Vessel wch had toutched at New Zealand. The late Governor King had the Command at Norfolk Island at the time. He received these two strangers with great Kindness, they lived at his table, and received from him every attention. After remaining a considerable time with the Governor, the Brittania whaler touched at Norfolk Island, when the Governor agreed with the master to take Hooratooke and his Companion to New Zealand, and accompanied them himself, to see that they were properly treated, and safely landed in their own country. The great Kindness of Governor King towards these New Zealanders, made the most favourable impression upon all the Natives who heard of it, and to the present day they always speak of it with gratitude, and pleasure, and make enquirys after Governor King’s oldest daughter who’s name is Maria, and who was only a few years old when Hooratookie was at Norfolk Island. When he asked me about Maria, I told him she now lived at Parramatta. He said he would go and live with her till he died. Hooratookie was much rejoiced to see me. He left his war Canoe, and some of the Chiefs with him and accompanied us to Manououra. On our landing, I selected a small spot of Ground, to sow a little English flax seed upon, which was immediately cleared, broke up, and afterwards I sew [sic] the seed, and examined the Ground for building upon, and staked out an House about 40 feet by 13 for the work people, and in the Evening returned to Ranghee Hoo. On Saturday all hands were busy either in cutting Timber for the intended new Buildings, or working at the Punt. On the Sabbath Divine Worship was performed in the new shed, where we enjoyed the Administration of Gods word, with little molestation. It was very interesting to see the eager Countenances of the Natives, who surrounded the shed, and to hear them frequently repeat the word as it was delivered, tho’ they could not as yet understand it. After morning Service, myself and the Revd Mr Butler visited the Native Village, and conversed with the Natives. In walking over the Ground, near the Village, I had some conversation with a young woman who lives with a Mr. Hanson, brother in law to Mr. King. On asking if her father was alive she told me, he was killed and eat at the North Cape by Shunghee’s people, and that she was a prisoner of war. And I was informed that it had also been determined to kill her since she was brought to Ranghee Hoo. A few months ago, the brother of the present Chief at Ranghee Hoo died. The people believed that he was killed, by incantation or charm, as he told them before he died, that this was the cause of his death. Towha, the son of the late Tippahee lived with me at the time of this mans death. He had two female slaves which he had left at Ranghee Hoo. When the Chiefs brother died, in order to give satisfaction to his departed Spirit, and to appease his anger, to prevent him coming again, and destroying them, these two young women were killed by the relatives of the departed Chief. They were both belonging to the School under Mr. Kendall at the time. Another relation of the Chief demanded the death of the young woman, who lived with Mr. Hanson as a satisfaction on his part, that the Spirit of the departed Chief might not injure him. And as it was the custom of the Country she delivered herself up to be killed. But the Chief before he died, knowing that some would be sacrificed for him, had given directions that she should not be one of them; and on that account her life was spared. When the Active returned to Port Jackson, the two young men who had been appointed to kill Towha’s female slaves came in her. Towha was with me at the time. Mr Kendall informed me of the above circumstances, fearing that Towha might be angry with them, when he heard of the death of his Servants. The young men when they arrived, appeared alarmed. I spoke to Towha, and told him what had taken place. He was much concerned for the death of his servants, but assured me, he should show no anger to the young men, who had killed them, for he knew better now than to do so: which promise he strictly kept. These incidents will tend to shew the superstition and character of these people. In passing along the Village, we stopt to speak to a man and his wife— There were some Fowls running on the premises, the man told me they had been bred from some Fowls, which I had given Terra the head Chief on the South side of the Harbour, when I was first there. That when Terra died, his wife had taken Terras nephew for her Husband, who succeeded to the authority of his uncle. As this was contrary to the established custom of the Natives, for a Chiefs wife to marry again, a party from Ranghee Hoo went over to punish her for the Violation of their laws, and stript her of what property she possest. The fowls we then saw were part of the plunder, which he had taken at the time. We then returned from the Village, and had Divine Service in the Evening. On Monday the Weather was very stormy, we could do nothing out of doors. After dark in the Evening, I was called out by a Chief named Towhee who informed me that Shunghee had made an attack upon a Village between Whangaroa and the North Cape, and had killed 6 Persons: and told me neither to be angry nor afraid. I expressed my concern for what had happened. Towhee said, the cause of the difference between Shunghee and those people, was the following. His Wifes father had died some years ago: The people had spoiled his Sepulchre, and had taken his bones, and made fish hooks of them, for the express purpose of cruelly and wantonly sporting with the feelings of Shunghee, and his relations, and had put his Scull upon a pole, to provoke him to revenge. Shunghee told me he was not going to fight, when he left Ranghee Hoo, but only to remove the bones of his fathers wife: when he returns we shall learn whether he knew previous to his departure, that the sacred Tomb in which the Bones of his father in law were deposited had been spoiled or not. On Tuesday the 31st about 60 Men, women, and children arrived at Ranghee Hoo from a Village situated on the banks of the River Shukee Hangha distant between 50 and 60 miles. This empties itself into the sea on the west side of the Island, about 100 miles to the south of Cape Van Dieman. They brought with them a few Hogs for Sale, and a large quantity of sweet potatoes, as presents for their friends and relatives at Ranghee Hoo, where many of them reside. The complection of these Natives was fairer than any I had seen. They are a very fine race of People. I told them it was my intention to visit them before I left New Zealand, which gratified them much. The Chief wished to know, how long it would be before I went, and said he would shew me the way, and carry me over the intermediate swamps. I promised to visit them in one moon, if I could. He expressed his fears, that Shunghee would be offended, if I went to Shoukee Hangha, lest any Ship at a future time, when the River and Harbour were known should come to them. I replyed that before he came to Ranghee Hoo, I had formed an intention to visit them, and had already mentioned the circumstance to Shunghee, who approved of my design, and would not be displeased with me, or them, for my visiting the inhabitants on the banks of the river Shukee Hangha. He expressed his satisfaction that Shunghee approved of my going, and that he would supply the settlement with Pigs and Potatoes when formed at Kiddee Kiddee, as it would be nearer to Shukee Hangha. I gave him a Spade and promised his people some fish hooks when I went to their Settlement, which pleased them all. On Wednesday Sep.1. The Revd. Mr. Butler accompanied me on a visit to the Chiefs on the South Side of the harbour. We arrived at Kororareka the residence of the late Chief Terra, who was at all times a kind and warm friend to Europeans. When I first visited New Zealand Terra wept much, for Joy, and both he and his wife shewed us the greatest kindness. Mr Kendall informed me that he died the last November, and expressed his happiness on his dying bed, that no European had ever been killed in his district. We found his successor at home, who has long been known by the name of King George, and Terras former wife, with several of their People. They were overjoyed to see us. Terras widow requested me to sit down by her, which I did. She then told me what troubles she had met, since I was there. That when Terra was alive they had plenty of Hoes, Axes, Spades, Fish Hooks, Tokees, Pork, sweet and common Potatoes, and Fowls from those I had given them, and Cloathing. But that now, they were completely destitute. They had not a nail fish Hook, spade, Axe, or Hoe, and that she had not any cloathes, but the Mat she had on. She wept as she related her misfortunes. Spoke in a very feeling manner. She is naturally a kind tender hearted woman. Many instances of this I saw when first at New Zealand. I told her that I had been informed that she had married King George, since Terras death, which was contrary to the Customs of their Country, which offence against their laws, had furnished her Countrymen with a pretence to plunder her of all she possest at the time of Terras death. She admitted she had consented to marry King George, but as yet, they were not united with the public sanction, nor could they be for some time to come. When Terra died, she wraped up his dead body in mats, performed every other necessary service for the dead, and had the body deposited in the Ahoodoo Pa or Sepulchre, in wch the dead are laid, till their bones are finally removed to the family vaults belonging to their Tribe. She shewed me where Terra was laid, and said she had his bones to remove before she could be married to King George: Which ceremony she would perform in a little time. In consequence of having performed the above services, and what she had still to do for Terras remains, she was polluted; and was compelled to eat, and live, with the common people, and could not enter into King Georges House, nor have any particular intimacy with him, as man and wife: but when Terras bones were removed she would then be received by King George, as his wife, and raised from her present low state. She said that what King George possest, at the time of Terras death, had also been taken from him in consequence of taking her for his wife. King George confirmed what she said, and lamented that he had no pork, nor any thing to give us for our supper but fern root, and also regretted that he had not an English House for us to sleep in. He reminded me how he had been treated when living with me at Parramatta, which favours he could not return— but said we should have the best accommodation he could give us, and should sleep with him, and one of his wives in his own house. We spent the Evening very pleasantly with these poor Heathens. At length King George informed us our lodgings were ready. I went to see where we were to sleep. He had prepared his Hut in the best manner: spread new clean mats upon the Ground for us to sleep upon and a clean mat at the entrance. The Hut might be about 14 feet by 10. He had made a fire in the centre which made it hot like an oven: as there was no vent for the smoke or heat, but at the entrance, which was very small: so small that I could not creep in without taking my coat off. I requested him to have the fire taken out, as we should not be able to bear the heat, which was done. When all was ready we crept into the Hut along with King George, his wife, and nephew, a fine youth named Racow who succeeds King George in his authority should he survive him. Tho’ the fire had been removed, the Hut was extremely hot. We perspired profusely when we lay down, and requested that the door of the Hut might be kept open for a little air, as the Hut was naturally, from its construction as warm as a Bee Hive. The next morning when we awoke we observed Terras widow sitting at the outside of the door, waiting for our rising. Our birth had been very warm tho’ clean; yet we willingly left it on the return of day and crept out to breath [sic] the morning Air. We ordered Teeterree to prepare our breakfast. [in pencil - Mowhee died at Duddington Octr. 1816 Mr Wilson] While it was getting ready Terras widow was sitting on a log with two or three females; she requested me to sit down by them, which I did. The conversation turned upon Terra, and the former time when I was there. A fine young Girl sat by as we conversed together, she burst into a flood of silent tears. They run in streams down her cheeks, upon her mat. She sat, wept, and never spake. Her grief was too excessive. I called the Rev. Mr Butler to witness the scene. It was more than His feelings could support. He was melted into tears. We then turned to King George who was sitting with his Wife, Racow, and Racows mother, and some others. Mr Butler inquired if they knew Mowhee: he did not know at the time, he was speaking to Mowhees relations. The fine Youth was Mowhees first Cousin, and his mother Mowhees mothers sister. When she heard his name, she was greatly agitated, wept bitterly, and also his other relations, and told us his mother was dead. The account Mr Butler gave them of Mowhee, having been at his House &c was very gratifying to them, and they did not know how to express their affection for Mr Butler. Racow is a Tall, fine handsome youth as can be seen in any country. His Countenance is rather fair, and very noble open and placid. I told King George that he must not Tatoo Racow, that it would spoil his countenance, and disfigure his face. King George laughed at my advice, and said, he must be tatooed, that this would give him a noble, masculine, and warlike appearance. He would not be fit for his successor with a smooth face. The New Zealanders would look upon him merely as a woman if he was not tatooed. Poor Racow has much to suffer before his face is carved like his Uncles; And other parts of his body. When we had breakfasted on the provisions we had with us, we prepared to visit another Chief on the opposite side the harbour named Tekokie about 5 miles distant, not knowing at the time that King George had provided any thing for us to eat. When we informed him that we must leave him, he told us his Cook’s had been providing for us, some sweet Potatoes, and we must not depart till they came. We remonstrated with him, for detaining us, but he resolved we should not go, till we had partaken of his hospitality. We had every reason to believe that King George had sent a messenger in the night to Pomarre to procure for us some sweet potatoes for our entertainment, as two of Pomare’s daughters arrived very early, and shortly after their arrival we saw King Georges servants kindling the fires at a distance. In about half an hour six Cooks arrived with a number of baskets of sweet potatoes ready dressed, for ourselves and People. King George said we must take the whole of them, and what we could not eat, we must take in the Canoe, which order was complied with. King George expressed his regret, that there were no Europeans to reside with him; he said he wanted a Carpenter, a Smith and a Clergyman. We promised that he should have an European to live with him, as soon as we could spare one. When we left Kororareka he accompanied us to the opposite side, where we were very kindly received by the Chief and his people who were busy preparing their land for Potatoes. The Chiefs name is Tekoke. He was much rejoiced with our Visit, as well as his wife and People. He told me that since I was there, he had buried four of his Children, and had only one son remaining, and he was gone in the Active on a visit to me. I told him he had arrived safe at Port Jackson and was well, which gave him much satisfaction, and his wife. He expressed a very ardent desire to have some Europeans to live with him pointed out the situation where an European House would stand to great advantage, and be an accommodation to the Ships who came into the Harbour, as they could easily water on his shore, from a stream of fresh water which run into the Cove. We promised to build him an House as soon as we could, on the spot he fixed upon. Tekokee is the Chief of the Timber district. Much Timber will be wanted, for the intended buildings, with which it was necessary to acquaint him. We promised him a few Tools of Agriculture which he was much in want of, as he had only wooden tools to work with. He was much pleased with our promise, and said he would come to Ranghee Hoo for them. After staying about two hours, we set off for Whytanghee where Mr. Hall formerly lived. It lay in our way about 3 Miles from Tekokees. When we landed, and the people observed us, they ran in all directions to inform the Natives of our arrival. They met us with great Joy. The Head Chiefs Wife was much affected. Her Husband was gone to Parramatta on a visit to me. I told her he was well, and would return in the Active, which gave her and the other Natives much satisfaction. They earnestly solicited some Europeans to live with them, but were apprehensive, from what had happened to Mr Hall when there, none would come to them. Their land is rich and the finest fall of water for mills perhaps, that has ever been seen. We were much gratified with these poor Heathens while we remained with them. In the Evening we had a stormy passage to Ranghee Hoo in a small Canoe with six Natives to work it. The water was rough and the wind fresh; we were not without our fears till safe on shore at the Settlement, where we arrived after dark— highly gratified with our visit to the Natives, and very thankful for our preservation, having for some time almost despaired reaching the Shore, as we had about 7 Miles to pass through a rough Sea, the water frequently over the sides of the Canoe. When we arrived I learned Shunghee had returned from his expedition. I inquired what he had done in his absence. He informed me, he had been told some time previous to his present Voyage towards the North Cape, that the inhabitants not far from Wangrohoa had taken the bones of his wifes father from the Sacred Sepulchre, and made fishhooks of them, as already mentioned, but he did not believe the report, but went first to examine the Sepulchre, where he only found a few ribs, and the upper part of the Scull, which was broken. That the Thigh and arm bones, and jaw bones had been all broken and made into fish hooks. Having satisfied himself of the fact, he proceeded to the Village where the people lived, who had committed the above Sacrilege, and went up within gun shot of them in the open day, and informed them, that he was come to punish them for spoiling the Sepulchre, where his wifes fathers bones were deposited and making his bones into fish Hooks. They admitted the Charge, and the justice of his conduct. Shunghee did not enter the Village, but fired upon them, and killed five men. When the party who were attacked requested Shunghee to fire no more: that the death of those who were shot, were was a sufficient atonement for the offence committed. Shunghee answered, he was satisfied, and the business was decided with the mutual consent of both parties, and Shunghee returned after visiting the People who had taken the dead whale coast upon his shores, and breaking the Canoe, in which they had gone. Shunghee appealed to me, wishing to know if we did not consider it an high Crime to rob the Sepulchres of the dead, and to offer such indignities to their remains, and if the people whom he had been to punish, had not merited their punishment by their Crimes. I replied I was sorry that any lives had been taken, at the same time admitted that it was just to punish such offences, but I was apprehensive, that, what he had done would excite the other party to revenge the Deaths of their friends. Shunghee said, they were not able to make war upon him, and therefore would be quiet. On Saturday the 28 Ahoudee O’Gunna the Chief from whom the land had been purchased, where the present settlement stands, informed me, that Mr. Kendall had insulted him and his brother, by turning him out of his house. I assured him that Mr. Kendall had no intention to offend him at the time, as I was there, and saw what past. I was shortly after informed that his brother had gone to Mr. Hall, and stolen two earthern pots. In the afternoon I met Ahoudee OGunna, and his brother, and charged them with the Theft. Ahoudee OGunna replyed his brother had not stolen them, but taken them away with an intention to bring on an explanation respecting Mr. Kendall’s conduct, as he demanded some compensation for the insult, and he should refuse to give up the Pots till the compensation was given. I told him Mr Hall was not to be punished for what Mr Kendall had done: and that the Pots ought to be immediately returned to the owner. Ahoudee OGunna was willing to give them up, but his brother demanded an Axe, not as a favour, but as a reward for them. We conceived that if we complied with his demand, this would open a door for future robberies, and therefore told him, he might keep the pots, for we would not purchase them because they were stolen. Ahoudee OGunna was much hurt at his brother’s conduct. In the course of the following week they differed seriously. Ahoudee OGunna in order to shew his disapprobation set his house on fire, and burnt it, and left Ranghee Hoo, with a determination to return no more to his brother, he was so much ashamed of the Theft, after our kindness to him and his wife. A few days afterwards, the Revd Mr Butler, and I were walking thro’ the Village, and met Ahoudee OGunna’s brother. He told us he had but one pot, which he would give up, the other had been taken by another Native and was gone into the Country. We pointed out to him the evil of stealing, and that it was a Crime we could not reward, whatever we lost. He sent his Son with us with the pot. We gave the boy Six Fish Hooks who soon returned with them, and said his Father would take nothing for the Pot. Thus by firmness we gained our point. We are concerned for Ahoudee OGunna and shall heal his grief and vexation by some act of kindness the first opportunity. Saturday 4th. Our punt not being complete, the master of the General Gates brought up the remaining stores in a large Canoe belonging to Korro Korro. The Casks being chiefly filled with Tools of Agriculture such as Hoes, Axes &c we could not land them without opening, and exposing their Contents to the Natives. A miser never valued Gold so much as they do edge tools. These are a temptation they cannot withstand. We now expected to be robbed more or less, as the Natives could not be kept from the Canoe, and the Casks when opened. We were obliged to employ some of them to carry the Stores, to the public store. When about half of them had been landed, a report was spread that the Natives had stolen some of the Axes Bill Hooks &c. An immediate stop was put to the Natives carrying any of the articles from the Canoe, and several of them were charged with Theft. Which created general tumult and fermentation amongst them. We could not ascertain what they had stolen, but knew that some Axes Sickles &c were missing. We remonstrated with them for their ungrateful conduct, told them that we had come there to do them good— That we wanted nothing that they could give us, as we had plenty in our own country, and as we had no object but to serve them, we could not allow them to rob us of our property. I told them that King George and the Gentlemen in England would be ashamed of them, when they heard of their thefts, and that I could allow no thief to go in the Active to Parramatta, and if they were there, and stole there, Governor Macquarie would hang them: and if any of them should come to Port Jackson in any other Ship, I should then catch them. After a long debate, some recommending the stolen property to be given up, others alledging that it was too valuable to be returned, the honest party prevailed, and ran off in different directions for the Axes &c a number were brought in on Saturday Evening and laid down publickly on the beach, where we were assembled to discuss this important subject. Our object was to convince them of the Injustice and immorality of their conduct; and to check as much as we could their disposition to steal. Before we allowed the Casks to be opened and the Natives to carry the Stores, I asked Mr Kendall publickly if they would not steal them. Mr Kendall said, they would not, for he had never known them steal any thing from him. When they were charged with theft, Towha, Tippahees son, who had resided 12 Months at Parramatta reprobated their conduct, told them that they had covered Mr Kendall with shame, that he had given them a good character for honesty, but their Theft proved that he was a liar, when he said they were honest. At length they said they would return all they had taken excepting one Axe which was the first stolen, and that the man who had taken it should be banished from Ranghee Hoo, and not allowed to return again. The Thief offered to return his Axe, but the other said, if he was allowed to remain, he would steal again, and therefore desired him to leave the place, and take his stolen Axe with him. The remainder of the stores were safely landed, and the Natives promised to return on Monday what property they could not recover on Saturday night: and thus ended the business to our mutual satisfaction. I spoke to Shunghee upon the heinousness of their Crime in stealing the Axes. Shunghee said they were not his people, and that it was very wrong to take so many, and observed with a smile that if they had taken one Axe, he should not have thought much of it, which convinced me Shunghee himself could not have withstood the temptation, had it lain in his way. Sunday 9th. Early this morning arrived King George and Racow Mowhees Cousin with their Relations, and at the same time Pomarree with part of his Tribe. I was walking on the beach when they landed, and told them it was the Sabbath day, and on that account we could not do any business with them. They said they could not stop, as they had brought no provisions. We ordered them what was necessary, and afterwards performed Divine Service in the Shed, where the four great men in New Zealand, Shunghee, King George, and Pomarre, with Racow the young King attended and many other Natives. All behaved with decorum, and we hope, the day is not far distant, when they will know the joyful sound of the Gospel, and have the Lord for their God, in the fullest sense. In the Evening we had Divine Service, and afterwards the Holy Sacrament was administered in this distant Land. The solemnity of which, did not fail to excite in our breasts sensations and feelings corresponding with the peculiar situation in which we were. We had retrospect to the period when this Holy Ordinance was first instituted in Jerusalem in the presence of our Lords disciples, and adverted to the peculiar circumstances under which it was now administered at the very ends of the earth: where a single ray of Divine Revelation had never dawned upon the Inhabitants. Monday 6th this morning the greatest part of the articles stolen on Saturday were returned. We expressed our approbation of their conduct in attending to our remonstrances, recommending them to act honestly in future; and rewarded such has [sic] had given us information of Thefts, or exerted their influence to obtain the stolen property. A good understanding was soon established again between us and the Natives, and they joined their respective work as before, to saw Timber &c. Pomarre paid us an early visit with King George. He told me he was very angry that I had not brought a Black Smith for him. That when he heard there was no Black Smith for him he sat down and wept much, and also his wives. I assured him he should have one as soon as one could be got for him. He replyed it would be of no use to him to send a Blacksmith when he was dead. That he was at present, in the greatest distress. His wooden spades were all broke: that he had not an Axe to make any more. His Canoes were all broke, and he had not a nail or Gimblet to mend them with. That his Potatoe Grounds were uncultivated, and he had not an hoe to break them up with, nor a tool to employ his people; and that for want of Cultivation, he and his people would have nothing to eat. He begged of me to compare the Land of Tippoonah with his, which belonged to the inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo, and Shunghee observing, that their land was already prepared for planting, because there was a Smith there, and they could get hoes &c. I endeavoured to pacify his mind with promises, but he paid little attention to what I said with respect to sending him a Smith at a future period. He was so angry with me for not giving him a Blacksmith, that he had taken 25 Hogs to the Brig General Gates, and brought none for us. I endeavoured to direct his mind from his disappointment in receiving no Smith, and asked him if he should wish to go to England: I asked the question merely to turn his mind from former conversation: Pomare replyed, he should not. And observed he was a little man when at Port Jackson, and should be less in England, but in his own Country he was a great King. We then promised him a few hoes &c which operated like a cordial on his wounded mind. He begged hard for 3 Hoes one Axe, a few nails, and a Gimblet. I told him he should have them. The Revd Mr Butler when he accompanied me to Kororareka had seen the distress King George was in for want of a few Tools: He told us if he did not get an Axe, he would hang himself. We therefore agreed to give these Chiefs 15 Hoes, 2 Spades, 2 Axes, 4 Gimblets a few nails 12 Combs, 2 looking Glasses, 2 Plane Irons, and near 100 fish hooks. They received this present with the greatest joy and gratitude, and returned to their own districts as happy as a King, with the Spoils of war. Tuesday Sep 7— The Revd Mr Butler and Mr Francis Hall accompanied me to Tippoonah, a native settlement about 2 Miles distant from ye residence of the Europeans. The land there is chiefly planted with sweet potatoes which constitute the choicest food of the Natives. The soil generally rich and light and well adapted for the growth of this root. The principal inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo, have their sweet Potatoe Gardens here. We found numbers of them at work, in their respective allotments, some with Spades, and hoes which they had received from us, and others with wooden spades, with long handles to them, the mouth about the same size as an English spade; and such as had got neither Spade nor Hoe, turned up the Ground with small Spatulas, about 3 feet long. The wooden Spades and Spatulas, can only be used where the land is light, and has been previously turned up. They have another wooden Tool about 7 feet long, pointed like an hedge stake, and a piece of wood lashed on abt 2 feet from the Ground, to place the foot upon to aid in thrusting the instrument into the Ground. They call the tool Koko. With their hands they pull up all the weeds, and then cover them over with the Spatula or wooden spade as they proceed in digging. They were overjoyed to see us, and their universal cry was for Hoes, and Spades. We regretted much that it was not in our power to gratify all their laudable wishes. We saw with pain the hard Toil they endured, and the little progress they made in cultivation with their rude instruments: and were convinced by ocular demonstration that the Earth can never be subdued and made to bring forth its increase, to reward the sweat and toil of man without Iron; and that this valuable article, is the only thing in the Creation that can relieve the temporal miseries of this people. In passing over these Potatoe Grounds, we were informed Shunghee had an extensive allotment, and was in his Garden. We went to visit him and found him in the midst of his people, who were all at work preparing the Land for planting. Shunghee received us with great politeness. I observed his Head wife at work with a spatula, and her little daughter between four and five years old, sitting on the bed, which her mother was digging. I knew the age of this little Girl, for she was born at Shunghees Hippah, about 30 Miles from Ranghee Hoo, the very night I slept there, when first at New Zealand. Shunghees wife reminded me of this Circumstance, and said she had called the Child Marsden, from my being with them at the birth. This Woman is about 35 years old, & is quite blind. She lost her sight from an inflammation in her eyes, about 3 years ago. She appeared to dig the Ground, as fast as those who had their sight, and as well. She first pulled up the weeds with her hands, as she went on, then set her feet upon them, that she might know where they were, afterwards dug up the Ground, and covered the weeds wth the mold, with her hands. I told her if she would give me the Kahedu or Spatula we would give her an Hoe. The offer was immediately accepted with joy, and her daughter was sent immediately with the Spatula along with the Revd Mr Butler for the promised Hoe. When we viewed the Head wife of one of the greatest Chiefs in New Zealand, a man possest of a very large, and extensive territory of rich land, and one whose name as a Soldier, strikes terror into all the inhabitants from the north to the east cape, labouring hard, though completely blind, with a wooden spade to gain a scanty subsistence upon Potatoes; this sight naturally excited in our breasts new sensations, and reflections which created both pleasure and pain, and kindled within us, the best feelings of the human heart. We most ardently wished, that the Christian World could see this sight, with all the surrounding scene. The means would then soon be raised to furnish every blind Woman, whether of high or low rank, with an Hoe, or Spade, who were willing to labour for their bread, as well as to afford general relief to all that are in distress for these necessary instruments. We have found in every district we have visited, the body of the inhabitants industrious as far as their means extended; but their industry is universally checked, for want of tools of Agriculture. We need adduce no other proof of their habits of industry than the above. If a woman of the first rank, and at the same time blind, can, from habit, labour in the field, with her Servants and Children; what will not these People rise to, if they can procure the means of improving their Country and bettering their situation. Their temporal situation must be improved by Agriculture, and the simple Arts in order to lay a permanent foundation for the introduction of Christianity. It may be reasonably expected that their moral and religious advancement, will keep pace with the increase of their temporal comforts. They are at present naked and hungry, and if we should say unto them, “Be ye warmed and filled, notwithstanding we give them not those things that be needful for the body, what doth it profit?” I am sure the bowels of the Christian world, would yearn over their temporal and Spiritual miseries, was it possible to make them known. “The God and Saviour of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is loving to every man, and whose tender mercies, are over all his works” is now, blessed be His name, moving the Hearts of his Church and people, to send relief to the poor Heathens, even to the very ends of the Earth; which must cause the Hearts of all who wish well to Zion to rejoice. Wednesday 8th Early this Morning, several Canoes left Ranghee Hoo for Wangarahoa, in consequence of some information that arrived in the night from the people who had been attacked by Shunghee. A number of our Sawyers, we found were gone with them. The report is, that the Natives in these districts are going to muster their tribes, and to demand Satisfaction frm Shunghee for the men he shot in his late attack upon the Village. Shunghee has an Hippah in the Harbour, about 2 Miles from Ranghee Hoo which he is fortifying, and preparing for the Enemy. As they have no regular established Government, all the Crimes apparently are punished, either by an appeal to the Sourd [sic], or by plundering the offender of his little property, and laying waste his Potatoe Grounds. Thursday 9th Last evening Tooi and his brother Teranghee paid us a visit. Tooi informed us that his brother Korro Korro wished him to be tatooed. We told him that it was a very foolish and ridiculous custom, and as he had seen so much of Civil life, he should now lay aside the barbarous customs of his Country, and adopt those of civilized nations. Tooi replied, that he wished to do so himself, but his brother urged him to be tatooed, as he could not support his rank, and character as a Gentleman, amongst his Countrymen, unless he was tatooed: without this mark of distinction, they would consider him timid, and effeminate. At the same time he promised, he would not be tatooed unless compelled by his friends. I understand that in time of war great honour is paid to the head of a warrior, if he is properly tatooed, when killed in battle. His head is taken to the conqueror, and reserved, as the spoils of war, with respect, as a standard when taken from a Regiment is respected by the victor. It is gratifying to the Vanquished to know, that the Heads of their Chiefs are preserved by the enemy: for when the Conqueror wishes to make peace, he takes the Heads of the Chiefs along with him, and exhibits them to their Tribe. If the Tribe, are desirous to put an end to the contest, at the sight of the Heads, of their Chiefs, they cry aloud, and all hostilities terminate. This is the Signal that the conqueror will grant them any terms they may require. If the tribe, do not cry, at the sight of the Heads of their Chiefs, they are determined to renew the Contest and to risk the Issue of another battle. The Head of a Chief, may be considered, as the standard of the Tribe to which he belonged; and ye signal of peace or war. If the conqueror never intends to make peace, he will dispose of the Heads of those Chiefs whom he kills in battle to Ships, or any persons who will buy them. Sometimes they are purchased, by the friends of the Vanquished, from the conqueror, and returned to their surviving relations, who hold them in the highest veneration, and indulge their natural feelings by reviewing them and weeping over them. When a Chief is killed in a regular battle, the victors call aloud, “throw us the man”, as soon as he falls, if he falls within the lines of his party. If the party whose Chief is dead, are intimidated, they immediately comply with the command. As soon as the Victim is received, his head is immediately cut off, and a proclamation Issued for all the Chiefs to attend who belong to the Victorious party to assist in performing the accustomed religious Ceremony, in order to ascertain by auguration, whether their God will prosper them in the present Battle. If the Priest, after the performance of the ceremony, says their God is propitious, this assurance inspires them with fresh Courage, to attack the enemy. If the priest returns an answer, that their God will not be propitious, they will then quit the field of battle in sullen silence. The Head already taken is preserved for the Chief on whose account the war was undertaken, as a satisfaction for the injury he had received, or some one of his Tribe, from the Enemy. When the war is over, and the head properly cured, it is sent round to all the Chiefs friends, as a gratification to them, and to shew them, that Justice had been obtained from the offending party. With respect to the dead body of the Chief, this is cut up into small portions and dressed for those who were in the battle, under the immediate direction of the Chief, who retains the Head; And if he wishes to gratify any of his friends, who were not present, small portions are reserved for them, on the receipt of which, they give thanks to their God, for the Victory obtained over the Enemy. If the flesh should be so putrid, from the length of time before it is received, that it cannot be eat, a substitute is eaten in lieu. They not only eat the flesh of the Chief, but are wont to take the Bones, and distribute them amongst their friends, who make whistles of some of them & fish Hooks of others. These they value and preserve with care, as memorials of the death of their Enemies. It is also customary with them, for a man when he kills another in Battle, to taste the blood of the slain: He imagines he shall then be safe from the wrath of the God of him who is fallen, believing that from the moment he tastes the Blood of the Man he has killed, the dead man becomes a part of himself, and places him under the protection of the Atua or God of the departed Spirit. On one occasion Mr Kendall informed me that Shunghee eat the left Eye of a great Chief, which he killed in Battle at Shokee Hangha. The New Zealanders believe that the left eye, sometime after death, ascends to the Heavens, and becomes a Star in the Firmament. Shunghee eat the Chiefs left Eye from present revenge and the idea of increasing his own future Glory and brightness after death, when his left eye should become a Star. From all that I have been able to learn, relative to the New Zealanders eating human flesh, this custom appears to have its origin in religious Superstition. I could hear of no instance of any man ever killed, merely to gratify the appetite; nor of any killed for the purpose of selling their Heads to the Europeans, or other nations. The Heads which are cured and sold, are the slain in war, and not intended to be returned to their friends. At the same time I am of opinion, that it is not safe, or prudent, for Masters of Vessels nor any of the Crews, to purchase heads from the Natives. For if a Tribe knew, that the Head of their Chief, was on board any Vessel, it is more than probable, they would make an attempt upon the Vessel, in order to obtain the Head, from the high Veneration and Esteem in which they hold these relicts of their departed leaders. Sunday 12th Divine Service was performed this morning upon the beach in the Shed, when some Chiefs from distant districts attended. We met with no molestation from the Natives. They behaved with decorum, and we trust, they will ere long, esteem this day, above all other days, and become true Worshippers of the only true and living God: Then shall this Heathen land in every sense, bring forth its increase, and God will give them his blessing.— 13th This morning Ahoodee OGunna came to take his leave of us; he had been upon the spot where his house stood before he burnt it, to weep with his friends. He had cut and lacerated his face, arms, and other parts of his body very much, to express his grief according to their Custom; and his friends had followed his example. We gave him a spade, Hoe, Axe, Gimblet, looking Glass, file, and two Knives: One for himself, and one for his wife. These presents contributed to heal his distressed mind. He told me he should never return to Ranghee Hoo, but would take up his residence with his Relation Tikokee, and pressed me much to send an European to live at Cowa Cowa, with him and his friends. I promised his wishes should be granted, as soon as we could. When ever he turned his Eyes, upon his presents of tools, his joy was visible in his countenance, and appeared to swallow up all his late sorrows. Ahoudee OGunna is much attatched to the Europeans, and was very serviceable, when I first visited New Zealand. We had also a number of Chiefs to visit us today, from different districts, some arriving last night, and others this morning. Their object was to obtain an Hoe, or Spade: some had come more than 20 Miles. They urged their distresses with every argument in their power. We distributed about 3 Doz Hoes, amongst them, and a few other tools, and regretted much, that it was not in our power [to] give them 300, which number would only be like a drop in the bucket. They danced for joy, when they were presented with these Tools. A number of them will immediately be at work with those Hoes, which will greatly increase the quantity of Corn and Potatoes the next season, as this is the Spring, and the proper time for planting both. By which means their Comforts will be increased, and the settlers more abundantly supplied with pork, Corn and Potatoes. As the Comforts of the native inhabitants increase, so will their civilization be proportionably improved. All they seem to want is, the means of procuring the comforts of civil life. They neither want industry nor natural ability of mind, nor strength of Body. All these they possess perhaps in a superior degree, to any other barbarous nation upon Earth— And as their Climate, and soil, are both favourable, for all the purposes of agriculture, they no doubt will make a very rapid progress in the attainment of the necessary Comforts of Civil life. We this evening had the pleasure, to launch our flat bottomed boat, in the presence of the joyful natives, which is estimated to carry 20 Tons. It is the first Vessel ever built upon the northern island of New Zealand. We may view it merely like a grain of Mustard Seed, if we anticipate the Naval power, and strength which this Country is capable of attaining, from the energy of its native Inhabitants, their bold enterprising Spirit, with their Harbours, Rivers, and naval stores, it was impossible to prevent the human mind, from contemplating with secret pleasure, on viewing the launching of this little bark into the bosom of the great deep, the infinite blessings the Christian world would impart to this nation, by the introduction of the arts of Civilization and the Gospel. It is not possible for persons in civil life, to conceive the wants of those who are in a state of nature; nor can they estimate the blessings they themselves enjoy, when compared with the miseries of a barbarous state. 14th This morning I met Korro Korro at Ranghee Hoo. He informed me, he had been spending the night wth Shunghee at Tippoonah. Knowing the jealousy that existed between these two Chiefs, I wished to know what was the nature of his visit to Shunghee. He said he went to arrange some public matters with Shunghee previous to his own departure for the River Thames, where he was going on an embassy of Peace, and intended to take the greatest part, of the men of His Tribe with him. He was apprehensive Shunghee might take advantage of His absence, and attack his People whom he left behind, unless Shunghee and he came to a good understanding before he went. I inquired if Shunghee and he had settled their difference to their mutual satisfaction. He replied, they had: and Shunghee had engaged not to molest his people, during the period he was frm home, which he expected would be about four months. The object of his present visit to the River Thames, was to make peace, between some of the Chiefs there, and his Uncle Kaipo. Some months ago the son of Kaipo was poisoned, or supposed to be so, by some of the Chiefs at the River Thames, where he was on a visit. For this real or supposed offence Kaipo wanted satisfaction, and Korro Korro was going with all his fighting men, with his Uncle, to settle this business. Not with a view to fight, but to bring the offending party to some honourable terms of settlement, according to their Customs. Korro Korro, is a very brave and sensible man. I have seen no Chief, who has his people under such subjection, and good order as himself: Yet he is tired of war, he wishes there were no fighting at New Zealand, and we have reason to believe, he will prevent war, as much as he can. After conversing with Korro Korro I set off for Kiddee Kiddee with our new Boat, full of Scantling Boards, for the new Settlement, accompanied by Mr Wm Hall, The 3 Carpenters, and Mr Saml Butler. We arrived in the Evening in the midst of a Croud of joyful Natives, who immediately discharged the Boat, and conveyed the timber to the spot where we intended to erect the Public Store, Smiths Shop &c. We set the Natives to work to clear away the brush wood, and clear the Ground. When we marked out three buildings: The Public Store 60 feet. The Smiths House 30 feet, and Shop 20 long by 14 wide. The Revd Mr Butler could not attend us, being confined to his bed, from a fit of the Gout, from a cold caught in consequence of having to sit for some hours in his own wet cloathes when we were visiting some districts. After the boat was discharged, and the ground marked out, I left Mr Hall, and the Carpenters to begin the buildings, and returned with Mr Saml Butler in the Boat to Ranghee Hoo, where we arrived near 11 OClock that night. The Boat will prove of the most essential service to the Settlement, from the burden of Timber, Lime, and Stores, wch she carries. Wednesday 15th This morning, I met some of the people who had returned from Wangharoa, and enquired how they had settled the difference relative to Shunghee having shot some of the People, in his late attack on the village, on account of his Wifes Fathers bones. They informed me, there had been a very large meeting of natives from different parts, and several hundreds from the North Cape. The object of their meeting was, to mourn, and weep with Topira the Chief of Wangharoa, and to comfort him for the loss of his people. One of the Chiefs from Ranghee Hoo informed me Topira wished me to go to Wangharoa and see him. If I could not go he would come to Ranghee Hoo, before I returned to Port Jackson. He wished to obtain an Hoe, Spade, Adze, and a few fish Hooks. Topira is considered as a very mild sensible man, and much averse to war, and greatly respected by his Countrymen, as well as by the settlers. It is not intended to call upon Shunghee for Satisfaction for his attack upon the Village, the inhabitants having given the first offence by spoiling the Sepulchre of the bones of his wifes Father, as already mentioned. In walking thro’ the Village of Ranghee Hoo this Morning, I observed the Chief Towhee tatooing the Son of the great Tippahee, on the seat, and upper part of the Thigh. The operation was very painful. It was performed with a small chisel, made of the wing bone of a Pidgeon, or wild Foul. The instrument was about one quarter of an inch broad, it was fixed upon a little handle 4 inches long, so as to form an acute angle at the head, something like a little pick with one end: with this Chisel, he cut all the straight and Spiral lines, by stricking the head with a stick about one foot long, in the same manner as a farrier opens the vein of an Horse with the fleam. One end of this stick was cut flat like a Knife to scrape off the blood, as it gushed from the cuts. The Chisel seemed to pass thro’ the Skin every stroke, and cut it as a carver cuts a piece of wood. The Chisel was constantly dipped in a liquid made of soot from a particular tree, and afterwards mixed with water, which communicates the blackness, or as they call it, the Amoko. I observed proud flesh rising in some part of the breech, which had been cut almost one month before. The operation is too painful to bear the whole tatooing at one time. They appear to be several years before they are perfectly tatooed. On my return thro’ the Village in company with Mr Kendall, I observed the heads of four chiefs stuck on four poles, at one of the Huts. I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me to the hut, in order that I might ascertain the cause of the death of these Chiefs, and from whence they had been brought. On making my inquiries of the People I received the following account. Some years ago, a vessel from Port Jackson called the Venus, which has been already mentioned, touched at the Bay of Islands, from which the Crew took a Woman belonging to Shunghees tribe, and afterwards landed her, at, or near, the East Cape on the main land. After Temmarangha had heard of the fate of his Sister, which was taken at the same time, he sent spies towards the East Cape to ascertain the particulars, and the situation of the People who had killed her. Temmaranghas spies travelled as traders all along the Coast: when they returned they brought information, what had become of those two women: one had been killed and eat, on an Island, and the other on the main, at a greater distance. Temmarangha set off to revenge the death of his sister as already stated, and Shunghee followed, when he was ready. They both returned without meeting, after taking vengeance on the respective people, who had committed the above murders, and that the Heads I saw, were the Heads of four Chiefs, whom Shunghee had killed in battle. He also brought with him two Chiefs as prisoners and many more heads. Mr Kendall tells me Shunghee was eleven Months on his Voyages, and returned eight months ago, with about 300 prisoners of war, which were shared between him and his subordinate Chiefs, I could not but reflect with pain and grief, and Shame, upon the Crimes of my Countrymen, who, by their wanton atrocities, spread war, misery, and death even amongst the poor heathen nations, who have never done them the smallest injury. What an amazing day that will be, when God shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness. Almost 16 years has now elapsed since the Venus was pirated, at Port Dalrymple, and in consequence of that Piracy, and the Crimes afterwards committed by the Pirates, the heads of the fathers of families, and leaders of tribes, this day exhibited in the Town of Ranghee Hoo, and their wives, Children, and Servants, either slain, or delivered over to Captivity. Previous to closing this days observations I accidentally met with Shunghee and Temmarangha. Wishing to know every particular relative to their late expedition towards the East Cape, I requested them to accompany me to Mr Kendall, that I might with his assistance, examine them very minutely. After a conversation of near two hours, I collected the following particulars, relative to their expedition, and Customs. Temmarangha went mostly to revenge the Death of his sister as already mentioned. He took with him 400 fighting men, and after obtaining his object, he returned with a few prisoners of war. He went on his expedition previous to Shunghee, but they never met on any part of the Coast. Shunghee had two objects in view, the one was, to revenge the murder of the Woman belonging to his tribe, which had been taken away by the Venus, as already stated: The other to assist Houpa’s party, a Chief at the river Thames, to revenge three murders, which had been committed on their Tribe several years before. Houpah had long solicited Shunghee to aid him, to punish the Tribe who had cut of his people. Shunghee left the Bay of Islands on the 7th Feb 1818 with his fighting Men, to join Houpah at the River Thames. When they sailed from the river Thames, their forces amounted to 800 Men. On their arrival at the districts where they intended to make war, such of the natives as were able, fled into the interior leaving their Habitations. Shunghee says they burnt 500 Villages. The inhabitants are very numerous on the Coast, between the river Thames, and the East Cape. Many of them were taken by surprise, and had not time to muster, and therefore were compelled to fly for safety to the Country, as Shunghee advanced. A number of Chiefs were killed, either by surprise, or in defending their Towns and People, and many of their Heads brought away, by the conquering party. The settlers informed me, that about 70 Heads arrived at Ranghee Hoo, in one Canoe. They also took 2000 Prisoners of War which they brought back with them as their Spoils, consisting of men, women, and Children. These prisoners were shared amongst the Chiefs, and their Officers, and made Slaves of. I was anxious to know, whether or not they eat those slain in battle, and therefore requested Shunghee and Temmarangha to inform me, how they acted in the field, when the Enemy met them, and also if they eat their Enemies when killed. In answer to my request, they gave me the following account: and said, when a Chief of the Enemys party is killed, his body is immediately demanded by the assailants, and if the party attacked are intimidated, it is immediately delivered up. If the Chief was a married man, his wife is then called for, and she is also delivered into the hands of the Enemy. She is taken along with the dead body of her husband and killed. If she loved her Husband, she voluntarily resigns herself up, and her Children, and desires the victors to do to her, and her children, as they had done to her husband. If the party refuse to give up the Chiefs wife, they are immediately attacked by the Enemy who will not give up the contest till they obtain her, unless overpowered. When they have got possession of a Chief and his wife, after the woman is killed, their bodies are placed in order before the Chiefs. The Areeke or High priest, then calls out to the Chief, to dress him the body of the Man for his God. The priestess, who is also an Arekee, then gives the Command to the wives of the Chiefs, to dress the Woman for her God. The bodies are then placed on the fires, and roasted by the Chiefs, and their wives: none of the common people being allowed to toutch them, as they are tabooed. When the bodies are dressed, the Arekees take each a piece of the flesh, in a small basket, which they hang upon two sticks stuck into the Ground, as food for their God, to whom they are going to offer up their prayers, and to consult relative to the present contest, in order that their God may partake first of the Sacrifices. While these Ceremonies are performing, all the Chiefs sit in profound silence in a circle, round the dead bodies, with their faces covered with their hands, or mats, as they are not permitted to look on these holy mysteries, during the time the Arekees are praying, and picking small pieces of the flesh from their Sacrifices, which they eat at the same time. These consecrated bodies are only to be eat by the Arekees. When all the Sacred services are completed the Arekees return the answer of their Gods to their prayers, and offerings. If their prayers and offerings are accepted the battle is immediately renewed, as was formerly mentioned, and all in common feed upon the after slain. They eat the slain, not so much an object of food, as a mental Gratification, and to display publickly to the enemy, their bitter revenge. Wishing to know if the Arekees prayed secretly to their Gods, at the time of performing the above sacred ceremonies, I asked them the question, to which they replied, no, but publickly, and with an audible voice, that all might hear what was prayed for, unless the Arekees disapproved of their proceedings, in that case, their prayers were not heard. The New Zealanders, are not only afraid of being killed in battle, if they enter upon war without permission of their God, but they are also afraid of spiritual consequences: that they will either be afterwards killed by the anger of their own God, or the Enemys. They fully believe that a Priest has power to take away their lives by incantation, or charm, and attribute many of their deaths to this cause. I may observe here, that I never discovered that the New Zealanders offered up human Sacrifices to their Gods upon any occasion, before Shunghee and Temmarangha made the above statement. I am now satisfied, they do perform these cruel rites. After we had ended our conversation, I was walking on the beach when I was met by a young woman, of a very interesting countenance, and address. She asked me to give her an Hoe. I inquired who she was, and from whence she came. She told me, she was a Prisoner of war, and had been taken between the East Cape, and the River Thames by Shunghees party, and brought to Ranghee Hoo. That her Aunts name was Heena and a great Queen. I have often heard the natives when at Parramatta, speak of this woman, as possessing a large Territory, and numerous subjects. Mr Kendall has occasionally mentioned her in his correspondence with me. This young woman informed me, Shunghee attacked their settlement by surprise. She was taken prisoner in the Town: Her father mother and 7 Sisters escaped into the Country. None of them were killed. The cause of the attack being made upon them, was, her forefathers had formerly killed three persons belonging to Houpahs Tribe at the river Thames, and they came to revenge their deaths. This account confirmed what Shunghee had just stated. While she was stating these Circumstances, the young man was standing by, who had taken her, in the attack upon the town, and she was part of his spoil. I observed that when the Active returned, I might visit, if I had time, the place she came from. The young man said, if she went in the Active, he would go too, and would allow her to see the place, but not to land, as she would run away. Thursday 16. In consequence of many of the principal inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo, having never been able to obtain either an Axe or an Hoe, since the settlement was formed, we resolved to make a few presents of those articles as far as our means would allow this morning, and for that purpose, we requested ye Settlers to give us the names of those persons, whom they knew to be the most needy and deserving. Our intention was soon known in the Village: when the Natives in great numbers collected about the public School, which at present contains our Stores. When the List was completed, I went to deliver the presents, assisted by Mr Francis Hall & Mr Kendall, the Revd Mr Butler being confined to the House by Sickness. The Croud was so great that I could not get into the School for some time. I told them, I should be obliged to return if they would not make a way for me through the Croud. At length I got in. The School yard was as full of men and women, as a sheep pen, calling out for an Axe, or an Hoe. When no more natives could get in, they got upon the roofs of the School, and out houses. After distributing 23 Hoes & 37 Axes I was obliged to steal away through a back door, as we had not the means to meet all their urgent wants, in order to avoid the painful importunities of those whom we could not relieve. No hungry beggars ever craved more earnestly for a morsel of bread, than those poor needy Heathens did, for an Axe, or an Hoe. Nothing could exceed the gratification of those who were so fortunate as to obtain one. Tho’ many hundreds of Axes, and Hoes, and thousands of Tokees have been distributed amongst these distressed people since ye formation of the Settlement, yet all that have been received hitherto, is only like a single passing shower falling upon some favoured Spot, in a barren and thirsty land. Many years must roll away, before every native in this country is worth an Axe or an Hoe. Notwithstanding the readiness of the Christian world to contribute to their relief. 17th I remained the principal part of this day in the House, in order to avoid the importunities, of those natives to whom we had not the means of giving an Axe or an Hoe. It was not possible to walk without being surrounded by them on all sides, some urging their request with savage rudeness, and others with pleasing civility. Their Universal Cry is, “give me an Hoe Axe or Spade.” In order to move compassion they will shew their Hands, and represent how sore their fingers are with scratching out the Earth, in opening the water furrows, thro’ the Potatoe Grounds. It is exceedingly painful to refuse any of their requests, for their wants are real, and their Toil and suffering great, in Consequence of not being able to procure those necessary implements of Agriculture. When we consider, that all their Country produces, which they can convert into any kind of tools, is wood and shells, alone, we cannot wonder at their distress. With stone Axes they cut all their timber, for making their Huts, fencing in their Potatoe Grounds, forming their wooden Spades, Spatulas, and making their Canoes. Hence it is totally out of their power to build permanent, or even comfortable Huts, or to make fences &c for want of Iron. Little can be done in Cultivation for the same reason. I believe there is ten times more land in Cultivation at the present time, in the districts round the bay of Islands, than there was in 1814 when the Missionary Settlement was first formed. This improvement in cultivation, is wholly owing to the Tools of Agriculture which have been sent out from time to time, by the Church Missionary Society. The mortality amongst the natives was very great the first winter after the settlement was formed, for want of food. It is gratifying to say, there have been for the last two years, very few deaths amongst the natives, in the above districts; which is to be attributed under the Divine Providence to the extensive Cultivation, by which means, the natives have been more abundantly supplied with provisions. Cultivation will most certainly keep pace, and the Temporal comforts of the natives with the means afforded for improving the Agriculture of the Country. Hoes and Spades are the Tools that will be principally wanted, till the Country is supplied with Cattle, and the Plough is set to work. Cattle can easily be supplied from New South Wales, and in a short time, the Plough may be employed in the Cultivation, as the land is generally clear from Timber, excepting small brush wood and fern, which can with little trouble be cut down, and burnt off. Saturday 18th The weather has been very stormy today, the wind easterly, with heavy rain, so that we were not able to leave the House. 19th In consequence of the wet, we had Divine Service both Morning and Evening in Mr Halls House. 20th This morning the Gale abated. We began early to load the punt with boards and scantling for Kiddee Kiddee, for erecting the Houses there. We hope to get one or more buildings up this week, for the present accommodation of the Carpenters &c. A number of natives arrived at a very early hour from remote districts some 20 and others 50 Miles distant. They were ready to tear us to pieces for Hoes and Axes. One of them said his heart would burst, if he did not get an Hoe. We are wearied with their importunities, and exceedingly distressed that our means are so small, that it is totally out of our power to meet their wants, at the present time. I told many of them this Morning that I had written to England for a great number, and as soon, as the Ship arrived, they should have some given them. They replied, many of them would be in their Graves before the Ship could come from England and the Hoes and Axes would be of no advantage to them when dead. They wanted them now. They had no Tools at present but wooden ones, to work their Potatoe Grounds with, and requested we would relieve their present distress. It is exceeding difficult, nay I may add impossible, to convince them by any argument, that we have it not in our power to comply with their wishes. It would take 5000 Hoes and Axes at the present period, to meet the demand, and it is more than probable, that number, when distributed, it would take as many more. The natives are so poor at present, that they have no means to purchase an Hoe, or Axe, if we had them to dispose of: but when we can obtain these Tools in sufficient quantities for general Culture, the produce of their labour, will soon furnish the means to procure these necessary articles. In the evening I walked over to Tippoonah accompanied by Messrs Kendall & Hall to see what progress, the natives were making in preparing their Potatoe Grounds for planting. We found more than 100 in the field, men and women, and most of them at work. Some with the Hoes and Spades, they had received from the Missionary Stores, and others with wooden Tools. Very considerable portions of Land were cleared and broke up in different places, and ready for planting since our last visit. Shunghee has built a small Village here, on the Ground he is cultivating, for the accommodation of his work people. We visited his Village. He was gone to Kiddee Kiddee. We found his Three wives at home. Two of them had been prisoners of war. His head wife who is blind, and has been already mentioned, told us with a smile that Shunghee was not so kind in his attentions to her, since he had taken the two new Wives, who were present. His head wife has a very fine family of Children. In this Village I observed the Heads of Eleven Chiefs stuck up on Poles as Trophies of Victory. On enquiry I learned that they were part of those Shunghee brought with him, in his last expedition to the Southwards. He had cured them all. Their Countenances were very natural, excepting their lips, and teeth, which had all a Ghastly Grin, as if they had been fixed by the last agonies of Death. How painful must these exhibitions be to the Wives Children, and subjects of these departed Chiefs, who are prisoners of War, and labouring upon the same spot, wth these Heads in full View. My mind was filled with Horror and disgust, at the sight of this Golgotha; at the same time, I anticipated with pleasing sensations, that glorious period, when through the influence of the Gospel, the voice of Joy and melody should be heard in these habitations of darkness and Cruelty where nothing now reigns but savage joy on one hand, and weeping and mourning on the other. In returning thro’ the Potatoe Grounds, we met with the Chief Racow, Duaterra’s Father in Law. I wished to visit the sacred grove, which was near, where he died, but as I understood it was tabooed, I should not presume to enter without permission of the Chief. Mr Kendall spoke to him, and told him what I wanted. He came and pointed out the tree, where his daughter, Duaterras Wife hung herself and shewed us the spot where both their bodies were deposited. The sacred spot was enclosed with a fence about three yards square: Here the bodies remained together till the flesh was decayed; when their bones were carefully collected, and carried to their respective family Sepulchres. How mysterious are the ways of God. Duaterra once prided himself in the prospect of raising his Country to the rank of a civilized nation, and was cut down like a flower in his first attempt to put his benevolent intentions into execution. The Ground where he intended the Church and European town to stand is now under cultivation, and divided amongst different families by his successors, while about half an acre is reserved, as sacred to his memory, where no Shrub or Tree is suffered to be cut down, and where apparently, no foot had trod, since the last funeral rites were performed for him and his faithful partner, before ours this Evening. In passing thro’ the Village of Ranghee Hoo on our return I stopt to speak to the Chief Werrie, and observed the head of a Woman upon a sacred ark near the Hut. I inquired who’s head it was formerly. Werrie said it was the head of his wife’s sister: that his wife and her Sister had been brought as prisoners of war by Shunghee to Ranghee Hoo: He obtained them both as his slaves. One of them he took for his wife, and the other for his Servant. That the Servant died a natural Death. At the time of her Death, his wife requested to have her sisters head preserved in order that she might relieve her mind by weeping over it. And it was kept for that purpose. Having never seen anything like the Ark when last at New Zealand, on which the head was placed, I wished to know the origin and use of it.– Mr Kendall and Werrie then informed me, that nearly two years ago the Catterpillars made great ravages amongst the growing Crops of Sweet potatoes. The Natives conceived this public Calamity came upon them by the anger of their God. The Inhabitants of Ranghee Hoo sent to Cowa Cowa, for a great Priest, in order that he might by offering up his prayers, and Ceremonies, avert from them this heavy Judgement. The priest came, and stopt several months— Performed his religious rites, and directed every principal cultivator to make an ark for his God, and to deposit in it sacred food for his God, to feed upon. In compliance with this order of the Priest, this Ark and others were made. It is about 5 feet long, 2 wide and 1 1/2 deep. It is painted and ornamented with Carving and various figures, and within is placed the sacred Provisions. The Catterpillars left their Potatoe Grounds in a short time, and the natives attributed their departure to the influence of the Priest, and not to any natural Cause; and hence they preserve these sacred Arks. Mr Kendall informed me, he had never seen or heard of any Custom of this kind before the above. 23d This morning several Chiefs arrived from the River Thames. When they landed, they all sat down in solemn silence in one Group on the beach. Shortly after the fighting men of Ranghee Hoo came running in a body from the Village quite naked, like so many furies, with their spears fixed in a threatning posture, and making the most horrid noise. They advanced towards the Chiefs on the beach, as if they were going to make an immediate attack; when they came within a few paces they stopt and performed the war dance, distorting their features, in the most frightful manner, and making at the same time, the most horrid yells. When they had gone through all their martial movements, they returned to the Village, when the head Chief Racow, an old man about 80, came forward, and made a speech to the Chiefs. The Chiefs had never moved from their place during these Transactions. I inquired what was the meaning of the fighting men coming so furiously out of the Village, with their spears fixed, on the arrival of the Chiefs from the River Thames. They replied, this was done, as a mark of Military honour and respect, and the oration of the Chief afterwards was to assure them of his cordial friendship. He told them he was glad to see them, and that they had done well to pay him and his people a visit, and that all future hostilities between them and his people should cease. On asking why the Chiefs on their arrival kept at such a distance, they told me, that some time ago, a man had been killed by their Tribe, belonging to a friend of the People at Ranghee Hoo. That the people of Ranghee Hoo had gone to revenge his death, and had killed two Chiefs & two common men. The Chiefs who now arrived were afraid lest the people of Ranghee Hoo should still retain their resentment against them, and would not receive them with proper attention. At length a full explanation took place between them, and mutual confidence was apparently restored. The Chiefs at the River Thames admitted that their Tribe ought to be punished, for the murder of the man they had killed, but contended, that the people of Ranghee Hoo had taken more than ample justice, for they had killed four persons belonging to them, which was more than Justice required, and that they felt themselves the injured party. After all matters were arranged, they went into the Village to feast with the Chief. They afterwards paid us a visit, and requested an Axe or an Hoe, but we could only spare one Axe for the Head Chief, and a Knife for his son. We were much distressed that we had it not in our power to give them the Tools they so much wanted. I promised to visit them when the Active returned if my time would permit. 24th This morning we loaded the Punt, with sawed timber for the new Settlement, when The Revd Mr Butler, Mr Francis Hall, and myself set off in her [to] Kiddee Kiddee. When we had got about half way up the River, the tide turned, when the boat anchored, and Mr Hall accompanied me on shore. We walked upon the beach towards the settlement, with an intention of visiting the Natives on the Shore. We observed in one place a deep Cavern under the Rocks, the mouth of wch was neatly hedged up. We looked into this Cave, and observed a dead body laying on a mat, upon the Ground, with a mat thrown over it. There was also a stage raised about three feet from the Ground, upon which there appeared some human bones. This was the first Sepulchre we had seen, where the dead appear to be finally deposited. This Sepulchre must belong to some neighbouring tribe. A short distance from the Sepulchre we met with a native Village. The inhabitants were overjoyed to see us. They had got some very good Hogs running about. We made them a few presents of Fish Hooks, and past on to another Village, about a mile distant. In this were a number of very fine Children. They had got a tame Cock, which was very familiar with the Children, sat with them, walked with them, and appeared to live entirely with them, without fear. I promised the Chief a hen when he came to the Settlement. They urged us to give them an Axe, or an Hoe, but we had none with us. Opposite this Village in the middle of the river is a very large Cockle Bed, which is dry at low water. Upon this Bed about 100 women were busy collecting Cockles for food. Here we got a Canoe to carry us up to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived at about 5 OClock. About 7 The Punt arrived with Mr Butler. We were much gratified to find that the Carpenters had completed one building 20 ft by 15 where we could be comfortably accommodated for the night. We found the work going on to our satisfaction, and our new Settlement began to put on a civil appearance. Sawpits having been dug, timber lying in different directions, and a new European House built. We read a portion of the Scriptures, sung an hymn, returned thanks to God for all his mercies, in the midst of the wondering natives, and then lay down to rest. 25th This morning we examined more particularly the ground in the neighbourhood, set the natives to clear and burn off the brush wood &c where it is intended the town should stand, and the Gardens to be laid out, we had a small spot of land cleared and broke up, in which I planted about 100 Grape Vines, of different Kinds, brought from Port Jackson. New Zealand promises to be very favourable to the Vine, as far as I can judge at present, of the nature of the Soil and Climate. Should the Vine Succeed, it would prove of vast importance in this part of the Globe; as the Grapes blight so much in New South Wales, there is little prospect that New Holland will become a wine Country. 26th. This day we returned to Ranghee Hoo. Had a very stormy passage with heavy rain. We were about 10 Hours in the Boat, and very wet and Cold. During the residence of the late Duaterra with me at Parramatta, he often mentioned a river called Shokee Hangha, which empties itself into the Sea, on the West side of the Island, and described it, a very fine river, the land rich, the Timber good, and the Inhabitants numerous, on its banks, and neighbourhood. It was my intention, when at New Zealand in 1815 to have visited this river, but my leave of absence being limited, I had not time to gratify my wish in this respect. On my arrival in August last I learned from Messrs Kendall and King, that they had visited Shokee Hangha about a fortnight before, and found that Duaterras information was correct. I had conversed with several Natives of New Zealand at Parramatta relative to the Harbour, wishing to know, if there was any entrance for a Ship. They all were of opinion that no Ship could enter, as there was a bar across the harbour mouth, upon which, the surf broke with such violence, so as to prevent a vessel getting in. Messrs Kendall and King, had not the means to ascertain this point, when they were at the river. I therefore resolved to put my original intention into execution, and to visit Shokee Hangha, and to examine the entrance, and the Harbour, to see how far it would be prudent, at a future period, to make a Missionary Station upon its banks. As Mr William Puckey, whom I had hired in Port Jackson, and brought with me to assist in putting up the necessary buildings at the New Settlement, had commanded a Vessel for several years out of England, and was better versed in ye knowledge of Navigation than any other person at New Zealand, I determined to take him with me, to examine the mouth of the river, and the harbour, in order that he might ascertain, whether or not, the entrance was safe for Shipping, and good anchorage in the river, and requested Mr Kendall to accompany us as he was acquainted with several Chiefs, and could speak the Native language. Accordingly, Tuesday 28 Sep. we took our passage to Kiddee with the Revd John Butler, Messrs Francis & William Hall, and the Carpenters and labourers, who were going to the settlement to forward the Buildings, prepare the ground for sowing such seeds, and planting such fruit trees, as had been brought with us from Port Jackson, where we arrived about 1 O’Clock; and immediately proceeded on our Tour, accompanied by three Chiefs, Shunghees Son, Werree Pork from Ranghee Hoo, and Roda from the river Shokee Hangha, with 6 Natives to carry our Baggage, and more accompanied us, on their own accord— Our whole party of Natives amounting to 17. About 4 Miles from Kiddee Kiddee, we rested, and took some refreshment. Here we met the Daughter of Shunghees brother and her husband with two Servants laded with Potatoes. They immediately put down their baskets, and presented us with a portion for ourselves, and another for the Servants who attended us, and compelled us to receive them. They were much pleased with meeting us, and greeted us, with every mark of attention. About 4 O’Clock we left our present station. The day had been very fine, but now the Clouds began to gather very black, and threatened very heavy rain. We had past over about 4 Miles of very fine land, and fit for the Plough, as soon as the Fern and brush wood is cut and burnt: There is not a single tree, upon some Thousands of Acres of good land, to the right and left of the Path, and in general the Ground very level. We had not walked more than a mile before we came to a swamp, laying upon some rising Ground. The swamp was about one mile across, and our road directly thro’ it. It was covered very thick with Rushes, and other aquatic plants, and the water generally from one to three feet deep. The native Chiefs proposed to carry us over, but the distance was so great, that we should have been more fatigued, by being carried, than by wading thro’. We therefore stript off part of our apparel, and waded thro’. After we had past the Swamp, we came into a very open Country, for many Miles round, covered with Fern. The part thro’ which we walked was gravelly, and not very good in general. The wind increased towards evening, and blew strong from the rainy quarter, so that we had the prospect of a very wet night, without a single Tree to shelter us from the storm, for about 8 Miles from the swamp we had past. At this distance was a wood, thro’ which our road lay; which we were anxious to reach, if possible, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind & rain, under the trees. With this hope, we pushed forward, and arrived at the Edge of the wood, about 9 O’Clock. The rain now began to fall heavy. The natives cut down some branches of fern, and boughs of Trees, and made us a little Shed, under the Trees, to shelter us a little from the wind, and rain. The blackness of the Heavens, the gloomy darkness of the wood, the roaring of the wind amongst the Trees, the sound of the falling rain upon the thick foliage, united with the idea, that we were literally at the ends of the Earth, with relation to our native land, surrounded with Cannibals, whom we knew had fed on human flesh, and wholly in their power; and yet our minds free from fear of danger, excited in my breast such new pleasing, and at the same time, various sensations, as I cannot describe. While I sat musing under the shelter of a lofty Pine, my thoughts were lost in wonder, and surprise, in taking a retrospective view of the wisdom and goodness of Gods providential care, which had attended all my steps to that very hour. If busy imagination inquired what I did there, I had not an answer to seek in wild conjecture. I felt with gratitude, that I had not come by chance, but had been sent, to prepare the way of the Lord, in this weary wilderness, where the Voice of Joy and Gladness, had never been heard; and anticipated, with joyful Hope, the period, when the day star from on high, would dawn upon this dark and heathen land, and cause the very earth on which we then reposed to bring forth its increase, and God himself, would give the poor inhabitants his blessing. After reflecting upon the different Ideas which crouded themselves upon the mind, I wrapt myself up in my great Coat and lay down to sleep. Wednesday 29th. Arose this morning at the dawn of day. The Natives immediately kindled their fires, and prepared for breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our Journey. After walking thro’ the wood, for about a mile, thro’ a very difficult and bad path, partly from the heavy rain, and partly from the roots of the trees which cover the road, we came once more into an open Country. The rain fell very heavy. After walking about Six Miles, we arrived at the edge of another wood, thro’ which we had to pass. Before we entered the wood, the rays of the Sun from under the Edge of a Cloud gilded the side of a distant hill. A New Zealander who was walking by me, called my attention to the spot where the sun shone, and asked me if I saw it. I answered in the affirmative; he replied, that is the Whydua, or Spirit of Shunghees Father. The Chiefs of New Zealand, are full of Pride, and many of them assume to themselves the Attributes of the Deity, while living, and are called Gods, by their people. The Natives will occasionally call Shunghee a God, when he approaches them, in the following terms: Hairemi, Hairemi Atua, come hither, come hither, thou God: These Divine Honours being paid to the Chiefs fills their minds with the most proud and profane notions of their own dignity and consequence. When they die their posterity deify their departed Spirits, and offer up their prayers to them. The above New Zealander compared the Departed Spirit of Shunghees Father to the Glory of the Sun, which evidently shewed what veneration they paid to the manes of their Ancestors, and what Dominion the Prince of this World, hath obtained over their minds. The observations of this Native furnished my mind with serious reflections, on the miserable state of these poor Heathens. As we walked along thro’ this dreary wood, the whole road was the worst I had ever walked over. The Roots of the Trees entwined themselves over the whole path, which made it painful to travel upon, as if we had to walk upon bars of round iron. We were several hours before we got through. Within about a Mile of one of the branches of the Shokee Hangha river, the wood rises to a very high summit, from which there is an extensive view of the river, and the western shore. On the left hand of the Hill, a large plane appears covered with Pine, and various timber. The tops of the Trees below are like a level sea, as far as the eye could reach: but our prospect was in some degree obstructed by the heavy clouds and rain, which fell in Torrents; at the same time, it Thundered aloud. The descent from the Hill into the river, is very difficult from its exceeding steepness. When we arrived upon the banks, we had this branch to wade thro’ several times, before we reached the first Village Ko Raka. As soon as the Inhabitants discovered us, they invited us to visit them, and as a signal of welcome, immediately fired a Musket, which was returned by one of the Chiefs who accompanied us. Our Guide directed us to proceed first, and the Natives to follow us. The Chiefs were seated upon the ground. The old Chief Warree Maddoo, I had seen at the bay of Islands, when I was there the first time, and had made him some small present. His Son Matanghee, and his Son in Law Te-Taw-nuee, I was not acquainted with. Their first inquiry was, to know what was the object of our visit. We informed them, that we had a desire to see the River Shokee Hangha, and to examine the mouth of the Harbour, to see, if a Ship could come in with safety, and at the same time, to visit the Chiefs, and see the different inhabitants. Warree Maddoo, and Te-Taw-nuee, were much pleased, and expressed their earnest wish, that a Ship might visit their River, and some Europeans come to reside with them, to learn them agriculture, and to make good roads. Matanghee who has now the supreme authority, his father being a very old man, apparently 80 years old, told us, we had better go no further at present. We wished to know his reason; He said there was a serious difference between him and a Neighbouring Chief named Moodee Why, and that Moodee Why, had speared a young man in the Thigh, the preceeding day, who was lying upon the Ground, and shewed us where the Spear had entered. He stated that the following was the Cause of their quarrel:— Their lands lay contiguous— Moodee Whys slaves had carried away part of Matanghees fence for fire wood, in consequence of which, Moodee Whys Pigs had got into Matanghees sweet Potatoe grounds, amd he had shot several of them. Moodee Why in retaliation had shot some of his Pigs. They had met the preceeding day, to settle the difference, when the young man mentioned above was speared. We replied we had nothing to do with their quarrels, and should proceed on our Journey.— When they found we were resolved to visit the river, they insisted we should not leave them for two nights. To this demand we agreed, as we were very wet, and weary, having been travelling thro’ bad roads from an early hour till about 4 OClock in the evening. The Chief accommodated us with the best Hut he had, and our People with another: gave us an Hog, and plenty of Common and sweet Potatoes. I presented the Chief with an Axe, & a few trifles, with which he was much gratified. We spent the Evening in conversing on various Subjects, such as Agriculture, Commerce and Religion. Te-Taw-Nuee is a very well informed man. He appeared to have lost no opportunities of gaining instruction— Was very anxious for some European to reside with them; and hoped, we would consider them at some future period, and send a Missionary to them. Matanghee, tho’ very kind to us, seemed deeply involved in thought; and uneasy in his mind, from what had taken place between Moodee Why and him. Before we retired to rest, we read a portion of Scripture, sung an Hymn, and committed ourselves to the protection of him who keepeth Israel. Tuesday 30th – Early this Morning, a Chief arrived to inform Matanghee how Moodee Why was affected towards him, and his people, and how they were resolved to act. We now learned that Moodee Why had been speared in the Arm, but the wound was slight. Soon after this Messenger had given his information, several Chiefs arrived on the same business. One of them began to make an oration, while all the other Chiefs sat on the ground in profound silence. He spake with great force! His action was Warlike, and graceful, and his Weapon of War, which he brandished in his Hand, added emphasis to every expression, and gesture. He exhorted Matanghee to act with Courage, and firmness, and to vindicate his own, and his tribe’s rights. He stated that he was a friend to both parties, and as one had been wounded on both sides, he recommended, the difference should be settled as amicably as they could, consistent with their rights. After this Chief had ended his address, another principal man, belonging to the Village, started up, and taking a long spear in his hands, began to state all the particulars of the present difference: He spake with great feeling, stamped with his foot at every turn— brandished his spear, while warlike indignation fired his Countenance. The whole of his manner and dress, reminded one of what I had read of the Chiefs of the Ancient Britons. I am of opinion, the New Zealand Chief resembles very much the Character of our ancestors. Shortly after this Chief had ended his speech, they all in a moment threw off their Mats, girt up their loins, with their war belts, took their Muskets, Spears, and Pattoos, and left us in the Village, with old Warree Maddoo and his son in law, and run off towards Moodee Whys. In about three Hours the Hostile party returned. We then learned, that the cause of their sudden departure was, in consequence of hearing that Moodee Why, had been killing their pigs, and that Matanghee had gone with his party, to ascertain the truth of the report. They appeared very indignant at the conduct of Moodee Why, and threatened to punish him. In the Evening, old Warree Maddoo threw off his mat, took his spear, and began to address his tribe, and the Chiefs. He made strong appeals to them against the injustice and ingratitude of Moodee Why’s Conduct towards them. He recited many injuries which he and his Tribe had suffered from Moodee Why for a long period: mentioned instances of his bad Conduct at the time his father’s bones were removed from the Ahooda Pa to their family Vault. He also stated acts of kindness which he had shewn to Moodee Why at different times, and said, he had twice saved his Tribe from total ruin. In the present instance, Moodee Why had killed three of His Hogs, one of them was very large and fat, being two Years Old. Every time he mentioned the large Hog, the recollection of his loss seemed to nerve afresh his aged Sinews: he shook his hoary beard, stampt with indignant rage, and poised his quivering spear. He exhorted his tribe to be bold and Courageous, that he would head them in the morning against the enemy, and before he would submit, he would be killed and eaten. All they wanted was firmness, and Courage: he knew well the Enemies they had to meet, their hearts did not lie deep, and if they were resolutely opposed, they would yield. His oration continued nearly an hour: all listened to him with great attention: when he sat down, I requested Mr Kendall to tell him that I was very anxious for a reconciliation to take place between Matanghee and Moodee Why, and proposed to give each of them an Adze, on Condition of Peace being made between them. In reply Matanghee said, his young man had been severely wounded, and Moodee Why only slightly. If Moodee Why had been equally wounded, he would have come to terms of Peace. However we urged our request for peace. In the mean time, the Chief Werree Pork had been to visit some of Moodee Why’s people, and brought us a message from Moodee Why, that he could not visit us, at Matanghee’s, but wished to see us at his Village, in the morning. We therefore informed Matanghee that we should proceed to Moodee Why’s in the Morning, as we had nothing to do with their differences, and were friends to both parties, and wished as far as we could to reconcile them. Matanghee said, he and Moodee Why were to meet in the morning, and we might go with them. If they could not settle their difference without fighting, no injury would happen to us, as they would direct us, how we were to act. After this conversation we retired to rest. Friday 1 Oct. Very early this morning old Warree Maddoo appeared fully armed for battle— His long beard was painted with red Ochre, to show that his mind was thirsting for blood. His loins were girt with a broad war belt, in which he carried his Pattoo, and his Spear in his hand. In a few moments, Matanghee and all his tribe, and friends, were ready. Some armed with Muskets, others with Spears, Patoos, and other warlike weapons. In this feudal clan we marched from Raka towards Moodee Why’s Village, which was situated about 4 Miles distant. We were joined by numbers of men Women, and Children, and Chiefs on the road, amongst whom, was the brother of Moodee Why; which induced us to hope, matters would be accommodated. One Chief spake to me and Mr Kendall, and requested us to make peace, or in their own language to make Matanghee, and Moodee Why both alike inside. This observation struck me as very strong, and worthy of being recorded. When we reached a field about a quarter of a Mile from Moodee Whys Village, the fighting men stopt, and arranged the plan of their future operations. As soon as this was settled, all marched forward till we came near Moodee Whys residence; our party being on one side of the river, that runs thro’ the village, and Moodee Whys on the other. Moodee Whys was ready to meet them. After some parley across the river, our party discharged all their Muskets, and saluted Moodee Why, and afterwards performed the war dance, and then returned into the Ground where the young man and Moodee Why had been wounded. Moodee Why, and his men marched five abreast, all naked, and armed, with him by their side, Mrs Moodee Why marched in front, with a long spear in her hand, and her daughter in the rear waving a white mat as a flag. There appeared 300 of Moodee Whys Tribe in this body. Their spears were very long more than 20 feet. The Men marched in a very close body. Moodee Why with a long spear regulated their movements. When they came opposite to Matanghees Party, Moodee Why, and some of his men plunged into the river. Matanghees party made a sham opposition to their landing, and the whole scene closed with savage shouting, & dancing. Old Warree Maddoo lead on Matanghees party. When the public confusion was a little over, Moodee Why, and the Hoary Warrior rubbed noses, as a token of reconciliation, but Matanghee refused this salutation, and appeared sullen. No sooner were matters adjusted, than old Warree Maddoo with his slaves, began to burn and destroy the fence of the Enclosure belonging to Moodee Why, in which we were assembled. Moodee Why took no notice. I asked Mr Kendall, if he knew the reason, why they destroyed Moodee Whys fence, and burnt it before his face. He told me it was a satisfaction required for the fence, which Moodee Whys Slaves had destroyed in the first instance, and that the New Zealanders, if they make peace, they always demand satisfaction, as an invariable condition: Life for Life – wound for wound – property for property. We now accompanied Moodee Why to his Village called Hoota Koora. It is very populous, and situated in a rich Valley. A navigable branch for large Canoes, of the Shokee Hangha River runs through it. Moodee Why received us with great kindness, and hospitality, gave us an Hog, and abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes for ourselves and attendants. The place was all bustle and Confusion. Nothing was to be seen in all directions, but weapons of War. Several Chiefs from other districts were assembled, on account of the difference between Moodee Why and Matanghee, who were all eagar to gain information of our object in coming to Shokee Hangha, and were much gratified when we told them, as they hoped at some period to see a Ship in their River. In about half an hour after our arrival, while talking with Moodee Why, and his friend, a sudden noise and tumult started up in the Village, on the opposite side of the river. All flew to their Arms, threw of their Mats, and rushed like Furies into the River in a moment, and Moodee Why amongst them, leaving us without taking time to tell us the cause. There was nothing to be seen or heard but noise and spears. We inquired the reason, and was told that a Married Woman had been acting improperly; The natives continued tearing and pulling one another about the hair of the head, for about an hour, and some got a few blows. After this business was settled, a Chief came to salute me with his bloody nose, having got part of the skin knocked off in the battle. I laughed at him presenting his bloody nose for me to rub with mine, and pointed to the wound he had received, he smiled and said it was New Zealand fashion. When Moodee Why returned, we asked him if the woman had been guilty of Adultery, he replied no, but had been seen playing wantonly with another man. We spent the afternoon very pleasantly in conversing upon various important subjects; such as the education of their Children, the advantages of Commerce and Agriculture, and the richness of the Soil around their Villages. The number of Children in the Village is great, and of a proper age to be taught the English language. Moodee Why was very urgent for a Missionary to reside with him, and begged we would send him one soon, as he wd be of no use to him if he came after his death. I never saw a finer race of men, than in this Village, nor finer Children. Hoota Koora would be an important Missionary Station, as an easy communication would be had with all the inhabitants upon the banks of the river of Shokee Hangha for 40 Miles. After the noise of the Day, we read a Chapter, praised God, and committed ourselves to his gracious Keeping. Saturday 2d Oct. This morning we requested Moodee Why to accommodate us with a Canoe, to visit the different Chiefs on the banks of the River wch he readily granted, and said he would accompany us. He, his Wife, daughter, and two small Children, with some of his Slaves were immediately ready to embark in his war Canoe, which measured 63 feet and very safe and commodious for ourselves and Servants— At the Top of the Tide, about 7 OClock in the morning we left Hoota Kura. On the Eve of our departure a priest performed certain religious ceremonies praying for our Success, and that we might accomplish the object of our visit. The war Canoe, with the Tide, and more than 20 Natives to paddle, went swiftly down the stream. About 10 Miles from the Village, in the middle of the River is a little Island, little more than half an Acre. This Island is formed by the meeting at a certain point of the Tide from two rivers: The main river Shokee Hangha, and a River that falls into it on the North East side. On this Island stands a little village full of inhabitants. The Chief is a very old man, we stopped to speak to him. He appeared to have his Children, and his Childrens Children around him. He was much pleased to see us. I presented him with a plane Iron: he would not let us leave the Shore till he had presented us without about 300lbs of Potatoes, for the present he had received. It is more than probable he esteemed the plane Iron far the greatest present he had ever received. I was anxious to reach the heads of the river, as soon as possible, as the weather was now fine, and therefore left the Venerable Chief. When we had gone about three miles further we came opposite to a Village called We-te-wha-hetee situated upon an hill, as soon as they saw us they waved a mat as a flag, and called aloud for us to visit them. The fighting men came running down with Muskets, Spears &c. They fired their Muskets and danced the war dance, in order to pay us Military Honors, according to their Custom. We stopt to speak to them, we told them we could not visit them on our way down the River, but promised, when we returned, to spend a night with them. I gave the Chief a Plane Iron, and we past on. About 4 O’Clock, we got within a mile of our Journeys end. Our Servants were hungry and tired and wished to go on shore to cook some provisions. We therefore landed, near the residence of the Chief who had accompanied us from Ranghee Hoo. He immediately caught an Hog, killed it, and our Servants dressed it for themselves in a short time. While we were here taking some refreshments, the Inhabitants of the Village nearest the Heads, called Weedeea had observed us, and immediately a great priest named Ta- man-hena, who is priest of the Heads of Shokee Hangha, and supposed to have absolute Command of the Winds and waves, came to visit us, and to invite us into the Village, to the Chief Mow Enna who is the Head Chief of the River. When we had dined we proceeded to the Village where we were cordially received by the Joyful Inhabitants, Mow Enna had heard of our coming to see him, and had prepared a good shed for us. We spent the Evening in conversation with the priest, and the Chiefs, upon the works of Creation, the being and Attributes of God, on the institution of the Sabbath Day, and the resurrection of the dead. The Priest was a very sensible man, as far as the law of nature could direct him. He spake of having communication with the Atua of New Zealand, that he answered him, when he prayed unto him. I told him that I had never heard the Atua of New Zealand, nor could I believe, he had, unless I could hear him myself, and I wished him to pray, that I might hear him, while I was with him. He replied, when he came to see me at Ranghee Hoo I should hear him. He believed all the New Zealand Chiefs, went to a place of Happiness when they died. The power of their Chiefs, the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, and the Glory of war, are the grand Subject of their Conversation. Their memories are very strong, and they shew a great anxiety to increase their Knowledge. They are very great and enterprising travellers in their own Country: many of them are absent on their Journeys ten, and twelve months at a time. We learned from them a more particular account of a River called Why-coto about the Centre of the island, where the great body of the inhabitants appear to reside. They describe them as innumerable. The Chiefs and Priest wished to know what our business was— we informed them, our first object was to examine the mouth of the Harbour to see if any Vessel could get in. They asked us, if we had mentioned our coming to see them to Shunghee, for they feared the Chiefs on the East side, would not be pleased, if any Ship should visit them. I told them I had acquainted Shunghee with our intention, and he had sent his Son to shew us the way. They were much pleased at this information, and remarked, as we had come on our own accord, without invitation, the Chiefs had no ground to be offended with them. The Priest then stated the situation of the entrance of the river, described the Rocks on each side, and a sand bank on the right hand out at Sea, as we got out of the mouth of the River. He stated how many fathom of water there was on the bank, and in the Channel, and said he would accompany us in the Morning to examine the entrance, and sound the Depth of water. We told him we could not go in the morning, for Tomorrow was sacred, a day appointed for us to pray to our God; but the Morning after, we should wish him to go with us, if the weather would permit. He said he was Priest of the winds and waves, and would Command them to be still. After talking upon various subjects, till a late hour, we sung an Hymn as usual, and thanked our God for the blessings we enjoyed in a Heathen Land, and then lay down to rest. Our place was very full of Natives, who remained with us all night, and the Priest never left us an hour, night or day, till we arrived at Ranghee Hoo. Sunday 3d. Being the Sabbath after breakfast I read the Church Service, and made a few observations on the 11 Chap Romans. The Chiefs and their People behaved with great propriety. The Head Chief ordered all the Children away lest they should disturb us. Great numbers of men and women crowded round our Shed. The Priest said he wished to learn to pray as we did, but he did not understand the reason, why we prayed to our God, when we appeared not to want his assistance. He said he never prayed, but at those times when he wanted the aid of the Atua. We endeavoured to explain to him, that our God made every thing, that he was always present with us, and continually took care of us, and heard and saw all that we did or said. The Chief wished an European would come to teach them, and said he would give him a farm, and he should live near him. Mow Enna and his people live in a rich and fertile Valley. Here are a great number of fine Children, and a very important station might be established in this Valley for Missionaries, and I cannot doubt, but they would be kindly received. We had much Conversation on this Subject, with the Priest and Mow-Enna who appeared a very mild man. After dinner, in order to relieve ourselves from the pressure of the People, we took a walk upon the beach. The natives followed us in Crouds, we desired them to return, as we wished to be more alone. They immediately Complied with our request. We returned in a few hours, and spent the Evening in useful Conversation. Monday 4 Oct. We rose early this Morning, with an intention to examine the entrance into the River. It blew very fresh. The Priest said we should have his War Canoe, and he would accompany us, and prevent the winds and waves from rising. As soon as breakfast was over, the Priest, Mr. Willm Puckey, and a very fine Crew of native young men, launched the Canoe, and we set off for the Heads, which were about 4 Miles distant. Ta-mang-hena told me not to be afraid, he would not allow the winds and waves to rise. There are two large Rocks at the Heads, in which, the Gods of the Sea reside, according to the opinion of the Priest, and the inhabitants on the banks of the river. The Priest said he would command the Gods to be still, and not to disturb the Sea, till we had made our examination, and sounded the Shoal and Channel. We were no sooner in the Canoe than the Priest began to exert all his powers to still the Gods, the winds and waves. He spake in an angry commanding tone, however, I did not perceive either the winds, or waves to yield to his authority, and when we reached the heads I requested to go on shore, till the Priest and Mr Puckey went out to sea, to sound the sand bank, as the water was rough. I landed near the sacred rock, and one Chief with me, who expressed great alarm, lest I should tread, on the consecrated Ground, and said the God would kill him, if he suffered me to do so, and he frequently laid hold of me in great agitation when he thought I approached too near. I was obliged to take advantage of every retiring wave, and run on the beach, till I had past the residence of this imaginary Deity. After Mr Puckey had taken the necessary bearings and soundings, I was returned again to the Village, and prepared for leaving our Hospitable Chief, who had supplied us, and our followers with the greatest abundance of Potatoes, and such provisions as he had, and about 7 O’Clock the Chief, his brother, and many of the People with the Priest, were determined to accompany us in our visit to the other Chiefs, till we finally left the River. The Canoes were immediately got ready and we set off for the next Village called Weedenakke about 18 or 20 Miles distant where we arrived about 12 O’Clock that Evening. When we landed, I felt very cold, having sat in the Canoe for about 5 Hours. One of the Chiefs of Weedenakke was waiting to receive us. This Village is situated literally in a very dark corner of the earth, behind some lofty Hills which are mentioned by Captain Cook. It stands at the head of a large salt water Creek, which runs up from the main river about 10 Miles, and is there met by a very beautiful fresh water stream, which comes down from the Neighbouring Hills, and passes thro’ an extensive Valley of rich Land. When we arrived, there were very few inhabitants in this Village, the Chief informed us, the body of the people were living in the Valley with the head Chief, preparing their Grounds for planting their sweet Potatoes, and that we should visit them in the Morning. He then conducted us into a very close Hut, where we were to remain till the return of day. The entrance was just sufficient for a man to creep into. Being very cold, we were glad to occupy such a warm birth. I judged the Hut to be about 8 feet wide, and 12 Long, with a fire in the Centre, and no vent either for the smoke or heat. The Chiefs who were with us threw off all their Mats, and laid down close together, in a perfect state of nudity. I had not been many minutes in this oven, before I experienced the Heat and smoke above, below, and on every side, insufferable. The Heat under the Roof of the Hut was excessive. Tho’ the night was cold, Mr Kendall and myself were compelled to quit our Habitation. I crept out of the Hut, walked in the Village, to see if I could meet with a shed, that would keep me from the damp air till the return of day. I found one empty, into which I entered. I had not been long, under my present cover, before I observed a Chief, who had come with us from the last Village, come out of the Hut I had left perfectly naked. The moon shone very bright. I saw him run from Hut to Hut till at length he found me under my Shed, and urged me to return— I told him, I could not bear the Heat, and requested him to allow me to remain where I was— At length he consented with reluctance. I was surprised to see how little effect either heat, or cold, seemed to have upon him. He had come out of the Heat, smoking like an hot loaf drawn from the Oven; walked about till he found me, and then sat down to converse for some time, without any Cloathing, tho’ the night was Cold. Mr Kendall remained sitting under his mat, in the open air till morning. Tuesday 5th. As soon as the day dawned, we heard the distant sound of native music thro’ the woods, and in a short time observed men, women, and children peeping thro’ the Trees, most of the Men, armed with spears. Many of them slowly advanced towards us. We were preparing to proceed to the Village, where the Head Chief resided. At the moment we were ready to walk, a messenger arrived to say, that we were to remain at our present station for further orders, as the Chief and his people, were not quite ready, to receive us. This information was not very welcome, as we had had no rest all night we wished to get to our Journeys end. At length another messenger came to inform us, they were ready. We then proceeded. Our party now consisted of about 100 persons. When we came within about a quarter of a mile of the Chiefs residence, the natives began to salute us, with the discharge of Muskets & continued to fire till we came up to the Head Chief, who was seated with his subordinate Chiefs at the entrance of a very commodious Shed, which had been expressly prepared for us. A Chief who had attended us where we spent the night walked before us, and introduced us, to the Head Chief. This Village is situated in a very rich and extensive Valley, which rung with the welcome salutations of the Inhabitants. The Chiefs expressed their Joy at our visit. After breakfast I walked with him thro’ his cultivated Grounds— The land is very good and produces great Crops of Common and Sweet potatoes. A fine stream of fresh water runs thro’ the Village. Here we found a greater population, than in any other part we had visited. One Hundred Children of a proper age, might be taken at once into a School. They have also plenty of Provisions, and their land is fit for all the purposes of agriculture, or Gardening. Many hundreds of Acres of land are here that would repay the labours of the Husbandman. I walked to the head of the Valley, and followed the stream of fresh water, which descends from the Hills, till I met with a fine situation for a water mill, where the natural fall, appeared to be not less than 20 feet, which at a future period, may be of infinite service in grinding grain, when the growing of Corn is generally introduced amongst the inhabitants. The inhabitants of this Valley appeared to live in peace and plenty, and quietly to enjoy the fruits of their industry. Whether their security depended upon the strength of their Tribe, or the secluded situation, I cannot say. The Chief presented us with 2 large fat Hogs, each about 200lbs. weight, one of which we had killed for ourselves and people, and also many hundred weight of Potatoes. There was nothing but feasting and rejoicing, all that and the following day, till we took our departure. There were more than 200 Baskets of Potatoes dressed at one time. I had never seen such heaps of sweet, and common Potatoes before. A certain number of baskets are dressed for every Chief, his friends, and his Servants, and every party sit in a Circle, round their provisions by themselves, when they eat. After feasting and dancing and Conversing all day, in the Evening before they retired to rest, the Cooks heated their Ovens in the Ground, in wch they put Pork, Potatoes, and Greens all in heaps, in large quantitys sufficient for 200 or 300 Persons, and covered them up, leaving them till morning to roast. At the early dawn, the New Zealanders were up. The Cooks opened their ovens, and served all their seperate portions. The Chief of this Tribe appeared a very mild man. He expressed an ardent desire, for some Europeans to reside with him, to instruct his People. He gave each of us, a farm, all ready for planting; we thanked him for his kindness, but it was of no use for us to accept, as we could not attend to their Cultivation. This Valley would be an excellent Station for Missionaries, from its Population, the Richness of the Soil, and from its apparent tranquility. It enjoys many advantages, as a Missionary Post, which time will not allow me to point out at present. While we remained here, we had long conversations upon the advantages of education, agriculture, commerce, Navigation &c &c. The Chiefs are in general very sensible men, and wish for information upon all subjects. They are accustomed to public discussions, from their infancy. The Chiefs take their Children from their Mothers breast, to all their public Assemblies: They hear all that is said upon Politics, Religion, War &c by the oldest men. Children will frequently ask questions in public Conversation, and are answered by the Chiefs. I have often been surprised, to see the Sons of the Chiefs at the age of 4 or 5 years sitting amongst the Chiefs, and paying such close attention to what was said. The Children never appear under any embarrassment, when they address a stranger, whom they never saw. In every Village, the Children, as soon as they learned any of our names, came up to us, and spake to us with the greatest familiarity. At the age of 8 or 10 years they appear to be initiated, into all the Customs and manners of their ancestors, by being the constant Companions of their Fathers, and attending them in all their public Councils, and in the field of Military Glory. In this Village the number of Children is very great, and ready for instruction. While we remained in this Village we found much pleasure, in the Conversation of the Priest of the Heads of Shokee Hangha. I on one occasion asked him, if the winds and waves would not take advantage of his absence, and do much injury to the Heads of the river.— He replied, he should prevent them, by his prayers till he returned. I observed, he was so great a man, that some of the Chiefs would wish him dead, in order that they might succeed to his Dignity. He then pointed to his Son who was sitting by him, he was preparing him for the Sacred office, and that he was to succeed him in the Command over the winds and waves. Thursday 7 Oct After Breakfast this morning, we intended to take our departure, but the Chief wished to detain us, till the middle of the day, in order, that he might give another great feast. About 8 O’Clock, numbers of Slaves arrived laden with Potatoes, and some large Snappers just caught. They were preceded by a Company Dancing, and Shouting. As soon as they had laid down their Baskets, all the Cooks went to work immediately, and as soon as the Potatoes were dressed, each party sat down to their portion. When the feast was ended, a Musket was fired, all the fighting men flew to their Arms in a moment. Some armed with Muskets, others with Spears, Clubs &c— and entertained us with a sham fight, and war dance, which closed the Scene. We now packed up our Baggage, and walked about a mile to our Canoes, where we were to embark, attended by more than 200 Natives. In our large Canoe we estimated the Pork and Potatoes at more than three Ton, which the Chiefs of the former Villages, and this, had laded us with. Besides our Provisions and Baggage we had 36 persons. We took our leave of this friendly Chief, and his people, about one O’Clock, thanking him for his attentions, and expressing our highest approbation of the Conduct of his People, while we remained with them; which gratified him much. We now proceeded to the Village on the banks of the main river, which was distant about 20 Miles, called We-Te-wha-Hetee, and where we had promised to spend a night, on our return. We arrived about 6 OClock in the Evening. Ta-Ra-whe-ka the Chief had built a neat shed for us 10 feet wide, by 24 feet long. It was very clean and neat. And also a convenient place for the sake of decency, in a retired Situation, sufficient for the accommodation, of at least Ten persons, about 40 yards from our Shed, and had made a clean walk to it. He received us with great kindness, I went with him to the Summit of the Hill, where his Castle, or Hippah is situated: his Village is built on the lowest side. From the top of the Hill, there is a very extensive prospect of the River Shokee Hangha, and the surrounding Country. As we past along I observed a Chief’s wife making loud lamentations, and mourning. On inquiring the cause of her deep distress she informed me, that since our passing down the river, she had lost her two Sons, and one Child belonging to the Village with them. The Children had been sent to gather Cockles, in a Canoe on a sand bank in the River, which is dry at low water. The wind rose on the flow of the Tide, and carried away the Canoe, leaving the Children upon the bank: when the tide rose it swept them all away. She added, that her husband was also lately dead. She was a young Woman. Her mother was sitting besides her mourning and weeping with her. They had cut themselves after their manner for their dead. I felt for her affliction, and would gladly have relieved her distress. I had nothing to give her, but a few fish Hooks, and my Pocket Knife, with which I presented her, and which she thankfully received. This Chief, like the rest, presented us with large quantities of Potatoes— giving a certain number of baskets to us, and then to the Chiefs and their Servants: and also to our party of Common People, with a good Hog. Ta-Ra-Whe-Ka is a very stout man, and very modest, with Little of the appearance of a Savage about Him. His people also were well behaved. We told him, we wished to visit the river Ho-poo-nakkee-terre, but the Crew of our Canoe were very tired and were not able without a day’s rest to go with us. He offered his services, and said he would supply us with a Crew in the morning, and accompany us himself. We thankfully accepted his Kind offer. We spent the Evening as usual, in conversing upon various subjects, and in gaining all the information we could, relative to the Rivers in New Zealand. The number of Inhabitants upon their banks, upon what they lived, and the mode of communication which they had with distant parts of the Island. We could seldom ask them a question, but before they answered it, they would inquire our reason for asking. If we asked how far any mountain or river was off, they would say, “What do you want to know for? Are you going there?” When we had satisfied them, they would give us every information we required. When we had conversed till late in the Evening, we performed our Evening Service of Prayer and Praise and then lay down to rest. Friday 8th— This morning we prepared early to visit, according to our intention, some Villages on the Banks of a river called Poo-nak-ke-Terre laying on the south side of Shokee Hangha, in two Canoes, accompanied by about 50 persons. As we went up the River we saw several Villages wh we had not time to visit. The inhabitants fired their Muskets, and hailed us as we passed. Our wish was, to go as far up the river as we could, with a strong tide in our favour, so as to return in the Evening. The River is very beautiful, and will be very Convenient for ye Navigation of small Vessels, should this Country ever become a Commercial nation. About one O’Clock we came to two Villages situated near to each other, upon the high bank on the south side of the River. One of these Villages, [was] under the authority of an old woman a Chiefs wife, The Chief being dead. Many of these People had never seen a white person. They received us with a war dance, presented us with several baskets of Potatoes, which were immediately dressed— While the Cooks were doing their duty we walked into the Villages, and conversed with the people, and made the principals presents of a few fish Hooks. One of these Villages is called Otaheite: Ranghee-Wakka-Takka is the name of the other. These Villages stand at the Head of a most beautiful Valley into which a small creek navigable for Canoes runs from the river. In this Valley, we observed several small Villages, and a large portion of land cultivated with Potatoes. In this part there is a large quantity of good land, that never has been in Cultivation, and would make a beautiful settlement. There appeared a great number of People here, in this very retired nook. As I passed along the Village, I observed a young man lying, and a Chief tatowing or carving his breech. The operation appears to be painful: he cut deep every stroke, and continually wiped away the flowing blood. This is a very barbarous custom. After remaining a few Hours, we left these Villages, with the return of the Tide. An old Chief with a very long beard and his face Tatowed all over, had accompanied us from where we slept last night. He wanted an Axe very much. At last he said, if we would give him an Axe he would give us his Head. Nothing is held so much in veneration by the Natives as the Head of their Chief. I asked him who should have the Axe, when I had got his head. He replied, I might give it to his son. At length he said, perhaps you will trust me a little time, and when I die you shall have my head. I promised him he should have an Axe, and he gave me two Matts, in order to secure one. I told him I had not one left, they were all at Ranghee Hoo— He said he would send a man for it, which he did, when we finally left the River. We hastened back as fast as possible, and arrived at our lodgings about 6 OClock, having gone by estimation little less than 40 Miles by water. The war Canoes go at a great rate when well manned. We told the Chief Ta-ra-whe-ka that we must leave him in the morning. He provided us with his presents of Potatoes, and two Hogs to take with us. The Priest of the Heads was our constant companion: as he was so well informed, upon all subjects relative to his Country, and Religion, I wished to learn from him, who was the first man, at New Zealand. He answered, that the first man who visited New Zealand, from whence all originated, was named Mowhee. That he had left his own Country with his followers, on account of public troubles, and was afterwards conducted by the God of Thunder to Showrakkee, or what we call the River Thames. That Ta-urekke the God of Thunder sat at the Head of His Canoe, and brought him safe to Land. His name is held in great Veneration, and he is worshiped as a Deity. For several miles on the south west side of the river, the beach is covered with round stones of various descriptions, from 5 feet to one in Diameter. I asked the Priest whence they came, as I had seen nothing like them in any part; he said Mowhee dug them out of the bed of the River at the time he made the Channel. They attribute to Mowhee many of the natural productions in the Island. After conversing with them on the motion of the earth, the relative situation of other Countries to their own, the Number of Moons a Ship would be sailing to different parts, what Countries produced Iron, Coal, Wheat, Wine, Spirits, Tea Sugar, Rice &c and what Articles their own country was capable of producing, when once they had the means to grow them; all these subjects gratifyed them very much: and during the conversation, they often made many judicious observations, expressing their ardent desire that they might only be able to try what their Country wd do, we closed the day with reading a portion of Scripture, singing a Hymn and Prayer. At day break this morning we heard the Lamentations of the poor Widow on the Summit of the Hill, weeping for her children. Her Affliction of mind was very heavy. She was left wholly to the feelings of nature, which appeared to be intolerable. The consolations of Religion, could not pour the oil of Joy into her wounded Spirit. She knew not God, and evidently had no refuge to fly for relief. In the fullest sense of the Apostle’s meaning, she was without hope, and without God in the World: Her Situation will apply to the whole of her Country, when under any Affliction. I am informed they will sit for Months, night and day, mourning in a similar manner; for the loss of their dearest relations. What infinite blessing Divine Revelation communicates to the whole body of a nation who are favoured with it, can never be estimated. The Knowledge of the only true God, spreads its genial influences to the King on the Throne, and thro’ all the different ranks of his subjects, down to the condemned Felon in his Cell. The wickedness of man, however great in a Christian Country, cannot prevent Divine Revelation from imparting its common blessings to them, any more than the barren soil can prevent the sun from imparting its genial rays. I have been accustomed to attend for more than 20 years condemned Criminals, and I never met with an instance, however great the Guilt of the Felon might be, but his mind was relieved, from the common Knowledge of God, when under the prospect of a speedy execution. He would plead God was merciful, and upon that Attribute he built his Hope, and that Hope, would support his mind, more or less, till he was launched into Eternity. In a Christian Country to whom do ungodly persons, in the day of trouble fly for relief, when they are deprived of their Children or friends by Death— but to the Wisdom, and Righteous Government of God, and console their minds with the hope that their dearest connections, are in a better world, and whatever the living have lost, the dead have gained. But the Widow, and the Fatherless, in a Heathen Country, have none of those sources of Consolation. Their wounds, are only healed by the hand of time, and if this fails, their last recourse is suicide, which is common amongst the New Zealanders. The Knowledge of the true God, who made, and still governs the world, is the only remedy, that can relieve the immortal mind in this respect. Tho’ no comparison can be drawn in a moral point of view between the better part of Society in New Zealand, and the worst in a Civilized Christian Country— Yet, the latter have greatly the advantage, in this world, over the former, in as much as they derive Consolations in the day of trouble from Divine Revelation, which the poor Heathen, from his total Ignorance of the True God cannot do. I have been led to make the above observations, from what I have repeatedly seen, not only in this afflicted Widow, but also in others under distress of mind. By reflecting upon the infinite blessings bestowed upon a Nation who is favored with the Knowledge of Divine Revelation, we may see the force and Justice of our Saviour’s declaration, when he said, that it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of Judgement, than for those who are favoured with the Gospel, and despise its Gracious Invitations. After commiserating the Affliction of the above poor Widow, I returned to breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our departure, to a Village about 18 or 20 Miles distant up the River, called Te Pappa. Our company now was large. We left Ta-wha-Heetee in five Canoes, all laden more or less with provisions, and with several live Hogs. On our passage up the river we were joined by the Brother of Poro, and his son. Poro is a great Chief, not far from the North Cape. None of the men in the Canoe belonging to Poro were Tatooed. I made inquiries after his brother, tho’ I had never seen him. About Three years ago, he had sent one of his People over to Port Jackson in the Active, when I sent him a few presents. I gave him a Plane Iron, and a Pocket Knife, having nothing more left, and promised to give him an Axe. He said he would go to Ranghee Hoo with us for it. As this would be a great and laborious Journey, I told him, I would send him one to Moodee Whys, with which he was satisfied. Poro and Moodee Why were friends. Poro had heard of the difference between Moodee Why, and Matanghee, and had sent his Son, and brother, to know the particulars, and to offer his assistance if wanted. I wished to know how they had come from their own place, whether by sea or land, as the distance must be very considerable. They replied by Land. I wished to know if there were no rivers to obstruct them— They answered, none, but such as they could easily swim across. When he came to the branch of the river that led to Hoota Koora, Moodee Whys Village, he left us, and we proceeded towards Ta Pappa where we intended to rest for the night— The Chiefs name of this Valley is Patu-ona. We arrived at Ta-pappa in the Afternoon. Patu-ona had made every preparation for our reception— He had constructed a new and commodious Hut for us, and was greatly rejoiced to see us. Our party was large. Patu-ona is one of the most pleasant Chiefs I had met with. He has a fine open countenance, in which the greatest kindness, and good nature is expressed. He told me, he had a great desire to visit Port Jackson in the Active, and would be glad to go over in the capacity of a Cook, which is one of the meanest situations their Slaves are placed in, and added, if I considered him a Gentleman, he would then go as my Friend. I promised him his wish should be granted when an opportunity offered. He made inquiry about the growth of Grain. He had a small patch of wheat growing from seed he had received from the Missionary Settlement. Patu-ona was very anxious to improve his Countrymen and to better their situation. Should he ever visit Port Jackson, he will derive the greatest advantage from seeing the Comforts of civil life, and the improvements going on there, in Buildings, Agriculture, &c.— Moodee Why was very urgent with me to send him a Red flannel Shirt, Night Cap, and a Pair of Spectacles: observing if he could only get those articles, he should be a great man. We had not long been with Pat-ona before a messenger arrived and informed Moodee Why that Matanghee had been removing the bones of his ancestors, from the Sepulchre where they had been deposited, which greatly wounded Moodee Whys feelings, and roused his indignation: When he received the information of the Circumstance, he was greatly distressed. The news pierced his very heart. He said, if it was not for the respect he had for us, he would go that night and kill Matanghee. He further observed that it was his intention to have visited Port Jackson in the Active, but now, his distress would be so great, and of long continuance, that he could not go. He had no prospect of relieving his mind but by travelling from place to place, in his own Country, and amongst his friends. He wished to know our opinion, whether he should go immediately and kill Matanghee or not, we told him we could not interfere with the Customs of their Country, but in England great men did nothing hastily, but always took time to deliberate, and we thought he had better not be in too much haste to punish the offence. Moodee Why never recovered his Spirits while we staid. His mind was gloomy and oppressed. Matanghee and he were near relatives, or there would not have been that forbearance in either party. They would soon have settled their difference by an appeal to arms. But family connections prevented them from indulging their natural feelings, and their Love of war. Shunghee had punished with Death, five men for Sacrilege since my arrival, as already mentioned, and no doubt but Moodee Why from the same influence of Superstition upon his mind wd, to relieve his own distress, and as a satisfaction to the spirits of his departed ancestors, act in the same way, was it in his power to do so. Patu-ona was a relation and friend to both parties. He was concerned for the quarrel, but said they were both wrong. Matanghee was wrong, in shooting Moodee Whys Pigs, and Moodee Why was equally wrong in shooting Matanghees. Patu-ona said if Matanghee had shot his pigs, he would not have retaliated upon him, by shooting Matanghees, but would have had no connection with him in future: he would have considered him to have acted so unlike a Chief. But observed, that his brother who was by, would have acted as Moodee Why did. How they will accommodate their difference we cannot say. We were obliged to them for suppressing their mutual resentments while we were with them. This was an attention we could not have expected from Savages. We spent some time at this Village very pleasantly, our accommodations were comparatively good, and our companions were very entertaining particularly the Priest of the Winds and waves. Saturday. This morning we prepared for our final departure from The river Shukee Hangha, we had left several Villages, and Chiefs, whom for want of time, we could not visit, tho’ they had provided for us. We were now to part with Moodee Why, and Mow-Enna the Head Chief of the River, who had never left us since we met. He wept at our departure, directed the Priest to accompany us to Ranghee Hoo, and to learn if the Active had arrived, and whether there was any prospect of her visiting their River, in order that they might prepare the Timber for her. It would have been impossible for any Civilized nation to have paid us more attention, as far as their means and Knowledge extended, than those poor Heathen did. When we left Patu-onas Village, we were more than 50 in Company, the most of them were going for an Axe, or Hoe or some small edge tool. They would have to travel by land and water, from 100 to 140 Miles, thro’ some of the worst paths, thro’ woods, that can be conceived— and to carry their provisions for their Journey. A Chiefs wife came with us all the way, and I believe her load could not be less than 100lb, and many carried much more than that weight. We had to travel upon the banks of the upper part of the river Shukee Hangha. Patu-ona took myself Messrs Kendall & Puckey in his Canoe for some miles up the river, till we came to a fall, when we landed in a wood, about the middle of the day. We estimated our distance from the Heads to be between 40 and 50 Miles, or upwards. The body of our party had gone on. We had now to travel thro’ a very thick wood on the banks, and at particular points had to wade the River. Some very fine young Men went before us, and cleared the way as well as they could, by treading and breaking down the brush, and branches of trees. It was very fatiguing, to walk in this wood, and from the very heavy rain, that fell in the Morning, very wet and dreary. Near dusk in the evening we came to the last station on the banks of the River, where we put up for the night, under a little shed, open both to the wind and rain. The party with us, made a Shed for themselves. The night was Cold, we were very wet and weary. Our Servants kindled the fires, dressed some Pork and Potatoes, on which we dined. The Chiefs had sent nine Hogs with us, and many hundred weights of Potatoes. One Hog we killed, and dressed this Evening. All had now returned, who did not intend to accompany us to the end of our Journey. We still mustered in our little camp between 50 and 60 Persons. This was a very solitary station, on the banks of a River, in a very deep Valley, surrounded with lofty Timber, of various kinds, and a Days Journey from any native Village, or farm— Our only Companions men in a state of nature, some of them having never seen a Vessel, or ever visited the Missionary Settlement. We arose early this Morning, after a very cold and uncomfortable night, and prepared for our Journey in hopes of reaching Kiddee Kiddee in the Evening, which we estimated to be 26 Miles from our Station. We had still a very difficult part of the wood to pass. After walking for almost two hours, we reached the open Ground, near which stands a large stump of a Pine, the remains of a Tree cut down by the great Tippahee for his Canoe. The Chips still remain round the place, where he made the Canoe. I sat down upon the stump, and reflected upon the conversations I had had with Tippahee 14 years before, and the Scenes that had since occurred, relative to his Country. How would he have rejoiced, had he now been alive, to have seen the present opening prospect, for the benefit of his native land. I may here observe, he just planted the Acorn, but died before the sturdy oak appeared above the surface of the Ground. When Tippahee had completed the Canoe, he had more than 20 Miles to carry it over land, by mere muscular strength. When we left this wood, we had a clear open Country before us, thro’ which our road lay for more than 20 Miles. Some of the soil good, some gravelly, and others swampy. Some of the Swamps we past may be easily drained— as there appeared sufficient fall. Our road was very good excepting the Swamps, and in general level. We found it easy and pleasant to travel, compared with what we had past the preceeding day. After walking very hard till about 6 O’Clock in the Evening, with only resting once for a short period, we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee, very tired and weary. When we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee we found Shunghee there. The Revd Mr Butler and Carpenters were at Ranghee Hoo. I immediately laid down to rest in the only building yet completed. Shunghee informed me, two days before, a Chief, Tenana had killed his wife for Adultery. She had been caught in the fact, and acknowledged her guilt, when her Husband knocked her on the Head with a Pattoo. The Punishment he said was just. Her brother had been and taken away the dead body, which was conveyed to the sepulchre of her friends. She was a Woman of rank. Her friends would not punish the surviving Husband, as he had acted according to the established Customs of their Country, further than taking away a few baskets of Potatoes as a satisfaction for the Death of the woman. A man will sometimes put away his wife for Adultery, but he may put her to death, when the fact is fully proved, if he wishes to do so. And his conduct will meet the approbation of the public. After conversing with Shunghee, we read a portion of Gods word, sung an Hymn, returned our grateful thanks to God, who had preserved our going out, and coming in, and had prospered us in our Journey, and brought us in Health to our resting place. Shunghee and several of the Natives remained with us, while we paid our praise and Thanksgiving to God. I pointed out to Shunghee that it was our duty to pray to our God, to thank Him, for keeping us by night and by day; that His Eye was over us, and his ear heard us, when we prayed, and that He did us good at all times. Shunghee behaved with much propriety, and said it was right we should pray. We then lay down and enjoyed a good nights rest. This morning we intended to return to Ranghee Hoo after breakfast. Shunghee had a quantity of Sweet Potatoes dressed for us, and our friends. I was much gratified, with the progress that had been made in our new Settlement. During our absence a considerable quantity of Ground had been broken up, and part planted with maize. A number of seeds had been sown in the Garden, which had been brought from England to port Jackson, and were up. The vines were many of them in leaf. The fruit trees had also been planted, and the whole Settlement began to put on the appearance of Civilization, than which nothing could be more gratifying to the mind. A building had also been erected for the accommodation of the labouring Natives. From what I saw, I was convinced, all hands had been very busy, and much done in a short time, with the small means that Mr Butler and his Colleagues can command. About 9 OClock we left Kiddee Kiddee, and in our way down the river, we called at a Village, on the south side of the River called Moo-too-e-tee belonging to a Chief named Showrakkee, whom I had promised to visit. We found him at home, with several Chiefs from other parts. He was much pleased with our calling to see him. While we stopt, the wind rose very strong, and it began to rain heavy. After waiting till Evening without any prospect of the weather Clearing up, and the waters being rough I resolved to remain till the next day. Shourakke told me, it was not safe for me to venture in the Canoe, as it would be in great danger of upsetting and recommended us to stay till morning. Mr Kendall was very anxious to get home, and therefore I left him to act as he pleased; when he embarked for Ranghee Hoo, having about 7 Miles to pass through a very open and rough sea— leaving me with the Chiefs, where I remained all night. I here met with Moyanger a Chief who had visited England about 12 years ago with Mr Savage. He made particular inquiries after the Queen, whom he had seen, said she was an old Woman, and wished to know if she was alive. I told him she died about 8 Moons before. He wished to know if the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and the other parts of the Royal family were well. He gave the surrounding Chiefs a particular account of what He had seen in England, mentioned London Bridge, and the water works there: told them how the water was conveyed by pipes, into the different Houses in the City, and many other particulars relative to our mode of living; Houses, Carriages, Shipping, Churches, Roads, Agriculture &c. And how the Cooks dressed the food for the Gentlemens Tables.— That they never eat it but only tasted it in the kitchen before it was served up. They heard him with great attention. There was an old Chief called Tee Kopedee, who was a Cripple in both his legs, and a man as proud of his Consequence and dignity, as I had ever seen. He informed me that his Land and Subjects extended from Shokee Hangha to the Why-Coto near 150 Miles: and that he had heard King George, was so great a man, that he never went on board a Ship— and that he was equally as great in New Zealand, and for that Reason he never went on board any Vessel. They talked nearly the whole night upon various subjects relative to civil life— and were very anxious I should visit the very long River Why Coto on the banks of which, according to all the statements of the Natives, there is a very great population. I promised to go if my time would admit, and the Chiefs agreed to accompany me. On the return of Day Tee Kopedee ordered his large Canoe, when himself, Moyanger, and some of his people accompanied me to Ranghee Hoo, where I found Mr Kendall arrived in safety. The Chiefs of Shokee Hangha who accompanied us on our return, were waiting for my arrival, in order to receive those presents which we had promised to them. They all assembled at the Store, where we gave them 21 Axes— 17 Hoes— 15 flat Tokees— 2 Doz Plane Irons— 2 Adzes— and a quantity of fish Hooks— with a few Pocket Knives & Jews Harps— Ta Manghenna, the priest of the winds and waves, was in the Number— He promised when he came to Ranghee Hoo, that I should hear his God speak to him; as I told him, I could not believe he ever did converse with him, unless I heard him myself. I now called upon him, for the fulfilment of his promise, as I wished to hear his God. Ta-Manghenna replied, his God was not at Ranghee Hoo at that time, and therefore that I could not hear him. I smiled at him, and told him, I believed he never heard himself. When they had all received their presents they returned much gratified with our visit and conduct to them. On my return to the Settlement Mr Butler informed me, that a Chief from Ti-Ami had been very turbulent and troublesome, when he was up at Kiddee Kiddee, by going to the House of Mr Wm Hall in a very threatening manner, demanding an Axe. On Mr Butlers return, he renewed his application, when Mr Butler gave him two Hoes, and an Axe. He came again on the Thursday following, bringing along with him 2 Hogs for sale, which were purchased from him. He was still dissatisfied, and wanted another Axe. There were several Chiefs with him, who remained upon the beach, belonging to his tribe. Tho’ they did not appear to countenance his violent Conduct, yet they took no steps to check him. We could not but infer, from their silence, that what he did, was with their consent, and if he could not obtain by fair means, the Articles he wanted, they did not disapprove of him trying what threatening would do. We remonstrated wth them on the impropriety of his Conduct, and told them, that the Europeans would not remain in New Zealand, if they were not protected from insult. We came for their good, and not for our own. They expressed their regard for us, and pretended to be displeased with the Conduct of the Chief, which was so extremely violent. At length I told them, Mr Kendall, and myself would visit their district, and hear what the different Chiefs had to say; and if they had any Complaints to make, we would hear them, and redress them, as far as we had the means to do so. With this assurance, they were well satisfied: and the following Monday was fixed upon, for our departure from Ranghee Hoo to Ti-Ami. On Saturday five of the principal Chiefs, came to conduct us, with their Slaves to carry our provisions. On Monday we were prevented by heavy rain from leaving the Settlement. On Tuesday Morning the 19th Oct. we prepared for our departure. When we had got our boxes all ready for the Canoes, an old Chief took them up in order to examine their weight. From their lightness he suspected there were no Axes in the Boxes. His countenance lowered immediately, and he kicked the Boxes away from him with indignation. I remonstrated with the Chiefs, and told them, that if they behaved in that disrespectful manner, I would not go amongst them. When they found, that we were not likely to visit them, they became very earnest in their intreaties. As they had now been anxiously waiting for us three days, I was as anxious to meet their wishes, as they were: at the same time I was determined, we would not go, till all matters were finally arranged, relative to our visit. What we should pay for the Canoes, for the Slaves to carry our baggage, and what presents the Chiefs belonging to the different Villages would expect us to make them. These were all finally settled before we embarked to prevent any disputes when we returned. After every arrangement was made, to our mutual satisfaction, we left Ranghee Hoo, about 11 O’Clock in the Morning, in two Canoes. On our passage up the River Kiddee Kiddee a Canoe very beautifully carved, from the River Thames passed us. Those Canoes are well made, will live in a rough Sea, and go very fast. In our Canoes were several young slaves, from the Southward, and one from near the East Cape. I inquired what price the Chief had paid for them: For one, a fine Youth, he had given 20 Baskets of Sweet Potatoes, and an Axe for another; the others I believe were prisoners of war. We arrived at the Village O. Koora of the Head Chief Why-Tarow about 6 OClock, where we landed, where we were to sleep for the night. The Chief had got one of the neatest Huts, I had seen in New Zealand. At each corner stands a Carved Wooden Image one representing a man, the other a Woman painted red, both naked. They are placed there to perpetuate two Victories, which the Chief obtained over two Islands in the Bay of Plenty; and are named after these Islands. The Chief himself has assumed the name also, or one of them. After we had taken some refreshment, and the darkness of the Evening had closed upon us, the Chief ordered a fire to be made, around which, we all sat down. We then desired the Chiefs to state the Grounds of their grievances. They then began by saying that they had no private complaints to make & that their grievances were of a public nature. They stated, that when the Europeans first came to New Zealand, they all settled with Duaterra, and Shunghee: by this means, the power and wealth of Shunghee were greatly increased— That when the last Europeans came, they expected to have got one, to reside with them: but these also were appropriated to Shunghee, which threw all the trade into his hands. They alledged that they could not go to trade with the Missionaries, within Shunghee’s Jurisdiction: on the one hand, this would lower their dignity: and, on the other, Shunghee’s people would not allow them, as this was contrary to the Custom of their Country, for one Chief to interfere in matters of trade with another, within his own district. What they wanted was, an equal advantage of Trade, which they could not enjoy without the residence of a Missionary amongst them, to whom they could dispose of their property, without any of these degrading restraints which they were now under. What they have to sell is a few Potatoes, and Hogs, these are their principal commodities. They further alledged that people had cast reflections upon them; and charged some of their people with Theft, which had made them very angry. They did not attempt to deny, that some of their Tribe had, with or without their knowledge, taken some trifling things from the Europeans; but that Shunghee’s people had been more guilty in this respect. They asked us, who had put up the Boys to steal our Chisels &c when we landed the stores; intimating that this had been done privately, either by Shunghee himself, or his Secret agents. They thought it hard, that they should be equally blamed with Shunghee’s People for Theft, without deriving any of those profits from trade, which Shunghee’s People enjoyed. They conceived, that they had not been treated with that respect and attention, which their rank and power in New Zealand, entitled them to— That the Europeans were equally indebted to them, as they were to Shunghee, for their protection;— That their Tribe was equally as powerful and respectable as his, and their lands more extensive— and also that they had the same right to the harbour, where the Ships Anchored, and the Shores where the Boats landed. They said they were not offended, that we had made a new Settlement at Kiddee Kiddee, where Shunghee resided: all that they wished was, that Shunghee should not monopolize the whole of the Trade, by having all the Europeans living under his authority; as this made him, and his people, assume more consequence than they were entitled to, and tended to lower their Tribe in the public opinion. The principal articles of Trade are Spades, Hoes, Axes &c which are missionary Stores, and the articles they are so urgent for. These and many other strong arguments they urged to convince us, that they had sufficient public grounds to be dissatisfied. I could not but admit the justness of their reasoning, and regretted much that they should have any just cause of complaint, and in answer to their statements, I wished to lay before them the real reason of this apparent partiality: at the same time I assured them, that we were equally anxious to administer to their wants, and to the wants of all their Countrymen, as we were to Shunghees, as far as we had the means to do so. In the first place I stated the cause why we paid our attentions to Shunghee. That Tippahee was a near relation to Shunghee, and the first New Zealand Chief, I had seen at Port Jackson, and with whom I had formed a particular intimacy. That when I returned from England, I brought Messrs Hall and King with me, with the intention to send them immediately to New Zealand, to Tippahee, to teach his people. But when I arrived at Port Jackson, I was informed, that the Boyd had been cut off by the People of Wangharoa, and all her Crew killed and eat, and soon afterwards Tippahee died, and a number of his People were killed by the Europeans, in Consequence of the destruction of the Boyd. Shortly after these events, the New Zealanders killed and eat three men, belonging to the Ship called the New Zealander a Whaler. These dreadful crimes, which their Countrymen had been guilty of, struck the Europeans with Horror. I was afraid to send Messrs Hall and King, lest they should kill, and eat them, also. After they had waited more than four years in Port Jackson, Mr Kendall came from England with the intention of coming to teach them, and after he had remained for some time at Port Jackson, I then sent him, and Mr Hall to visit Duaterra to know if they wished any of the Europeans to come to live with them. If they did, I wished him, and two or three Chiefs, to come over with Messrs Kendall and Hall to Port Jackson, for their Families. Duaterra returned, and Shunghee, and Korra Korra accompanied him, with Messrs Kendall and Hall. Tippahee being dead, and Shunghee promising with Duaterra that he would take care of the Missionaries, they came, and were placed under their protection by me. I told them, I should have come the first time the Active came, if Governor Macquarrie wd have allowed me: but he would not give his permission, fearing they would kill me, and eat me, as they had done the Crew of the Boyd. We further stated to them that their Crimes were viewed with Horror by all Europeans, which made them afraid, to come amongst them. That if they wished for any Europeans to live in their Country, they must shew great Kindness to those, who are now with them, in order to remove the bad impressions from the minds of the Europeans, which their past Conduct had made. In answer to the above they said it was right that the first settlers should come to Shunghee, and they did not wish to have any of the Missionaries, who lived under his protection: But they were very desirous to have one at least of those that had lately come. I replied, the number were so few, I could not divide them, if I did we should not be able to shew them the advantages of a farm, and other improvements which we intended to make, but assured them, if they behaved well to the Missionaries in the Island at present, I would, as soon as I could, get them one, or more, to live in their District: but I could not make them a full promise, adding, if one should come, he might be unwilling to live with them. They answered, they would not wish to compel a Missionary against his will, to live with them, but if he was sent for their benefit, and did not, they should request, that he might be sent back again to Port Jackson, and not permitted to live with Shunghee. Temmarangha who is one of the Principal Chiefs, and had lived with me a short time at Parramatta, said he wanted a man who could preach, teach Children to read, and write, administer medicine when they were sick, and shew them how to cultivate their land. With regard to the charges of cruelty against them, they stated, that the Europeans had killed many of their Country men, upon the most trivial occasions, and some instances they mentioned, where they had been shot without committing any offence. They had also often defrauded them of their property, and ill treated their Women. The Boyd was cut off, in consequence of the Chief being flogged by the Captain. And with respect to the Ship New Zealander, they said, a Chief, a near relation to Tippahee named Tarria, stole a Musket from the People who were wooding upon his land, as a satisfaction for the Europeans storming Tippahees Island and killing his people. When the men returned to the Vessel and informed the Captain, he sent two armed boats who fell in with a party belonging to the Chiefs [sic] who was giving us this account. They informed the Sailors that they were not the people who had stolen the Musket but the Sailors either thro’ Ignorance, of the language, or wantonness, fired upon the innocent party twice, when the Natives attacked them; and two of the white People were killed. Afterwards the sailors shot Tarreas Uncle, in which fray an European was killed. The Chiefs on the South Side of the Harbour, as three white men had been killed, and only one New Zealander, demanded satisfaction, according to the law of Retaliation for the death of two Europeans, when two New Zealanders were killed by themselves, belonging to the Tribe who had killed the two Europeans, and afterwards their dead bodies, were taken in a Canoe along side the Ship, to shew the Master that they had done Justice to his Crew, by punishing with Death, their own Countrymen, for the Murder of his men. They mentioned instances, where their own people had been shot, and no satisfaction made for their lives by the Europeans: and that a great number had been killed by Captain Hovel, who commanded a vessel out of Port Jackson, in an Harbour between the river Thames, and Mercury Bay, and intimated, that those people would take satisfaction at some future period for the lives of their relatives when oppertunity [sic] offered. I told them that a law had been passed in England for the Punishment of any European who should wantonly kill a New Zealander, and that if any of the New Zealanders killed an European, if they came to port Jackson afterwards, they would be Hung. They were much gratified with this information. I told them that King George wished to protect them from Violence, as well as his own People, and that he would punish the guilty, whenever they could be caught, whether they were Englishmen or New Zealanders. They said if any European, should kill a New Zealander, they should wish to see him executed. After conversing till a late hour upon all these subjects, in which we received mutual satisfaction, we lay down in our cloathes to rest. We rose early this Morning, and prepared for our Journey to Ti-Ami where we arrived in the Evening, about half past five OClock very weary with our walk. The distance we estimated at more than 20 Miles. In our way lay several swamps, thro’ some of which we waded, and thro’ others we were carried: one of them is about one mile thro’. we past thro’ only two small woods. The Country very open. Some of the Land exceeding good, and others either Gravelly, stony or swampy. The swamps in most places, might be drained. The land in general pretty level. It is well watered in all directions, and fine falls of water for Mills of any Kind. The whole country, thro’ which we past belonged to the Chiefs who accompanied us. About 5 Miles before we came to any of the Villages in the district of Ti Ami, we past thro’ a very fine plain, where the Soil appeared very rich tho’ stony. The whole from the Grass that was upon it, appeared to have been in Cultivation, at some former period, and there were evident Traces of a large population. We past the ruins of two Villages, on the edge of this plain. They are now wholy uninhabited. A few Potatoes I observed growing upon the sides of the Hills on which they stood: They had been strongly fortified at no very distant period. The Chief informed us, they belonged to him, and his friends, and at one time contained 1000 Inhabitants: but the Inhabitants had been besieged and were compelled at length to yield to the Enemy, and to quit their strong hold. The Hills are very high upon which the Villages stood, and so strong by nature, that they could not be easily taken, unless the Inhabitants were starved out, for want of water and provisions. When we arrived at the first Village, we were introduced to the old Chief, who appeared to be more than 80 years old, he was all life and spirits: He danced for Joy, when we gave him a Chisel. He expressed the greatest satisfaction at our Visit. From his hands, he appeared to have just returned from labour, in the Potatoe Grounds, and informed us, that he remained upon the farm to attend to its cultivation, but that he would come to Ranghee Hoo to see us. He told us he had seen three Generations, and was in the middle of life when the first Ship came to New Zealand. The Captains’ name he said was Stivers. Two other Ships came afterwards, before Captain Cooke. The Captain of the two Ships, before the arrival of Captain Cooke was killed by the Natives near Cape Bret. Before their death they had killed many of the Natives and destroyed one whole Village, in the bay of Islands. This old Chief appeared in perfect health. This Village stands in a fertile spot sheltered by lofty pines, and watered by many beautiful small streams sufficient to turn a mill. Here we spent the Evening, in conversing upon Agriculture, and other useful Arts, the Laws and Customs of other Countries. The New Zealanders are eagar to gain instruction, have a quick conception, and a very retentive memory. The object of the Missionaries, in coming to live amongst them, the manner in which they should treat them, if they expected others to come to live in their Country, and the advantages they would derive from the richness of their soil, when once wheat and barley were introduced amongst them. We told them, it was not the Custom in England, for Gentlemens wives to cultivate the Land, whereas their wives, were working from Morning to Night in the field. That Gentlemen in England had only one wife, while some of them had ten, that so many wives created much trouble, and quarrels. They observed, what we said was very true, that such a number of Wives, caused great disputes amongst them, that it often happened, the women, in those quarrels would go, and hang themselves: but they alledged notwithstanding those evils, they could not dispense with their number of wives, for they had no money to pay for the Cultivation of their land, and without the assistance of their Wives either as labourers or overseers, they could not Cultivate their lands at all. If they had the same means, that the Gentlemen had in England of cultivating their land with Cattle, their wives should be Employed in a different way: But they could not alter their present plan, till they could get the means. We told them, that we hoped in time, they would have those advantages: but much would depend upon their own conduct towards the Europeans. If they behaved well to them, others would be encouraged to come to live amongst them, if ill, those that were now in New Zealand would return to their own Country. They only wished for an oppertunity to shew their attention, by having two or three with them. We conversed till a late hour, when we sung an Hymn, returned thanks to God for his goodness, and committed ourselves to his gracious protection for the Night. Thursday. We rose early this Morning, and afterwards walked over the Potatoe Grounds, with the Chiefs [sic], where his people, were at work, some were planting maize, but did not understand, how that grain was planted. They put the grains near together, which would prevent the growth of the plant. I shewed them how we planted our Maize, by planting some. The Chief saw immediately the advantage of giving the Plant sufficient room, and directed his people to follow the instructions I had given them. The Chief had treated us with every mark of attention in his power. On our arrival, he addressed his People, with much warmth, commanded them not to steal the smallest article from us on any account, that if they did, Shunghee’s people would hear of it, and they would be disgraced. He said if they behaved well to us, I perhaps should send an European to live amongst them. He would not say I should, but perhaps I might. If they did not behave well, they would have no hope of ever having any Europeans in their district.— After breakfast our next visit was to the Village of the Chief, who had been so sulky and shoved the boxes about at the settlement, previous to our setting off on our Journey. This old Chief made an apology for his Conduct, said he was not angry, but he had heard of our generosity, and had come to see if we would bestow an Axe upon him; thinking there were none in the boxes, his mind was hurt, as he was afraid of being disappointed. He now shewed his anxiety to do all he could, to make our visit to him pleasant. We were attended by a large number of Natives. He gave us an Hog, which we ordered to be killed, for our attendants, an abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes, were dressed for all present. He prepared a clean shed for us to sleep in, and exerted all his ability to make us comfortable. After dinner I went to see an hot spring in a wood about 4 Miles distant. The water was warm, and very offensive, it sent forth a continual steam. There was a thick scum upon the surface like yellow Ochre, which the natives paint themselves with. It has rather a redder cast than common yellow Ochre. The water has a strong Sulphurous smell. I brought away with me some of the stone about it, which is hard and flinty. The natives informed me there was another spring, about 6 Miles from the Village, where the water was white and very offensive: no wild ducks or fouls, were ever seen on this water. After returning to the Village, and performing our Evening devotions, we conversed with the Chiefs on various subjects till a late hour. The night was cold and dark, and our shed open on three sides, and no Roof, which made our accommodations, very uncomfortable. The New Zealanders laid down, men, women & Children, round about the shed; like Cattle in a farm yard, and apparently as unconcerned about the rain and cold. Friday 22. After breakfast I visited the white spring. It is a small lake about half a mile round. At a distance it appears like white milk, but not quite so white, when at the edge of the lake. About a Mile before I came to this lake, I fell in with a lake of clear water upon which were a number of wild ducks. A quantity of brimstone was lying upon the Ground in different directions, specimens of which I brought away with me. The whole surface of the Country for miles appears, as if there had been some Volcanic eruption. Swamps lakes, and barren soil. It appears, as if there had been a wood of pines, which is now all burnt, not so much as one tree remaining. There is here and there the root of a pine which has been burnt into the surface of the Ground, and pieces of Rosin, which have come from the pine Tree lying on the Ground, in all directions. The soil is extremely poor, spungy and wet, of a white nature like pipe Clay. The Natives told me, as we walked along, where there were other springs of a similar nature, not far distant. A quantity of Rosin lies upon the Banks of the white lake, and in various parts of the lake, there is a froth upon the surface like yeast upon new beer, when working in the Vat. I brought a bottle of the water with me, with an intention to take it to Port Jackson, perhaps it may be analyzed there. The stony Creek thro’ which the water from the lake continually runs, appears as if it was covered with Lime, from the sediment left by the water, in its course thro’ the Rocks, and all the stone in the Creek was hard as flint: specimens also of which I brought with me. Before we left this Village for the next I took a fire stick, into a shed, where our boxes stood, with our provisions, and laid a little brimstone upon it, to see what effect the fire would have. As soon as the Chiefs saw the smoke they were all dreadfully alarmed, and called aloud to me, to take the fire out of the shed. I asked them why they were so afraid. They replied their God would kill them all, for there were provisions in our boxes, in the Shed, and if fire was taken into the Shed, where there were Provisions, they would all die. To allay their fears, I threw the fire stick down, and then endeavoured to convince them, that all their fears were Groundless, and that their Tabooing their provisions, the Vessels they eat out of, their Houses &c were all a delusion— That there was no such thing in Europe.— That I was not afraid to eat any thing, nor to sleep in any house, nor to have fire and provisions in the same house. They said if they did not pay very particular attention to all that their Priests told them, they would die. If they went to battle, and neglected any Ceremony, relative to their food &c and a Spear toutched [sic] them they would die immediately. But if they observed the Ceremonies, and a Spear should go through their body they would not die. I told them that the observance of those things, would have no effect in preserving their lives in battle: They contended warmly it would, and one of the Chiefs came forward, and shewed where a Spear had past through his lungs, and both his blood, and his breath came thro’ the orifice of the wound, and yet he recovered, because he paid attention to the Injunctions of the priest. In answer to this I said that I had seen, a large barbed spear taken out of the body of a white man at Parramatta, which had been thrown at him by a Native, and had wounded the intestines so much, that the food which he eat for a considerable time came thro’ the wound, which the spear had made, and yet he recovered, and was alive and well when I left Parramatta, tho’ he had never been Tabooed, nor his food, nor his house. They expressed their astonishment at this, that he should recover from such a wound without attending to similar Ceremonies with themselves, upon the observance of which, they believed the issue of life or death depends. I further told them that Instances had occurred where Soldiers in battle had been shot thro the Lungs, with a ball, as the Chief had been speared, and nevertheless had recovered, and yet they were not Tabooed. I asked them, if the Chief had been speared thro’ the heart, or thro’ the temples of the Head, whether he would have recovered, or not, admitting he had been Tabooed: he replied he would not. I then wanted to know of what use their Tabooing was, as Europeans recovered from similar wounds without tabooing. They said that some time ago one of their Tribe went on board a Ship, where he eat some provisions, contrary to their customs, when their God in his anger slew a great many of them. I inquired in what manner those who died were affected. They represented their tongues to be foul, and their whole bodies in a burning heat. The Natives supposing the heat they experienced to proceed from a secret fire within them, they threw off all their Mats, drank cold water, bathed themselves in Cold water, and exposed themselves as much as they could to cold, under the idea that the Cold would quench the Heat they felt. We informed them that this was the way to increase the heat, and to kill them and that instead of exposing themselves to Cold, and going naked, and lying naked in the open air, in the nights, they should have kept themselves warm in order to make them perspire, as the perspiration would carry off the burning heat, from their bodies, and not cold air and water. They laughed at this idea, and supposed that this would increase their Complaint. I then asked them if they remembered any time when they perspired freely, feeling that burning heat in their bodies, which they mentioned. After some reflection, and Consultation together they thought, from what they felt, when they perspired freely, we might be right in our opinion. They then asked me how Duaterra came to die. I told them by great exertions, and lying out, he had got a violent Cold, which brought on that burning heat which they spake of, and a violent complaint in his bowels. The Priest then Tabood him, would let him have nothing to eat, or drink for 5 Days, and would not let me see him, for fear their God would kill him, and them— That Duaterra had been accustomed to eat our bread, Rice, Sugar, and drink Tea and wine, and when he was ill, the priest would not allow him to have any of these articles which he had been accustomed to, and might have relieved him. On account of the Tabboo, and for want of proper Nourishment, it was not possible for him to live: and that many of their Countrymen like Duaterra, died in consequence of the Taboo, and by lying in the wet, and cold, when they felt that burning heat. These arguments had some weight with them, and appeared to convince them, that they were mistaken. We further told them, that Pomarree King of Otaheite, some time ago, thought as they did: He Tabooed his houses, his provisions, and was continually under fear, lest his God should kill him, and his People. But since the Missionaries have lived at Otaheite, and he and his People had been taught the meaning of Gods Book, he had abolished all Tabooing, eat any thing, slept any where, like the Europeans, and was under no fears of being killed by his former Gods. They were much surprised at this information, and inquired how long it was since Pomaree had ceased to taboo. We told them, that it was more than three years ago, since Pomarree had embraced our Religion. The Chiefs then replied, if we would send Missionaries to instruct them, and to convince them that their Religion was wrong, and to prevent their Gods from killing them, they would think, and act, as we did. Several of them expressed an ardent desire to visit Port Jackson, as they wished to see how we lived. I promised them, that some of them should be permitted to go, when oppertunity [sic] offered.— After dinner we left this Village in order to visit another about 4 Miles distant, at the foot of a very high Hill, called Pooka Newee. During our walk we past thro’ some of the richest land I had ever seen in this Island, free from Timber, and fit for all the purposes of Agriculture. We arrived about sun set when an old Venerable Chief, upright as a Column, and teeth as white as Ivory, came forward, with a long Spear in his hand, and stood at a distance, where he offered up an oration, and prayer, according to the New Zealand Custom in receiving Strangers, bidding us welcome, and intreating that his Gods would be propitious during our interview, meaning the departed manes of his ancestors. He invoked the Heavens above, and the Earth below, to render our visit advantageous to his people, and agreeable to us; and that no harm might happen to us, whom he esteemed as God of another Country. We heard the profane adulations with silent Grief, and could not but wish most ardently, for the light of Divine Truth to shine upon such a dark and superstitious mind. As we could say nothing at that moment to the profanation which shocked our feelings, Mr Kendall took an oppertunity in the course of Conversation, afterwards, to explain to them, as we made a practice to do at all times, that there was only one God, Jehovah, who made, and upheld all things, and whom we acknowledged, and that we were but Men, looking for happiness in him; in consequence of what His Son Jesus Christ had suffered for us, and that after death, we were not considered as Gods, as they considered their departed friends, but merely as his Creatures in a state of Happiness, and that we did not cut ourselves for the dead, as they did, nor mourn without hope, but went quietly into the Grave in the assurance of meeting our friends again. In the Course of the Evening Mr Kendall had a long Conversation with the Chiefs Too-Hoo, Temmarangha and Why Parrow in consequence of the two latter Chiefs speaking to Too-Hoo on the different subjects that had been discussed the preceding Evening, as they had accompanied us from Ranghee Hoo, and had been with us all the time: when they informed him what we had said of the burning heat in their bodies, and how they should act under it, he said we were Gods. Amongst other things, they had ignorantly supposed, that I had it in my power to command Europeans to live amongst them; Mr Kendall fully explained to them, that this was not the case. That I, Mr Kendall and my colleagues, were only members of a general body. The Chiefs of which resided in England, and their united Numbers consisted of some thousands, who were influenced by motives of gratitude to their God, for the blessings which had been conferred upon us, and them, and our ancestors, who were formerly in the same situation that they were at present, to impart unto them that Knowledge which had been so productive of their Happiness, both in this world, and in the next. Mr Kendall further told them, that the Society in England had never thought upon them till after I had seen Tippahee : when I informed the Society, what situation they were in, and stated that they were men of strong understandings, and capable of improvement, and earnestly solicited the society, to send out some of their members to instruct them, and that in consequence of my application to the society, in their behalf, an inquiry was made, and persons were asked, who would go into this foreign Country to instruct them. Mr Kendall stated further, that there was a doubt, amongst the members of the society, whether or not any European could safely live amongst a people who were in the Habit of eating Human flesh, which caused a general fear and Hesitation. At length however Messrs Hall, and King, offered their voluntary services, as none are compelled to come without their free consent. They accordingly accompanied me to Port Jackson. When they arrived there, they were under considerable distress of mind, on account of the destruction of the Boyd, and waited 4 years untill Mr Kendall’s arrival’, as has been already stated: When I purchased the Active, and sent Mr Kendall and Mr Hall over to see whether or not, they dared to venture to live amongst them. After Messrs Kendall and Hall had visited them, they resolved to come, with their families; whether they were killed and eaten, or not killed and eaten. Accordingly they came along with me. After remaining a short time, and observing the conduct of their Countrymen, they wrote to England for more Europeans. But Masters of Ships and other persons who were prejudiced against them, from the reports of their savageness, and eating human flesh, wrote against them, which intimidated the Society, and tended to discredit all that Mr Kendall and I could say, in their favour. It was not until the Missionaries had resided in New Zealand more than three years, that the Society ventured to send any more from England, and if they wished those Missionaries to remain in the Island, they must be kind to them, and not alarm them, and make them uneasy by tedious applications for Axes, and Hoes &c lest they should retire quietly from them, as the Missionaries had formerly done from Otaheite, with an intention never to return, had not Pomare from time to time solicited them to return. In answer to the above, the Chiefs said, that they had never understood the object of the Missionaries so clearly before, and with respect to the main ground of the Europeans’ fears of being killed and eaten, they contended that this was altogether on our part groundless; that it was absurd to suppose that they would act so contrary to their own Interest as to kill and eat people who came to live quietly amongst them, and introduced so many articles of real value. Besides they said we lived here under the approbation and protection of all the Chiefs and if one Chief was against us, he could only trouble us by his vexatious applications, he would dread the power of the other Chiefs, and durst not do any further injury, but if all the Chiefs or the major part of them, were against us we could not live. They further remarked, as we had done them no injury, they had no satisfaction to demand from us, and no just feelings of retaliation to gratify: and observed with a smile, if they naturally craved after human flesh, we might make ourselves easy on that head, as the flesh of New Zealanders was much sweeter than an European, in consequence of the white people eating so much salt. At length the Conversation led to the origin of eating human flesh. They first alledged that it originated from the largest fishes of the Sea, eating other fishes: and that some even eat their own kind, and that large fish eat small ones— small fish eat insects— Dogs will eat men, and men will eat dogs, and dogs devour each other. The Birds of the Air, also, devour one another. The louse that sucks the blood of man, that man will eat as a just retaliation. And one God will devour another God. I should not have understood how the Gods could eat one another, unless Shunghee had informed me, when he was to the Southward, and had killed a number of People, he was afraid their God would kill him in retaliation, esteeming himself a God, but he caught their God, being a reptile, and eat part of it, and reserved the other part for his friends, as this was sacred food, and by that means he rested satisfied, that they were all secure from his resentment. With respect to their tedious importunities for Axes &c They said that their anger was merely feigned, and that they were urged to their importunities, by their pressing necessities for those things, that they had tried every method in their power to get an Axe or Hoe. When they had means to pay for an Axe &c they were always ready to do so, and said we could scarcely bring forward a single instance where a man had troubled us for an article, when he was able to purchase what he wanted. They then stated the general satisfaction it would give the Chiefs if two Missionaries were sent to each district, as this would prevent all jealousies, and tend to make the Missionaries more comfortable. As for their Children, they had no objections for them to be taught, either in reading or writing. From all the information we could collect on our tour, we were fully satisfied that Missionaries would be kindly Received amongst them, and that it was only the want of them, that has created any discontent amongst the Chiefs. Saturday. we rose early this morning, in order to prepare for our return, as we wished if possible to reach the settlement before the Sabbath. About 6 O’Clock while I was set taking my Breakfast, on a sudden I heard the loudest lamentations. On turning to the Place from whence they came, I observed several women crying aloud and the blood streaming down their countenances. On inquiry I learned that the Chiefs wife, who had accompanied us had buried a Child, a short time before, and these women were come to mourn, and weep, with her on this account. They held all their faces together, mingled their blood with their Tears, and cryed aloud, cutting themselves at the same time with pieces of flinty stone. I was much shocked at the sight of the blood and cuts. The Chief came to me, and asked me, if I was afraid. I answered I was not afraid, but I was much grieved to see them cut themselves in such a manner. That this custom did not prevail in any nation of Europe, and that it was a very bad one. The Chief replied the New Zealanders loved their Children very much, and could not show it sufficiently without shedding their blood. I replied to weep was very good, but not to cut themselves. This is a very barbarous Custom and universally prevails amongst the natives of this Island. As soon as we had finished our breakfast, we were presented with a large Hog, and a few Bushels of Potatoes, and then took our leave of this fine old Chief. Nothing material occurred during our return, and after a tedious Journey by Land and water we arrived at the Settlement about 12 OClock at night, very weary. The Chiefs and their Servants attended us home, and on Monday Morning we paid the Porters who had carried our Baggages, and all returned much satisfied to their respective Homes: and we were equally satisfied with the whole of their Conduct towards us, and happy that the object of our Journey, which was that of Conciliating the good will of the rival Chiefs, of those districts, and convincing them that our good wishes were general, and not partial towards them, and their Countrymen, had been accomplished. Ti–Ami is a very rich part of the Country, and only wants a Population, to improve its natural soil, which at present is burdened with luxurious weeds, and Pines, and other Timber of various kinds. The Chiefs informed us, that they had a large number of People, one days Journey further, who were cultivating a rich soil with sweet and common Potatoes. I should estimate the extent of their Territory from what I walked over, and to where they pointed to the Land belonging to them, at not less than 50 Miles in extent. On Sunday the 7th November I preached, administered the Sacrament and Christened nine Children belonging to the Settlers, born in the Settlement; I trust the Divine Word and Ordinances will now continue in that land of Darkness to the end of time. I have no doubt but the Lord has a people which he will prepare for himself in New Zealand. He never fed any Nation with Manna from Heaven but the Israelites and as he has now sent the Manna of his Word amongst the Heathen we may fairly infer that he will provide Israelites in that Wilderness to feed upon it. His promises are sure and Known unto him are all his works from the beginning. No permanent Missions could have been established in New Zealand, nor in any other Islands of the South Seas, unless his overruling Providence had led the British Nation to establish a Colony at New South Wales. Thro the medium of the British Nation he has sent his Gospel now to the very ends of the earth, and the Gospel Trumpet has been sounded from Pole to Pole— what means has Infinite Wisdom adopted to accomplish the divine Purposes. Did God send an army of Pious Christians to prepare his way in this Wilderness? Did he establish a Colony in New South Wales for the advancement of his Glory and the Salvation of the Heathen Nations in these distant parts of the Globe from Men of character and Principal. On the contrary he takes Men from the dregs of Society the sweepings of Gaols, Hulks, and Prisons, men who had forfeited their lives to the Laws of their Country he gives them their lives for a prey and sends them forth to make a way for his Chosen— for them that should bring glad tidings, that should publish Peace to the Heathen World, that should say unto them, in the Name of the Lord— look unto me and be ye saved all the ends of the Earth for I am God, and there is none else” – Well may we exclaim with the Apostle “How unsearchable are his Judgments, and his ways past finding out.” I cannot help combining the Colony in New South Wales in the grand chain of Divine Providence with all the Missions to these Islands as they could not have been carried on without this Settlement. Monday— It was my intention to have sailed today for Port Jackson, but having returned late on Saturday Evg from the interior I had many secular affairs to arrange previous to my departure for the future Government of the Settlement; this occupied me all the Day. The Active weigh’d Anchor and cross’d over to the opposite side of the Bay in order that she might be ready to put to Sea the moment I embarked. Tuesday, this morning I prepared at an early hour to leave Ranghee Hoo, the Natives flocked together from various parts to take their leave, or to accompany us on board— Some wept much and wished to go with us to Port Jackson— Others fired their Muskets as a mark of Respect when the Boat left the shore. It had been determined that Mr Samuel Butler and Mr William Halls Son should proceed to N S Wales in the Active. The former to instruct some Native Youths Sons of Chiefs at Parramatta, and the latter in order that he might be Educated at some of the Schools in the Colony. We took our leave of our friends at Ranghee-Hoo with mutual affection and respect, when I arrived at the Active, which lay off about 7 Miles, I found her crowded with Natives, and surrounded with Canoes. It was pleasing to see the rival Chiefs from the North Cape to the River Thames meet on board the Active in the most friendly manner as a common Rendezvous, not armed with their Patooes and spears as formerly but as Men forming one Civil Body. They all claim an interest in the Vessel and therefore they are under no restraints in their visits. Their friendly meetings will tend much to their mutual confidence and friendship. The Chiefs pressed me to take their Sons with me to Port Jackson. As the wind was against us, and wishing to visit a district up the River Cowa Cowa, I ordered the Boat, and the Revd Mr Butler accompanied me. When we arrived at the Native Settlement about 10 miles up the river we found the Chief whom I wished to see was from home. The Natives in the Village gave us the most cordial welcome. Here we met with some of Mowhee’s relations, when they knew Mr Butler had seen him they were much affected and Mr Butler and the Natives wept together while he gave them an account of Mowhee they expressed the greatest affection for Mr Butler and he was equally affected towards them, he promised to visit them again – we stopt and dined at the Village as there were plenty of fine fish and we left the hospitable Natives deeply affected with joy and sorrow when we departed, they rejoiced to see us, and mourned and wept at the remembrance of Mowhee— We returned to the Active in the Evening, after the Sun had gone down. The wind became fair, we weighed anchor and got underway. The Chiefs still remained on Board with their Sons. I had promised to take some of them, but was compelled to refuse others. The Chiefs took leave of their Sons with much firmness and dignity in the Cabin; on the deck the Mothers and Sisters of the boys were cutting themselves after their manner and mingling their blood with their tears. Shunghee the head Chief parted with his favourite Son in the Cabin without a tear, I afterwards heard him on deck giving vent to his feelings with the loudest bursts of weeping. I now ordered the Active to be searched, and all the Natives to be turned into the Canoes who had no permission to go to Port Jackson. I promised some of the Chiefs who were very urgent for me to take their Sons to Port Jackson than [sic] their Sons should come at a future time; with promises and threats I got the Active cleared with much difficulty and Mr Butler and his Colleagues left us in the mouth of the Harbour about an hour after dark and returned to the Settlement, and in a short time we were clear of the Heads. From the time of my arrival in New Zealand to my departure I had spent about three months in the Island and regretted much that my time was so limited. I wished very anxiously to have visited Why Kotto a river to the Southward and Westward of the River Thames. A number of the Chiefs urged me very much to see this River, they informed me it was of a very great length that they were four months in going up it, and that the population were very numerous upon its banks, that there was no part of New Zealand where there was so many inhabitants. This River empties itself into the west side of the Island; it is here that all the fine Mats are made. The Natives also mention two Rivers of great extent which run into another at a great distance from the Sea whether it is navigable for Ships or not remains to be ascertained but that the population is very great in this part of the island there can be no doubt. With respect to the origin of the Natives of these Islands we are still in the dark— I could not learn that they had any traditions amongst them from whence they came. Such information as I was enabled to obtain with the assistance of Mr Kendall or any of the Chiefs of the Island I have stated in my Journal. I am inclined to think that they have sprung from some dispersed Jews, at some period or other from their religious Superstitions and Customs, and have by some means got into the Island from Asia. They have like the Jews a great natural turn for traffic; they will buy and sell any thing they have got; when they go to War the Priest always accompanies them, and when they draw near to the Enemy he addresses them in similar language to that which the Jewish High Priest adressed [sic] to the Jews of old as recorded in the 22 chapter of Deut[eronom]y verses 2.3.4. “And it shall be when ye are come nigh unto the Battle, that the Priest shall approach and speak unto the people and shall say unto them Hear O Israel ye approach this day unto Battle against your enemies: let not your hearts faint, fear not, and do not tremble neither be ye terrified because of them: for the Lord your God is he that goeth with you to fight for you against your enemies to save you.” When a Chief falls in Battle they cut off his head and preserve it as a trophy of Victory, as David cut off the head of Goliath and took it to Jerusalem. The conquering Chief at New Zealand carries the heads of the Chiefs he kills into his own Village where they are exhibited to public view; the conqueror also burns the bodies of the Chiefs he kills in Battle, and the dead body when the head is cut off can only be handled by the Chiefs, no common person is permitted to touch it but it is placed on the Fire by the Chiefs – we find a similar custom mentioned in the 31 Chapter of the 1 Book of Sam[ue]l respecting the bodies of Saul and his Sons when they were killed by the Philistines Verses 11.12. “And when the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead heard of that which the Philistines had done to Saul; and all the valiant men arose, and went all night, and took the body of Saul and the bodies of his Sons from the wall of Bethshan and came to Jabesh, and burnt them there.” When a Chief is killed in Battle and his body roasted by the Chief who slew him, it is consecrated by the Priest and no common person is permitted to taste it.— The Priest takes a portion of the flesh and sets it apart for his God, he then takes a portion for himself which he eats, and also tastes the blood. The Chief follows his example. The New Zealanders believe that the Soul of a Chief when departed from the body becomes a God, and has the power of life and death. They also believe that by eating the Flesh, and drinking the blood of the departed Chief his System becomes incorporated into their System and by that means they are secured from all danger from the departed ghost of the dead Chief, and that his Spirit will then take up its residence in their bodies as being part of its former habitation— This is a singular idea and one would be led to think that it had been derived from divine revelation. Our Saviour told the Jews “He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood dwelleth in me and I in him”. Their eating human flesh is a part of their religion. The New Zealanders cutting off the heads of the Chiefs their enemies, and collecting them together, is similar to what was done to Ahabs sons when Jehu rebelled against him— They are also very particular in preserving the bones of their Ancestors from generation to generation— to spoil the sepulchre of the dead by carrying away any of their bones, is a very serious crime, and often punished with death, five men were killed when I was in New Zealand in August last for robbing the Sepulchre of a Chiefs bones, as already mentioned in my Journal. The Israelites were very particular about their bones— when Joseph gave commandment concerning his bones before his death, and four hundred years afterwards when the Children of Israel departed from Egypt they took the bones of Joseph with them, that they might perform the oath which Joseph had made them swear unto him before he died. I now submit the preceding observations to your Candour and Judgment, you will make what use of them you please, I will vouch for their correctness in point of fact; for my object has been to relate simple facts as they occurred and to communicate as much information relative to these interesting people as my limitted [sic] time and various other objects, that called for my attention would allow; when I was in the different districts, and wished to note any thing down that appeared to me worthy of notice I had to steal away into the Thicket and conceal myself as well as I could from the eyes of the Natives while I minuted down any circumstance or conversation that tended to throw any light upon their Customs, Manners, or Religion but it was seldom that I could steal away unobserved, and on that account was obliged often to write in the midst of a croud what I wished to record. You will I am sure Sir make due allowances for any tautology or want of arrangement you may meet with in these sheets, as these observations were not studied but merely originated from daily occurrences. Should they [these observations] induce any Friends to the Heathen to cast their mite in aid of Society’s Funds, and soften the prejudices of the civilized World towards the New Zealanders my wishes will then be fully gratified. I am convinced that the wants of these poor Heathens have only to be made known to the Christian world and then they will be relieved: Their Country which is now only an uncultivated Wilderness will then stand thick with Corn, and the voice of Joy and gladness will then be heard in these dreary regions of darkness Superstition and Cruelty. Samuel Marsden Revd J. Pratt Secretary to C. M. S.Rev. Sam Marsden’s Journal from Feb 13/20 to Novr 15/20— Recd July 20/21 On the Arrival of His Majesty's Ship Dromedary at Port Jackson in Feby last I was informed that the British Government had given directions to the Commander Richd Skinner Esqr after discharging the Convicts which the Dromedary brought out, to proceed to New Zealand for Spars; and that the Corramandel was on her passage, and her Commander had received similar Instructions. I considered this an important measure, and that the success of the Mission would be more or less involved in those transactions which would unavoidably take place in the intercourse between the Natives and the Companies of these Ships during the time each Vessel was procuring her Cargo of Spars. I was apprehensive if any misunderstanding should take place between the Natives and the Europeans some unpleasant consequences might follow. I also conceived if these Ships accomplished the object of their Voyage, His Majesty's Ministers might adopt some public measures that would second the views of the Society and promote the general benefit of the inhabitants— In order to prevent any unfortunate Event, and to promote the good of the public Service as far as my Knowledge Experience and influence would extend, I felt anxious to accompany the Ships; and for this purpose solicited permission from his Excellency Govr Macquarie, which he was kind enough to grant— I immediately prepared for my Voyage and we sailed on the 13th. I took with me 16 Head of cattle, 15 females and one Male, two Mares, and an entire Horse, with sundry stores for the Settlement— I was unwilling to lose so good an opportunity of introducing a few more Cattle into New Zealand, as Capt Skinner was so kind as to afford every accommodation for them. We had a pretty good passage over, and I was fortunate enough to take all of the Stock safe— We anchored in the Bay of Islands on Sunday Evening the 27th and shortly after the Missionaries came on board all well— Monday and the following days during the week were spent by myself and several Officers in examining the Timber in the different districts in the neighbourhood of the bay of Islands, but what we met with was not considered of the best Quality for duration which determined Capt Skinner to send over the second Master Mr Morley and the carpenter Mr Mart to Shockee Hanga River in order to examine the Spars upon the banks of that River, and the entrance into the Harbour— I accompanied them along with Mr Wm Hall, and we left the Missionary Settlement on Monday March the fifth for the above River on the west side of New Zealand, and in one fortnight returned to the Dromedary. Messrs Morley, and Mart the carpenter made their seperate reports to Capt Skinner— Mr Morley gave it as his opinion that the Dromedary could cross the Bar, and Mr Mart was very much satisfied with the Spars, as to their dimensions and Quality. On their reports Capt Skinner determined to go round to Shockee Hanga River with the Dromedary. And has [sic] soon as all the necessary arrangements were made we sailed from the Bay of Islands— When we came off the mouth of the mouth of the River Shockee Hanga, Capt Skinner, and his Officers examined the bank [Hocken - bar] as well as the Harbour for four days, and at the end of that time Capt Skinner did not think it prudent to venture the taking in of so large a Ship as the Dromedary, and we returned again to the Bay of Islands— I have already given you some account of this River, and the Inhabitants upon its Banks when I returned from thence after my former visit, and therefore shall refer you to what I then stated— After our return to the Bay of Islands from Shockee Hanga I determined to take a tour into the Interior for a short time— and On Monday May 1st I left the Dromedary with an intention of visiting several districts in the interior to the South West. Lieut McCrae of the 84th Regt and a Mr Clark (who was Sealing Master on board the General Gates at the time that Vessel was taken possession of by his Majesty's Ship Dromedary and sent to Port Jackson) accompanied me. On leaving the Dromedary we proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived the same evening and remained for the night— The Missionaries were busy preparing ground for Wheat &c assisted by several of the Natives, and the Carpenters were working at the Public buildings— I spent the evening in conversation with the Revd J. Butler and his Colleagues on the general affairs of the Mission. Tuesday May 2d This Morning I paid a visit to O Kolo to see how Mr Shepherd was going on, and give him some directions relative to his future operations— I found him at home, with the Chief Wyeterrow, who is a near relation to Temmaranga and a powerful Chief. He had two Sons with me at Parramatta, one died there, the other returned with me in the Dromedary, and is now very ill and not likely to recover— Wyeterrow was very much rejoiced to see me— He requested I would allow him to return with me to Port Jackson for his Sons bones, that he might deposite them in their Family Sepulchre. He was uncommonly fond of this Boy, he was the son of his head wife, and he considered him his Heir— He wept much when he thought of him and told me he was sprung from one of the first Families in New Zealand— He had a fine boy sitting besides him a younger Son— I pointed to him and endeavoured to console his mind by observing that this Son would be his Heir. He remarked that the Mother of this boy was not of that noble Family that the Mother of the boy was who was dead, and on that account he regretted his death— I felt much for his affliction for he wept sore. He said he had made a new Canoe for his boy that was dead and wished me to see it. I went with him. This Canoe was very small would carry about three boys, and in every respect fitted up like a war Canoe, painted and ornamented with feathers— He told me I must take it to Parramatta and keep it as a memorial of his Son. His other Son who was sick was a young man about 17 years old— I saw he was too far gone to entertain any hopes of his recovery, when I conversed with him, he said "my eyes will soon be dark in death— I can live no longer in New Zealand, it is a bad Country, I do not like [it] the chiefs are always fighting and distressing one another— it is a Country also where there there is no Tea, Sugar, Rice, or Bread— I cannot eat fern root, I shall soon sleep in the ground." I never heard any person speak with more feeling than this young Man, he mourned over the degraded state of his Country and appeared to have little wish to live any longer. I seldom ever visited Wyeterrow, or he me but the Death of his Boy was the subject of his conversation, and at all times he expressed a wish to have his bones conveyed to New Zealand and if he could not go himself for them, as he was then very poorly, that I would allow his Wife to go. I promised that when I returned he should have them sent, if no Person went for them. Every where the New Zealanders are very particular about the bones of their departed Friends. After conversing some time with Wyeterrow and his Son I went with Mr Shepherd to examine what he had done. I found he had got Peas, Beans turnips &c &c growing and a quantity of fruit trees planted. I hope from this little spot, he will be able in a short time to furnish most of the Principal Chiefs with Fruit trees and seeds and plants of vegatables: I now returned to Kiddee Kiddee for the night intending to set off the next morning on our tour. Wednesday May 3d This morning we prepared for our Journey, but before we started I had the gratification to see the Plough for the first time at New Zealand enter the ground, and make the first furrow— I could not but anticipate the day when these vallies and hills will stand thick with corn, and the wilderness blossom like the rose. The districts I intended we should visit before we set off were the following, Wyematte Pooka nuee Tiami— Wyematte lies about 12 or 14 miles west of Kiddee Kiddee— we set off for this settlement first— On our road we met a number of Natives who enquired whither we were going— when we told them they immediately informed us that there was the Attua at Wyemattee— I could not comprehend what they meant as they all seemed much interested about the Attua, I thought some chief man was either dead or near Death, as they told us there were a great number of persons at Wyemattee— We arrived there about Sunset, at a Farm belonging to a Chief named Terria— Here we met the largest assemblage of Natives I had ever seen. Terria received us very cordially— furnished us with a good Hut and plenty of potatoes for ourselves and porters— Here were some of the heads of tribes with their fighting men from Shockee Hanga on the west side of N Zealand to Bream Head on the East— We walked round the different groups as they assembled in seperate bodies— we found a number of Chiefs sitting in a circle in deep consultation— we understood that the heads of the different tribes had met to settle some War expedition, and that each tribe had to furnish a certain number of men— The concourse of People and the bustle occasioned thereby resembled more a country Fair than any thing else I can compare it to. I inquired what had occasioned so very large a meeting of the Chiefs from such distant parts, and was informed that previous to the destruction of the Boyd, which happened about ten years ago, Shungee and his tribe had made war against the inhabitants of Kiperro where he had been defeated and had lost a number of his Officers and Men and amongst the number were two of his brothers. That the heads of Shungees tribe had called this meeting to arrange an expedition against Kiperro in order to revenge the death of those who fell in the above war— I was also informed that Shungee had been collecting ammunition ever since his defeat to enable him to renew the war with the people of Kiperro, and that he had left instructions with his officers to do so in a few Months after his departure for England— We spent the evening in conversation with the different groups— they appeared all very chearful and happy— There was great feasting in their way, some hundreds of baskets of sweet and common potatoes with Fish were eaten, and the bustle continued more or less during the night— When we retired at a late hour we left the assembly of the chiefs sitting in a circle were [sic] we first found them carrying on their deliberations— ever since our arrival we heard loud lamentation from a distant farm which appeared to be near a mile off— when we inquired the cause the natives told us the Attua was there and that was all we could learn. These lamentations continued without interruption, and we determined to visit the Attua next morning in order to know what it was that interested almost every one we spoke to— Thursday May 4th This Morning we rose at the dawn of day, and walked thro the camp again. We found the Chiefs sitting still in a circle from whence they appeared never to have moved from the time we arrived the preceeding day to the present. After walking round and taking leave of the Chiefs, we left this extraordinary assembly, intending to breakfast with Shungee's Son, who had lived with me at Parramatta, and whose village was near at hand, purposing afterwards to visit the Attua as the lamentations continued with increased cries— When we arrived we found him at Home his Mother and Sisters in the midst of their people, Mrs Shungee gave us a very hearty welcome, and ordered some provision to be got ready immediately, while we were sitting talking with them, a number of armed Men appeared on the hedge [sic] of the wood close to a field of potatoes which lay between them and us. The Armed Men were naked, and put themselves into a posture of defence, as soon as Shungees Son, and daughters observed them they instantly flew to Arms, at the first I was not certain whether we were going to have a real or a sham fight but when I observed that Shungees daughters only charged their muskets with powder I was convinced they were only going to make a sham fight— When both parties were ready and drawn up in Military order, which was done very quick they began the fight— The Women loaded and fired their Muskets with much Military Spirit and appeared to be very fond of the sport and I could not doubt but they would be equally active and brave in a real battle— The Men fought with Spears, and Pattoes, in their contest they threw one another down, took what prisoners of war they could and carried them off the field of battle— After they had amused themselves in this way for some time they closed the whole with a war dance and we then took our breakfast. The party who appeared in the wood belonged to Shockee Hanga, and had come to this general Congress. We now took our leave of Mrs Shungee, and went to see the Attua, the lamentations still continuing. On our arrival we found a dead Chief seated in great state, His Hair was dressed according to their custom, and ornamented with feathers, and a garland of green leaves— His countenance was bright and clear having been recently anointed with oil, and retained its natural colour— whether there was a body or not we could not tell, as the Mats covered the whole up to the chin; he had the appearance of a living Man, sitting upright in his chair— I had seen one some time before whose head was dressed in a similar way, and the body had been dried and preserved, as well as the head. This Chief had been a young Man when he died apparently about thirty years old— His Mother Wife and Children were seated before him and the skulls and other human bones belonging to his family and Ancestors were placed in a row on his left hand— I inquired where he died, and was told he was killed in battle beyond the River Thames some months ago. This Chief was called the Attua of whom we had heard so much the preceding day— The New Zealanders appear to entertain an idea that the Deity resides in the head of a Chief, as they always pay the most sacred veneration to the head— If they worship any Idol it is the head of their Chiefs as far as I am able to form an opinion of their worship— On the present mournful occasion a great number of persons had assembled together from a great distance to comfort the mourners, and to pay their respects to the remains of the departed Chief his relatives cut themselves according to their custom till the blood streamed from their faces arms, and breasts— The more they wound their bodies, the more they believe they shew their love for their departed friends. When I told them that the Europeans did not cut themselves in such a manner for their dead, but only wept, they replied the Europeans did not love their friends as the New Zealanders did, or they would do so to [sic], to hear their loud lamentations night and day for the loss of a relative, shews what a state of darkness and ignorance they are in— They sorrow as Men without hope— Reason can find no sufficient remedy to relieve the human mind in the day of trouble, it wants a more solid consolation than Reason can give— It wants a divine Revelation to enable the surviving Husband, Wife or Father to say with David "I shall go to him but he shall not return to me"—After we had visited the Attua, and Mourners, we proceeded on our journey, and met as we passed along the Natives coming from different parts to see the Attua, we also fell in with Kiterra a chief of Tiami, and his wife, Kiterra had lived with me at Parramatta. I informed him that it was my intention to visit him before I returned— He wished to accompany us but he could not leave the mourning at that time, but said he would follow us during the day, and that his wife should return the following morning— We now left Wymattee this settlement is very extensive— The land rich and well adapted for cultivation, there appeared to have been more than an hundred acres in sweet and common potatoes this season, part were dug, and part were not— some hundreds of baskets were heaped up one upon another when we were there, and a number of slaves were busy in drying the sweet potatoes which were spread upon Hurdles raised about three feet from the ground with small fires under them, when dry they take up little room, will keep a long time, are easily carried from one place to another and retain their sweet liquorice lickerish taste which is very grateful to the Natives palate. They consider the sweet potatoe whether dried or not their richest food, and prefer this root to all other kinds of provisions— on leaving Wymattee we proceeded to a Settlement called Pooka Nuee thro' some rich land, and arrived in the Evening at the house of a Chief belonging to the place— He pressed us to stay all night with him— we very readily accepted his invitation as the Evening was threatening for rain— His daughter I had often seen before at the Missionary Settlement she was much rejoiced to see us, and ordered some provisions to be got ready, for our supper they wished to kill an hog, but we would not consent to this, as it was our intention to leave them early in the morning— Shortly after our arrival several Natives came to see us from the neighbouring Farms, with whom we spent the evening. The following circumstance occurred while we were in conversation which created a little bustle. Lieut McCrae had seated himself on the stump of a tree, with his boat Cloak thrown over his shoulders, where he was closely surrounded by the natives when he got up he found the buttons cut off his cloak, and the clasp from the Collar which some one of the Natives had carried off, he immediately told the Chief, he had been robbed, and shewed were the buttons had been cut off— A Boy whom we had observed in the Company was accused of the theft, but upon examination he could not be found, which confirmed the suspicion— Persons were immediately dispatched to apprehend the boy; in about half an hour he was brought before us, and examined— the boy denied the charge, with a great deal of spirit— The Chiefs' daughter insisted that he had committed the theft another stout woman warmly vindicated the boy's character when she was as warmly opposed by a third Woman— The altercation got to such a pitch; that in a short time they came to blows with their hands, and at length they armed themselves with thick sticks I now interfered and laid hold of the Woman who was the most violent and who contended that the boy had stolen the buttons, to prevent her from striking the other woman who advocated the boys' cause— The Chiefs daughter was very much vexed that the theft had been committed there, and desired me to let the woman [sic] alone and allow them to fight for she was sure the boy had stolen the buttons, and no person ought to defend him— I however thought it more prudend [sic] to prevent any more blows passing between these Ladies and put an immediate stop to the quarrel— I had never seen any fighting amongst the New Zealanders before, it is not common for them to strike one another— The Chiefs daughter and the other woman belonging to the family were very indignant indeed that any insult should have been given to us while we were at their residence. The Chief was equally hurt that any thing should have occurred to give us offence, and said he would endeavour to have the stolen things returned, and thus the business ended for the night— Before day-light the next morning the clasp and buttons were brought back but we never could learn who had actually stolen them, The Chief informed us that the boy who had been accused was innocent. Pooka Nuee is a very fine district— the land very fertile and capable of great improvement— This settlement is called Pooka Nuee, from a very high hill on which part of the houses stand. The Land is rich to the very summit of the Hill, tho' stoney, and the sides of the Hill cultivated with potatoes we went to the very Top, from whence there is a very extensive prospect over a great part of the interior, and also of the neighbouring Ocean. It is situated about 35 Miles from the entrance of the Harbour of the Bay of Islands to the south west— On leaving Pooka Nuee, we proceeded thro' a very fine Country to Tiami. Kiterra the Chief of Tiami had joined us the preceeding day, and now conducted us to his residence— Here we found a young Man named Ari (who had lived some time with me at Parramatta) very ill, passed all hope of recovery. He was much gratified when he saw me, and requested me to pray with him— He had only returned in the Dromedary from Port Jackson, he was a fine healthy young Man when we arrived at New Zealand, but was now reduced to a mere skeleton; he was affected with a bowel complaint probably occasioned from a change in his food and lodging, as he was compelled to adopt his former mode of living— Three of the young Men who lived with me at Parramatta, and returned in the Dromedary have died, two of them were strong and healthy young Men— Ari was possest of three Mats at the time of his death which he directed his father to send to me after he was dead, these I received with the news of his death, at the Bay of Islands,— 7 have died this year who were living with me at the beginning of it 4 at New South Wales and 3 at New Zealand, these young persons belonged to the first families in the Bay of Islands! How mysterious are the ways of God they are past finding out, I had fondly imagined that some of these youths who are now no more, would upon their return to their Native Country have promoted the general welfare of their Countrymen, and forwarded by their superior knowledge of civil life their civilization, but God's ways are not as Man's ways neither are his thoughts as man's thoughts— When I have conversed with the Parents of these youths, I have been much struck with their patient resignation of some of them to the afflictive dispensation— One of the principal One of the principal Chiefs when he heard that his Son was dead at Parramatta came on board the Dromedary with his Wife— They both wept much— He was a fine Youth and their only Son— He requested me not to fret for his Son, observing as he was dead he was happy he had died at Parramatta for he was sure he would want for nothing in his sickness, that would do him good; his Wife said she was childless now, that they had large possessions of Lands but no heir, and requested me to send them one of my children, whom they would adopt as their own, and should succeed to their lands— They both ardently wished to have their Son’s bones conveyed to New Zealand in order that they might be deposited in their Family sepulchre, and requested that one or both of them might be allowed to go to New South Wales for them— The death of the above Youths seemed to have attached the New Zealanders more than ever to the Europeans tho' I cannot account why this should be the case— I should have thought it would have had an opposite effect,— notwithstanding the death of so many of the Chiefs' Sons, yet others are urgent to send their children to Port Jackson— When I have told them I was afraid to allow them to go lest they should die, they replied "They would run the risque of their death if I would only permit them to go— Koro Koro Tui's brother has a very fine boy about eight years old which he has pressed me very much to take with me to Port Jackson when I told him, "I was afraid to take him he would most probably die" he replied "I will pray for my Son during his absence” as I did for Tui and then he will not die." Tho' the New Zealanders have no idea of a God of Mercy, such a God as divine Revelation exhibits, yet they have a strong belief that they can appease the Anger and avert the judgments of their God, by their prayers— Notwithstanding the above mysterious dispensation, I have no doubt but the time is at hand for these poor heathens to receive the Gospel; but how or by what means God will accomplish his gracious purposes I am unable to comprehend, as clouds and darkness are round about his footsteps. From finding Ari near death on our arrival at Tiami, I have been led to make the above digression— My opinion is that if half the New Zealanders were to die in their attempt to force themselves into Civil Life, the other half would not be deterred from making a similar effort, so anxious do they seem to introduce themselves into Civil Society. I shall now return to my narrative. We arrived at Tiami on Saturday Evening— Kiterra accommodated us with a good Hut, with two rooms— he told me he had built this hut, after the Form he had seen when at Port Jackson. The door places were about the same height as the Europeans build their huts at New South Wales and the whole building was much more commodious for us than the low huts of the Natives— On the Sabbath we rested— A number of Natives came to visit us, to whom I explained the institution of the Sabbath, and conversed with them upon the works of the Creator, and of the Power, Wisdom and Goodness of God, as visible in his works— Kiterra was very anxious to accommodate us in the best manner he could, and supplied us with Pork and potatoes, both of which were excellent in this district— The Land is very dry and rich & produces the finest potatoes— The fern root upon which the hogs feed is, on account of the goodness of the soil very fattening— The fern upon the cultivated land in some places is 12 feet high, and the roots very good to eat. Kiterra has got some Peach trees, and vegatables growing very fine which had originally come from N[ew] S[outh] W[ales].— He was very urgent for some Europeans to live in his district and promised he would give them some of the best of the Land— On Monday I went with Kiterra over his cultivated Ground where his slaves were preparing the soil for planting. I also fixed upon a place for the Missionaries to settle upon if any should at a future period come out for that purpose— The Situation com= mands wood, Water, and good Land, wood for the purpose of building Water for domestic use, and a mill if necessary, and land for cultivation. There is also grass upon an extensive plain for Cattle— A circumstance occurred today which annoyed me very much— Lieut McCrae Mr Clark and myself had agreed to visit a hot Spring about 3 Miles distant from the Settlement and several of the Natives were to accompany us. An European who had been transported to Port Jackson, a Gardener by profession, had come over in the Dromedary to collect seeds and plants; for this purpose he left the Dromedary with us, as he would have an opportunity in our tour to add to his collection, in passing thro the woods and forests which had never been visited by any European— He set off with us to the hot spring— In our way we past several potatoe fields where the people were at work. One of the Chiefs called to me as we passed along I turned out of the path to speak to him, while the rest of the party walked on— The Gardener took this opportunity unobserved by me to skulk behind; after I had left the chief and walked on a little distance after the party who had got now ahead, I heard a great noise behind me and turning round saw some of the Natives running after me, and calling aloud for me to return which I immediately did. I soon met a chief named Evey in a most violent rage with the Gardener in charge accompanied by several more Natives— when he came up he stated that the Gardener had stopt behind me and had violently dragged his Wife into the bush, and committed an Assault upon her person, at the same time stopping her mouth to prevent her cries from being heard, and that he himself had taken the Gardener in the very act of committing the Assault, and would instantly have put him to death if I had not been there. He had struck the Gardener one blow with the musket, which he had in his hand when he caught him. I observed the Gardener had received a blow upon the mouth— I felt very indignant at the conduct of the Gardener— The Evidence was so clear against him that there was no room left to doubt his guilt— All he could say in his own justification was that the woman was not a virtuous character in his opinion. Evey had lived with me at Parramatta which induced him to forbear inflicting that punishment which he otherwise would have done— I have no doubt if we had all been strangers but that the Gardener would have been immediately put to death, and if he had, the cause of his death would probably never have been satisfactorily ascertained, and might have been attributed solely to the Savage disposition of the Natives— I expressed my approbation of Evey's conduct, [Hocken - May 8] and assured him that I would report the bad behaviour of the Gardener and I had no doubt but he would be punished. Evey's wife was a young Woman apparently about twenty— I had past her in the field and spoke to her about a quarter of an hour before the assault was committed.— It is much to be lamented that the Gospel with all its attendant blessings cannot be introduced into any heathen Nations, without the introduction of the crimes, and diseases, which obtain in civil Society— Men of vicious principles and corrupt habits will always find their way into every State, and N Zealand must suffer much from her intercourse with Europeans, before they become a Civilized Nation, as well as afterwards— After I had got Evey and the Natives who were with him pacified, we proceeded to the warm spring— It is situated in a Wood, on the bank of a small fresh water Stream— There are two warm Springs opposite each other, one on each bank of the Stream, about 10 feet above the level of the fresh water, which runs between them— The warm water is offensive and possesses something of a sulpherous taste— They are both running Springs and the surface where the water lodges in small quantities is covered with a brown yellowish scum, which the Natives use in painting themselves— The Wood thro which we past contained very fine Timber, and all the land about is very good but stoney— In the Evening we returned to Kiterra's residence where we remained until the next morning [May 9] — The Natives informed us that there were several Places, a few miles distant where the water was very offensive which we determined to visit— On our arrival at one of these places we found several Hot Springs— and in some of them the Water was boiling hot— as we walked over the ground, it shook under us, and in some parts it was not able to bear our weight. The Volcano was burning under ground, and not very far from us the surface of the ground was hot. Some of it had been thrown up in small heaps, and sent up a steam like boiling water— we removed some of the tops of these little hillocks, and found them to be hollow within, in the cavities of which the sulphur was forming in the most beautiful Pyramids, as close together as an Honey Comb— When we looked into these cavities the little spires of Sulphur shone with the most Sparkling lustre that can be imagined— The Sulphur was hot and under the hillock the water was boiling and burst out in several places— There was one spring where the water was almost as thick as Batter Pudding, and nearly as white as Flour and Water— I went as near as I could to examine it, but the Ground would not support my weight but gave way with me when within a few feet— and I sunk with both feet about one foot into this thick white Batter, and found some difficulty in returning, as the ground shook every step and the surface brake— The whole surface of the neighbouring grounds had the appearance of Volcanic Erruption. There was one Spring where the water was boiling hot, and another where the water was cold— The land for some Miles is full of springs, and swamps, very barren, composed principally of white sand, Pipe Clay, and Peat— Here and there I observed small quantities of Sulphur in the roots of trees which had been burnt at some former period, but I saw no appearance of Coal, Iron, or Free stone in any part of this district— We visited a small white lake, which I have mentioned in a former account, and then returned to our lodgings, with Kiterra— The Land at Tiami is very good, well wooded, and abundance of fine water— Kiterra is very anxious for some Europeans to reside in his district; he treated us with every attention while we remained with him— After we had accomplished the object of our tour into the interior we returned to the Missionary Settlement. [May 10] During our absence Capt Skinner had been cutting Spars on the banks of the Cowa Cowa River— This Timber was not considered of a good quality, which determined Capt Skinner to visit the River Thames— On the Dromedary's return from Shockee Hanga to the Bay of Islands Capt Skinner purposed to take in some spars of the Kikaitea and afterwards to examine the River Thames or some other part of New Zealand for Timber, as he was anxious if possible to get Kowree Spars, as that Wood was deemed of a much superior quality to the Kikaitea. Shortly after our return I met with George the Chief of Wangaroa, and inquired of him, if there were any Spars of Kowree at his land— he informed me there was, I promised to go over to see them and know whether his brother and he would consent to the Dromedary taking a Cargo from there provided they would answer, and the following day Mr Hall took George on board the Dromedary in order that Capt Skinner might converse with him on the subject— After this interview with George it was determined that Messrs Mart and Hall should go round to Wangaroa in a boat and I resolved to walk across the country from Kidee Kidee a distance of about 23 miles— [May 16] On the following Tuesday we set off— I arrived at George's Settlement the same evening, and remained with he and his Brother all night— They were much pleased with my visit— The next morning [May 29 17 Monday] Messrs Mart and Hall arrived. When the woods were examined and the Timber approved of by Mr Mart, and all matters arranged with the two Chiefs to the satisfaction of all parties, we left Georges Village in the Boat in order to return by Sea— About 10 OClock we went on shore, and lay on the beach till towards morning, when we proceeded down the River, and reached the heads of the Harbour before Sunrise—[May 30] The Morning was very fine, when we first put to Sea, but the weather soon changed, and the wind blew very strong, with a high Sea, which compelled us to make for the Shore when we left the boat in charge of the Native Crew, having determined to walk to Ranghee Hoo—For this purpose we took two native Guides and set off on our journey— we had a very laborious days walk, as the road was very bad, and the afternoon very rainy and stormy— We arrived at a Native Village just at dark very wet where we took up our lodgings for the night, during the whole of which the Storm continued—[May 31st] The next Morning it rained hard, and blew a very heavy gale, which continued the whole day. We proceeded on our route early, but met with many difficulties, from the Creeks, and Rivers being filled by the Rains, several of which we had to ford. [June 1st] About seven OClock in the Evening we reached Ranghee Hoo— This was one of the severest days journey's I ever remember to have travelled, occasioned by the badness of the road, the heavy Wind and Rain— During our absence the Coromandel had arrived in the Bay— [June 2nd] Mr Mart and myself remained at Ranghee Hoo the following day to rest and the next morning [June 3rd] returned on board the Dromedary being the third of June where I found some of the Officers belonging to the Corromandel who informed me that Capt Downie intended in a day or two to proceed to the River Thames. On Mr Mart's report of the Spars at Wangaroa to Capt Skinner and all matters now being arranged with George and his brother Tippoohee by our visit, Capt Skinner determined upon taking the Dromedary round to that Harbour and load her with Spars at that place. As I conceived Capt Skinner would find no difficulty in procuring his Spars at Wangaroa from the assurances the Chiefs there had given me, I now wished to accompany the Corromandel to the River Thames, in order to prevent any misunderstanding between the Natives of the Thames, and the Officers and Crew on board the Corromandel. June 5— 1820— I went on board of His Majesty's Ship Coromandel, and was politely received by Captain Downie. We had some conversation respecting the Spars he wanted. I gave him what information I was possest of respecting the Timber I had seen in different places which I had visited. He informed me it was his intention to go to the river Thames, and see what Spars he could meet with there, as Captn Skinner had determined to take in his cargo at the bay of Islands and Wangaroa; and expressed a wish I would accompany him. I told him I should have no objection after stating the circumstances to Captain Skinner, as it was my intention to have gone with him if the Dromedary had proceeded to that river. On my return to the Dromedary I mentioned the substance of our Conversation. Captain Skinner approved of my going in the Coromandel as the Chiefs at the bay of Islands and Wangaroa were fully acquainted with Capt Skinners intention to take his cargo from them, and a good understanding existing at the time between all parties, my presence was no longer necessary on board the Dromedary. The following day I went again on board the Coromandel with Captain Skinner when it was settled for me to embark the next morning. I wished to take with me Tooi, Temmaranga and a Chief named A-akkee belonging to the Thames who happened to be at the Bay of Islands at the time. Tooi I knew could be of great service as an interpreter to Capt Downie from his knowledge of the English language and his attatchment to the Europeans, and Temmaranga also from the rank he has in New Zealand and from his firm friendship to the English. Temmaranga had lived with me some time at Parramatta, I knew his character well, and that he was a man that every confidence might be placed in. On the 7th in the morning I left the Dromedary and imbarked on board the Coromandel which was then under sail in the mouth of the Harbour standing out to Sea— The morning was exceeding pleasant, and all was calm and serene, and the Sea as smooth as Glass, and continued during the day, so that our progress was very small. For the five following days our Passage to the Thames was rough and stormy and the wind generally strong against us, so that we did not reach the Entrance of the Thames till the Evening of the 12th [June 12th] when we came to Anchor under the Head of Cape Colvile. The next morning [13th] I accompanied Mr Anderson Second Master in the Boat along the South side of the Harbour to see if there were any Spars in that quarter. We entered several of the Coves in which a number of inhabitants had lately resided, but we saw none. Their Hippahs were all in ruins, had been lately burnt or destroyed in their wars. We observed some remains of the slain. Tooi pointed out one beach that he said was covered with dead bodies like a Butchers Shop only a few months before. That one tribe had been wholly cut off within two or three individuals who were fortunate enough to escape. Heard his brother Koro Koro was engaged in this destructive war. The alledged cause was, a near relation of Koro Koro's, had been poisoned when on a visit at the Thames. He was the Son of Kipo, who is better known to the Europeans who visit the bay of Islands by the name of old Benny. The young man did not die at the Thames, but was taken ill there; when Tooi was sent from the bay of Islands for him, and he died in the Canoe before he reached Home. Kipo offered up afterwards several Human Sacrifices for him, and then commenced war against the suspected Tribe at the Thames. Nothing will ever relieve these people from their public calamities but the knowledge of Divine Revelation. They find themselves bound by the Chains of Superstition to revenge the Death of their relatives, whether they are killed in war, or are supposed to have died by poison or incantation. After we had examined the different coves, and found no Timber that would answer, we returned on board thro' a very heavy sea, and reached the Ship about 9 OClock, the wind blowing very strong. [June 14] Early the next morning Capn Downie weighed Anchor and stood up the Thames and in the Afternoon Anchored again on or very near the ground, where Captain Cook anchored when he was in the River. The river here is about 10 Miles wide, and very open and exposed to the Sea. The night was very dark and stormy with a very heavy Sea, which made the Ship pitch very much. The Captain deemed it necessary to lower the main yards, and to relieve the Ship as much as possible to prevent her from driving.—[June 15] 15th This morning the weather moderated, but in Consequence [1820 June 15] of the roughness of the water no Canoe had ventured off to the Ship, which lay about 6 or 7 miles from that part of the River where it begins to narrow, and into which the fresh water river falls. Captain Downie wished me to take one of the small boats, and go up the River to see if I could fall in with any of the Natives, and gain any information there relative to the Timber, and he would send Mr Anderson after me in the Launch in order that we might go up the fresh water River and Examine that part of the Country for Spars. I accordingly left the Coramandel and pulled up the River, after we had gone about four miles we were opposite a native Village, and stood in. The Natives came crouding to the beach inviting us to land, but the Surf was so high, and the Sea and wind that we were afraid to venture near the Shore, lest the Boat should be stove. I called to the Natives and informed them I wanted a Pilot, and that I could not come on Shore for the Surf. One of the principal men of the Village waded thro' the Surf and came into the boat, when we stood from the Land. I now observed the Launch was following us, and fearing she would not be able to find the Channel, as it is very difficult, I got into a Canoe, and sent the Pilot in the Boat to meet the Launch, which was in some danger, as the wind was very strong, the Sea high, and the water shallow except in the Channel which Mr Anderson did not know. I now proceeded up the River in the Canoe to the first Village where I could conveniently land, in order to wait for the Launch. The Village belonged to one of the principal Chiefs named Tippoohee whom I had formerly known— I found him at Home. He was very much rejoiced to see me. [in pencil - C] I told him the object of my Voyage to the Thames. That I had come in a large Ship belonging to King George for Spars and wished to know if he could inform me where they were to be met with, and by what means they could be got to the Ship, and that the Ships boat was coming up the River to see if any could be found— He said there were a great quantity of Spars growing upon his land, which we might have if they would answer, and that he would go with us up the River and shew them to us. He told me he was in great trouble. That the Chiefs on the west side of the Thames, who are distinguished by the name of Howppas Tribe had lately made war upon him, killed a number of his people amongst whom was his Brother, and that he expected they would renew their attack upon him in a short time; that most of his Hogs had been killed, and his Potatoes destroyed, and himself and People reduced to great want. I expressed my concern for his calamities, and felt much distressed for him and his people: and promised that I would see the Chiefs on the west side, and use my influence with them to bring about a reconciliation between them. He observed they were too powerful for him, as their friends in the Bay of Islands furnished them with arms and ammunition, that he was not able to meet them; and that he believed it was their determination to dispossess him of his Land, and to drive him away altogether, and he thought nothing short of this would satisfy them. While we were conversing upon these subjects Mr Anderson arrived in the Launch when Tippoohee and I got into her, and we proceeded up to the next village which belonged to another Chief Towretta. Mr Anderson Anchored the Launch opposite the Village and we all went on Shore for the night. Towretta I had also known before; and he gave us a very cordial reception— These are the Two principal Chiefs on the fresh water river; both of them very tall fine handsome men—[June 16] The following morning we proceeded up the River in the Launch with a fair wind and Tide: The two Chiefs accompanied us, and about 50 of their people in Canoes— Mr Hume Surgeon of The Corromandel— the Carpenter and the Captains Clerk were also of the Party. We had a very fine day, and arrived in the Evening at a Settlement called Rowpah situated at the junction of the two fresh water rivers, who's united streams form the Thames.— On a point of high Land where the two streams meet, and by which it is nearly surrounded stands the Hippah of the Head Chief or Arekee as the natives call him. The Hippah was very full of People who welcomed us on shore with loud acclamations. And conducted us to the Arekee who was seated in the midst of his Family. He was an old man apparently not far from 70 years of age, well made, and of great muscular strength. His mother was still alive with Three Generations by her. The native houses here were much larger, and better built, than any I had seen in New Zealand. The Arekee appropriated one for us— which accommodated us with lodgings, and about 50 natives who had attended the Launch up the River. [June 17th] 17th This day being the Sabbath we rested in the Hippah and I spent part of it in conversing with the Natives upon the works of Creation, and the institution of the Christian Sabbath. Temmarangha acting as my interpreter upon all occasions when I could not make myself understood. This settlement would be an eligible situation for a Missionary station at some future period, should God be Gracious to this dreary land where there is no light, and visit this people with his Salvation. [June 18] On the following Morning Mr Anderson went to examine the Spars in the Neighbourhood, and I got a Canoe with some natives and proceeded up the left River. The Land upon its banks was very rich and here and there adorned with lofty pines. Some small Farms were cultivated with Potatoes upon which the poor Slaves were at work. The Tide runs up a few Miles in this river. When we had proceeded about 10 or 12 Miles in which the River had been close confined with thick woods or lofty banks it opened into a plain, and became shallow, and as night was coming on I returned to the Hippah— On my arrival which was just at Dark I found the Launch was returned— and immediately hired another Canoe, and proceeded down the River, and in about two hours found her at Anchor and the Crew and Officers in their tents on shore, where I landed and joined them for the night. [June 19] The next day we proceeded down the River, and in the evening after dark we anchored again opposite Towrettas Village, where we went on shore, and remained till daylight [June 20] when we returned to the Corromandel after Six days absence. On the banks and near them, there are Spars of all dimensions and convenient for Carriage, but the quality of the Timber is not considered good enough for masts, especially a species of Cyprus, which composes the principal Forrests and is called by the Natives Kikatea— It is a light wood, some of it white, and others of a Red Tinge, and more proper for Planks than Masts— many of the trees are from eighty to One Hundred feet without a branch and from two to six feet in Diameter, and some much more. I believe it is Captain Downies intention to bring a few of them as specimens. The Timber already examined not being approved of it became necessary to look for it elsewhere— Towretta and the Arekee informed us that there were some fine Timber called by the Natives Kowree on the East side of the salt water River. Mr Anderson was therefore sent in the Launch to examine the Woods in these parts. [June 21] The following day Captain Downie weighed and followed the Launch in hopes of finding a more commodious and Secure Harbour to Anchor in. In this he succeeded to his wishes and found a most excellent harbour about 16 Miles from our first Anchorage where Captain Cooks ship lay on the East side of the Thames behind two small Islands. This Harbour is perfectly safe for Ships of any Burden, being completely sheltered from the Sea. When Mr Anderson returned, and the Ships Carpenter who accompanied him, they reported that they had met with some Spars that would answer for masts. We were all rejoiced at this information and the following day [June 22] arrangements were made with the Natives and part of the Ships Company for cutting some of them down, and preparing them for Shipping. As Captn Downie had now determined to take what Spars he could procure in the Neighbouring woods, and all the Natives upon the most friendly terms with the Europeans: I felt my time now at my own disposal, at least in a great measure; which I spent principally amongst the Natives in the Different bays and in examining the Creeks Woods and natural productions for about 3 Weeks. [July] At this time I told Towretta I wished to visit Wye Kotto a river in the interior where the population is very great. He dispatched a Messenger to inform some of the Chiefs of my intention, when a number of them came in order to conduct me to their Settlement. At this time the weather was very Stormy; and a deal of heavy rain fell; however I was determined if I possibly could to visit Wye-Kotto. The rout to this Settlement lays on the West side of the Thames; and it was not practicable at this time from the boisterous state of the Weather to cross the river in a Canoe, which was about 15 Miles over. Mr Anderson had been on a Cruise for about 10 Days on the East and West shores of the Thames looking for Spars: on his return he reported there were some that would Answer for Masts on the East shore about 17 Miles from where the Coromandel lay in a wood belonging to Tippoohee, who would assist to get them down to the River. This determined Capn Downie to send a Midshipman, and some of the Ships Company to cut down and prepare this Timber: and the 12 July was the day appointed for the men to leave the Coromandel to go and Cut down these Spars. As Mr Anderson intended also after landing this party with their provisions and Tools to proceed to the West side of the River again, I determined to take a passage in the Launch across the River, and from thence to Wye Kotto as the people from that Settlement had been waiting to conduct me there for some days. [July 12] On the 12th at 4 OClock in the morning I arose to prepare for my Journey. The wind had blown hard during the Night attended with heavy rain; and the morning was very threatening. The Launch was got ready, and at day light we sailed from the Coromandel with a fair wind, and arrived at the place where the Spars grew about 12 O'Clock. We found a number of Natives upon the beach ready to receive us— as they knew of our coming— amongst whom were several from Wyekotto. [1820 July 12] Immediately on our arrival all hands were busily employed in erecting two Huts, one for the Officers who had charge of the party and the other for the men. Before Evening one Hut was completed; and two Tents which were in the Launch pitched in one of which I took up my lodging for the Night. The whole day had been unpleasant; attended with Thunder and rain, which continued during the Night, and beat thro' the Hut, which made it very wet and Cold— I laid down in my Cloths, but had little rest. The following day we were visited by a Chief from Mercury bay Towrangha attended by his son and Daughter. The old man was much astonished at the sight of Europeans as he had never seen any white people before. I paid him a little attention, and made him a small present, which he thankfully received, and in the evening he returned. One Chief arrived also from Wyekotto with a fine Hog to sell. He offered it to Mr Anderson for an Axe— Mr Anderson had no Axe to give him. He had only a small Tomahawk which he offered him for it which he refused, observing he could not cut down his large Trees upon his farm with so small a Tool, and requested Temmaranga to speak to me to give him an Axe. Temmaranga immediately told me his wishes. I informed him I had no use for the Hog, and therefore I did not wish to purchase it. The poor man seemed much distressed— said he had come a long way with the Hog, and felt a great pain in his heart for the want of an Axe; which I relieved by giving him one— And the Hog was given to the work people— 14th last night was extremely cold, and wet. The rain fell very heavy, and the morning threatened for bad weather. The Natives who had come as my Guides from Wyekotto, informed me I could not return with them; as I should not be able to pass the Rivers and Creeks upon the road, They would be too deep for me to ford— This was a great disappointment to both parties, as I had long had a wish to visit that part of the Country. I therefore took my leave of them, and they returned. I now inquired if it was possible for me to go to Kiperro a Settlement on the West side of New Zealand, which I had often heard mentioned. The Natives informed me I might: that there were no Rivers in my way to prevent me. I therefore now changed my intention, and determined to visit Kiperro, and to take my passage in the Launch with Mr Anderson to the west side of the Thames, where he intended to proceed as soon as he had settled all his arrangements with the workmen. 15th The stormy weather with heavy rain continued the whole of the night, and this morning the Sea is very rough, with a strong wind from the western shore, which will prevent the Launch this day from crossing the river. Mr Anderson now determined if Possible to return to the Coromandel. I had sent my baggage on board with an intention to accompany him; but before I could get on board, the Surff broke so high upon the beach that I could not reach the small boat without wading thro' the Breakers, as she could not approach near the shore, and as there was no prospect that the Launch could possibly reach the Ship that night, I thought it more prudent to remain on Shore, than to lay exposed in the open boat to the wind and rain all night in my wet cloaths. I requested Mr Anderson to put my Baggage in the small Boat, and the Natives waded thro' the Surff and brought it on Shore again. I now took up my Lodgings with Mr Emery who had the Charge of the workmen, in one of the newly built Huts, thro' which both the wind and rain penetrated. My prospect now of visiting either Wyekotto or Kiperro was for the present at an end. I was aware the Launch would not return again to Mr Emery in less than a week and therefore resolved to take a trip to Mercury bay [sic] by the Head of the Thames. In order to gain correct Information with respect to the Route I should take I examined several natives, amongst whom was the Chief Tippoohee; who informed me that by going up to Rowpah a Settlement already mentioned where the Arekee resides I could get across the Country to Mercury Bay Towrangha. I now made up my mind to take this Journey as soon as the weather moderated. 16th Last night was very stormy. I had little rest from the open state of the Hut being extremely cold. [July 16] In the morning a Native informed me that the Launch had not been able to get down the River, and was lying at Anchor round the point not far from us. Tho my Birth had been bad, it was much better than what I could have had on board the Launch, which was some little consolation, to think I might have been worse.— The wind and rain still continued. As it was the Sabbath I explained to the Natives the Institution of this sacred Day with the Assistance of Temmaranga as my interpreter when I had occasion for him. He told them that many of their public Calamities, such as wars and Famines, from both of which they greatly suffer, were owing to their Ignorance, and neglect of this day; and that he had learned from the white people, that there was but one God, and that the God of the Europeans was the God of the New Zealanders also, which caused them to ask many questions about our God. After I had finished my Conversation with the Natives I explained to [sic] Commandments of God to the Sailors for about an hour. This class of our fellow subjects are exceedingly to be pitied both officers and men, as far as concerns their religious edification. The want of the due administration of the sacred ordinances of Religion [1820 July 16] to these people is a great Calamity. Wherever the Sabbaths are neglected and forgotten, there God is neglected and forgotten also. These men fight our battles, defend our Country, expose themselves to every hardship, and support our Church and State against all foreign Enemies, yet no adequate provision is made to administer to them the bread of Life; but they are left to perish for lack of Knowledge. I have felt much pained in reflecting upon their state while I have been in the present service. [July 17] 17th We have had another stormy night, but towards morning the weather began to moderate. I now determined to set off on my Route to Mercury Bay Towrangha. Temmaranga and his Nephew agreed to accompany me, but there were no Canoes at the place we were, sufficiently large to venture up the Thames during the present turbulent state of the Water from the late Gales. The Natives informed me I could get a large Canoe at a Village about two Miles up the River. After dinner I engaged two Natives to carry my Baggage to the above Village, where we arrived about two O'Clock, and were kindly received by the Natives. I informed the Chief where I was going, and requested him to furnish me with a good Canoe and Crew to take [me] up to Rowpah a distance we estimated at more than fifty miles. He told me I should have one, and ordered a Canoe to be got ready and manned immediately. A subordinate Chief offered to go with me to Mercury Bay Towrangha and take his Servant with him to assist in carrying my Baggage for an Axe, which I readily consented to give him. We immediately embarked but were soon compelled to return to Shore again from the Violence of the wind and waves, as the Natives were apprehensive the Canoe would be upset. They recommended me to walk to the next Village, where the River would be much narrower and consequently less Sea, and I could there procure a Canoe— we relanded— and set off to the next Village, where we arrived a little after dark. The Natives received us kindly; made us a large fire, and gave some provisions to my Companions, and accommodated me with a Good Hut. We spent the Evening in useful conversation and then lay down to rest for the night. After committing myself and Associates to the care of Him who numbereth the Hairs of our Heads, and felt myself as secure as if I had been resting in the Bosom of my Family. [July 18] 18th In the morning the stormy weather returned with great violence. There was no venturing on the river from the Village in a Canoe; and our only alternative was to walk up the banks of the River, till it became narrow, and shut in by the Land on both sides. With this view we left the Village: and past thro' four more Villages upon the banks of the River, when we stopt to breakfast. [July 18] The Chiefs Wife of the Village was very attentive, she made her little Hut as comfortable as she could— laid down a new Mat for me to sit upon, and by every little act of kindness shewed her anxiety to please. During our stay here, the rain fell very heavy and the wind blew a Gale. In about an Hour the storm moderated, and we proceeded, and past three more Villages, when we arrived at the Hippah of the Head Chief Tippookee. This Hippah is situated at the mouth of the fresh water river, on a beautiful eminence which commands the River Thames both above and below— The prospect is very extensive. There is a large flat of Good Land both above and below and in the rear of this Hippah, well adapted for the growth of Grain. A Creek of Salt water about One Hundred Yards wide runs from the main River round to the rear of the Hippah till it meets a fresh water stream. The Creek was navigable for small craft where I crossed it. A battle had been fought upon its Banks a few Months ago: when one Chief was shot. They shewed me the Spot where he was standing and the bush behind which the Enemy lay concealed when he was shot. When we arrived at the Hippah it was too late to proceed up the Thames. After taking some refreshment in the evening I got a Canoe and went up the fresh water stream, which flowed down between some high Hills from the Interior. A large body of water comes down this Creek occasionally. The Land upon its banks exceeding rich and could easily be cultivated with the Plough. In the Valley thro' which it runs I met a number of Natives returning from their work, and walked back with them to the Hippah. In the Hippah there was a Brother of Tippookees, and several other Chiefs. Tippookee was not there. I spent the evening with them in Conversation upon the ruinous consequences of war, the advantages of civil government, agriculture and Commerce. Tippookees Brother appeared a very mild sensible man, and expressed his disapprobation of the conduct of many of the Chiefs who were always fighting, and brought great distress upon the Inhabitants. The last Year their Tribe had been attacked both by the People at the Bay of Islands and also by the Tribes on the west side, and had suffered much, and expected to be attacked again by the latter. I told him I would see the Chiefs on the west side on my return, and make peace between them if I could. Temmaranga informed me that this Chief never went to war, he disliked it so much. He presented me with some fine Mats, and for which I gave him some edge Tools. I was accommodated with a large Hut for the Night, and on retiring to rest informed Him I should want a good Canoe in [1820 July 18] the morning, which he promised I should have. This Hippah has been a very strong place, both by Art and nature. It is fortified by very deep Fosses and an high fence made of split Timber. In their former mode of warfare, it must have bid defiance to any force that could be brought against it. But it cannot now afford them secure protection against an Enemy armed with Muskets. They shewed me where the Musket Balls had struck their Buildings, and stated that it was impossible for them with Spears to contend against the Force of Muskets. Should the British Government ever form a Settlement at the River Thames the Ground upon which this Hippah stands, in my opinion is the most eligible spot I have seen. It possesses many important local advantages.— It could easily be fortified, and made impregnable. It Commands the entrance into the fresh water river— is surrounded by a tract of fine land for Cultivation, and convenient for Timber to build with; and tho' the Shipping cannot come up to it, yet it is more convenient to the Harbour, where the Ships can lay in perfect safety, than any other situation.— Small vessels of 100 or 150 Tons may come up the River and Anchor opposite to it. [July 19] 19th This morning we arose very early, and prepared for our Journey— We had some distance to walk before we could be accommodated with a good Cannoe. We passed two Villages, and at the third, we were to Embark. While the Crew of the Canoe were launching it and getting all ready, the inhabitants of the Village assembled round us; amongst whom was a very sage aged Priest. This Priest entered into very close Conversation with my friend Temmaranga for some time, who was all attention. At length Temmaranga was much agitated. I asked him what was the matter, he informed me the Priest had told him he had seen his Ghost in the Night, and had also had an interview with the Attua who informed him, that if he accompanied me to Mercury Bay Towrangha he would die in five four Days, because he had killed two Chiefs the last time he was there, and the God of Mercury Bay Towrangha would now kill him if he went, and recommended him to return. Temmaranga now told me of his war expedition against Mercury Bay Towrangha and that he was returning from that Expedition the morning Mr Kendall sailed for England: and that the Prisoners of war, and the Heads of the Chiefs I had seen at Ranghee Hoo that morning were all brought from Mercury Bay Towrangha. In consequence of this Information I conceived there might be some danger to Temmaranga if he accompanied me. The people there might take advantage of him and cut him off. [1820 July 19] I was therefore induced to ask him if he was afraid that the people of Mercury Bay Towrangha would kill and eat him, if He was to go with me. He replied he was not afraid of the People; that they would not take any advantage of him: but he was much afraid their God would kill him, from what the Priest had told him. To which I answered if he was only afraid of their God, and not of being killed and eat by the Inhabitants, I would take Care their God should not injure him, for the God that would be with us was the true God, and he would take care of us both: Upon this assurance Temmaranga said he would venture. Tho his mind is much enlightened, and he sees into the absurdity of many superstitious customs of his Countrymen, yet I had frequent occasion to observe, that his feelings were alive to his former superstitions, whenever any serious cause occurred to call them forth. When I have reasoned with him and stated to him how foolish and groundless his fears relative to the Attua doing him or his friends this or the other injury, he would reply it was very well for me to talk in that way whose God was good, and over whom the Attua of New Zealand had no power; but he and his Countrymen were very differently situated. Their God was always angry, and in his Anger would eat their bowels out. After Temmaranga had got a little better of his fears we embarked for Rowpah Towrangha, with a strong tide in our Favour. The men pulled hard all the Day, and we went up the River very pleasantly and did not stop till the Evening, when we went on shore for a short time kindled a fire on the Bank; and dressed a basket of Potatoes according to their Custom. We had no other means of Cooking any thing, my Kettle having been left by mistake on the Launch, I had only a small Tea pot for every purpose I wanted. As soon as we had taken some refreshment we proceeded up the River till nearly daylight, when we came opposite a small Village. The night was dark and Cold, with some Rain— We stopt at the Village, when some of the Men went on Shore, called up the Inhabitants who kindled a fire, when we landed and took up our residence in one of their Huts. I supposed I was on the banks of the River.— [July 20] 20th When the day broke I was astonished to find myself upon the banks of a Creek upon which two small Villages stood. The Chief of the Place was a very fine youth about sixteen years old. His name was A-waugh.— His Father he informed me had been killed in Battle. All the Land around him was very fine soil— The Slaves were preparing it for planting. I informed A-waugh where I was going— He said he would go with me— He presented us with plenty of fine [1820 July 20] Potatoes, and a good Hog. I saw his Fathers Hippah which is not inhabited at the present time. It had been a large strong place. I observed several Sepulchres in it, some of them raised above Ground, painted, carved and ornamented with feathers. We breakfasted at this Village; killed our Hog, and roasted him whole for our Journey. The Inhabitants of the Village were much gratified with our Visit. I made them all small presents of fish hooks. The chief woman of the Village had a little House about a yard square, built very neat, painted and ornamented with feathers in which she deposited the sacred food for her God. It stood upon a post close to her Hut. We here met a Chief from Mercury Bay Towrangha named Towarroro, I inquired of him how long we should be in walking to Mercury Bay Towrangha— He answered two Days, and that he would attend us. After breakfast we left the Village, and in about an Hour reached the Banks of one of the main Branches of the Thames above Rowpah called O.Emanonee (Ohinemuri). About four miles up this River stands an Hippah upon a very high stony Hill, called Tippooari— It commands a very extensive Prospect of the Thames, the immense forrests and plains— as well as the Mountains in the Rear. It has been formerly a strong Place, and is still inhabited— we crossed the River O.Emanonee at a ford at the foot of the Hill upon which Tippooari stands. The ford was breast high, and very rapid. Four New Zealanders carried me over on their Shoulders with safety. They are so accustomed to the water that Rivers and Swamps present no difficulties to them in their Journeys. I had fourteen native Chiefs and their Servants, with me, so that I was under no apprehensions that I should meet with any Impediments in my way but what I could easily overcome with their assistance. The Country now began to get very hilly, and Covered with Timber— Some of the Spars exceeding lofty and fine— The woods extended further than the Eye can reach to the right and left of the Path. O.Emanonee runs thro' a deep Chasm in the Mountain at the foot of some very high conical Rocks on the right hand, and afterwards runs to the left towards the Sea Coast. We had to ford this River three times. Our path lay thro' the Wood, directly across the summit of the Hill. The wood may be about Three miles wide at the place we crossed it— but its length I could [1820 July 20] form no opinion of, as I could see no end to it, even when I got upon the High clear land upon the opposite side. From this situation, as the Country is all open in the Rear of the Wood, the Hills which encompass Mercury Bay Towrangha are clearly seen. They appear to be about sixteen miles distant situated on the Skirts of the intervening plain, which in general is pretty level. It is covered with Fern, and completely free from Timber. In this plain there are a Number of natural Springs, to the foot of the Hills that overlook Mercury Bay Towrangha, all sending their tributary streams into the O.Emanonee whose united waters form that River. The natives informed me that the Spars in the immense wood opposite to the plain leading to Mercury Bay Towrangha might be taken down the O Emanonee into the Thames, but as I had no oppertunity of Ascertaining the Fact I can say nothing on the subject. The Timber is good if it can be conveniently got— should it be wanted.— The day was far spent when we reached the Plain— We walked on till the Sun was nearly set when we stopt and prepared for the night. The Servants who had the provisions to carry were very tired. There were no Huts on the plain nor any inhabitants, we were therefore compelled to take up our Lodgings in the open Air. I was very weary having had no rest the preceding night, and having had a long days Journey, that now I found it would be very acceptable upon a heap of Fern, or in any other way. The peculiar Scene that surrounded me, furnished the mind with new matter of Contemplation upon the works and ways of God. The mystery of His providence, and the still greater mystery of His Grace were all unsearchable to me. I had come from a distant Country; and was now at the ends of the Earth, a solitary individual, resting upon an extensive plain upon which no civilized foot had ever stept— my Companions poor Savages, who nevertheless vied with each other in their attentions to me. I could not but feel attached to them— What would I have given to have opened the Book of Life to them, to have showed them that God that made them, and to have led them to Calvary; and shewed them that Redeemer who shed His precious Blood for the Redemption of the world, and was there set up as an Ensign for the Nations. But it was not in my power to take the Veil from their Hearts. I could only pray for them and intreat the Father of mercies to visit them with His Salvation. I felt very Grateful that a Divine Revelation had been granted to me— that I knew that the Son of God was Come, and that I was satisfied he had made a full, [1820] and sufficient Sacrifice and atonement for the Sins of the world. With peculiar feelings for my Companions, and with a grateful sense of my own mercies I lay down to rest free from the fear of danger. [July 21] 24th This morning we arose at the Dawn of day and immediately prepared for our Journey. I felt myself much refreshed from the Comfortable rest I had in the night. We walked about two Hours when we sat down made a fire, and cooked our Breakfast. The day was very favourable, and the walk over the plain pleasant, as the road was generally good; with the exception of a few small Swamps occasioned by some land Springs. The Ground upon this plain is, for the most part fit, for cultivation, and would be very easily wrought with the plough. After we had walked a few Miles we observed five Young Women coming over the plain— As soon as they saw us, they were alarmed and run back again. One of our party run after them and overtook them, when they stopt till we all came up. They informed us that A-neenee one of the Head Chiefs was gone on a war Expedition to the Southward, but that His Wife was at Home, and A-Warree a Chief with whom Temmaranga had been at war the beginning of this year. After they had answered our inquiries they ran forward to inform the inhabitants of our coming. When we reached the High Hills which overlook Mercury Bay Towrangha laying about a mile below I sat down upon the summit of one of the Highest to take a view of the Ocean, Islands and main Land. The prospect is very grand— I observed one Island out at Sea, 15 Leagues or more distant from the main, sending up immense Columns of Smook. I desired Temmaranga to give me some information respecting the Islands, the Hills on the Coast and in the interior, with which he was acquainted. He satisfied all my inquiries and afterwards gave me the following account of his last visit to Mercury Bay Towrangha. Having sat himself down by me, he began by stating that the last time he came to Mercury Bay Towrangha was on a War Expedition, which originated in the following cause. Some years ago, a Niece of his had been taken from Bream Head by a Brig from Port Jackson, and afterwards sold to a Chief at Mercury Bay Towrangha named Shewkoree who still resides there, and she became his Slave. Shewkoree, and another Chief named A-warru had some difference, when this young woman was killed by A-warru or some one of his Tribe, roasted and eat. Sometime afterwards Temmaranga was informed of the Fate of his Niece, and felt himself bound to revenge her Death for the Honour of his Tribe, and in Justice to his departed relative, as soon [1820 July 21] as he was in a situation to demand satisfaction from A-warru. About sixteen years elapsed before he conceived himself strong enough to go to war against this Chief— He had a sister taken by the same Vessel from the Bay of Islands and served in a similar manner further to the Southward, whose death he had already revenged. I mentioned this circumstance in a former statement. Last January he mustered his warlike force; which consisted of 600 Men— Two Hundred of His own Tribe two hundred from the Bay of Islands, and two Hundred from bream Head—. The last four Hundred were auxiliaries— with this force he proceeded to Mercury Bay Towrangha and landed on an Island in the mouth of the Bay. A-warru came in his Canoe, to know what had brought him to Mercury Bay Towrangha. Temmaranga replied, that A-werru had killed roasted and eat his Niece, and he had come to demand satisfaction for that offence, and wished to know what satisfaction he was disposed to give him. A-werru replied, "if that was the object of his Expedition, the only satisfaction I will give you will be to kill, roast, and eat you." Temmaranga considered this Language, as most gross and insulting, and was very much offended, and replied as that was A-werrus determination the dispute between them must be settled by an appeal to Arms.. A-werru answered he was ready, and would fight him that day— to which Temmaranga replied, he would not fight him that day, but he would meet him on the following day to which A-werru consented— and the Ground was pitched upon where they were to meet. Which Temmaranga pointed out to me. It was a level spot opposite to where Captain Cook Anchored. The two parties met on the following day at the time and place appointed. When they had both drawn up their forces Temmaranga gave directions to his men not to fire their Muskets till He gave the word of command—He had 35 Muskets, while A-warru depended upon his Spears and Patooes. A-warru made the first charge with a shower of Spears in which Temmaranga had one officer wounded; he then called upon his men to fire, when twenty of A-werrus men dropt dead at the first shot, amongst whom where two Chiefs— One named Newkopang, A-werru's [sic] father; and the other Koponeku. The moment these two Chiefs fell, A-warrus men were thrown into disorder and ran off the field of Battle. Temmaranga commanded his men immediately to halt, and not to pursue the fleeing enemy. He said he was satisfied with the sacrifice that had been made as two Chiefs were killed, and did not wish to shed any more blood. The Allies were dissatisfied with his lenity; and the Chiefs called a [1820 July 21] Council of war and censured Temmarangas Conduct for not following up the advantage he had gained. They contended that if Temmaranga was satisfied with the Death of the two Chiefs for the murder of his Niece, yet A-warru ought to be punished for the insolent language he made use of at their first interview; when he said he would kill, roast and eat Temmaranga— That this language was such as no Chief ought to use to another— and recommended that they should immediately renew the Attack. Temmaranga wished first to learn how A-werru was disposed, his father being killed, he thought he would readily come to terms of Peace, he therefore went out of the Camp in order to gain some information respecting A-werru, as he had fled along with his men. Temmaranga fell in with A-werru's wife, children and some of his friends, to the amount of 30 persons, and brought them into his Camp under the Assurance of personal safety. He inquired where their Store Houses of Potatoes were, when A-werrus wife pointed them out, from which Temmaranga and his men got a supply. Temmaranga wished to learn from A-werrus wife and Friends, if A-werru was inclined for Peace, they informed him he was not. The next day while they the Chiefs were consulting together in the Camp they observed A-werru had rallied his Forces and was coming down upon them. They immediately flew to their Arms, and in a very short time killed a great number of the Enemy with their Muskets— threw them into confusion and pursued them when routed— many were driven into the Sea and perished, between three and four Hundred left dead upon the Field of Battle; and two hundred & Sixty were made prisoners of war. Two Hundred of these prisoners came to the share of the Chiefs at the Bay of Islands the 2d of March. We saw part of them landed at Ranghee Hoo: and Sixty went to the Chiefs of Bream Head. A-werru was now completely conquered he fled into the woods with the few men he had left. After the Battle was over Temmaranga went in search of A-werru— and at length found him, when a conversation took place between them. Temmaranga asked him if he was willing to submit— reminded him of the insolent language he had used at their first interview. A-werru acknowledged he was conquered, and said he had no idea that the Muskets would have produced such effects, and had till now despised them as instruments of war; but he was now convinced that he could not withstand their Force and therefore submitted— He inquired of Temmaranga if he could give him any information of His Wife and Children— He told him they were in [1820 July 21] the Camp, and if would go with him, he would deliver them safely into his hands. A-werru expressed his gratitude to Temmaranga for sparing their lives, and accompanied him into the Camp when they were delivered up to him. He observed that he was much distressed for the Death of his Father, and requested Temmaranga to make him some Compensation for his loss, when he gave him a Musket which satisfied him. The other Chiefs made A-werru some presents. When he returned home with his Wife and Children and friends who had been safe under Temmarangas word of Honour.— Temmaranga informed me the Conquerors remained three days on the field of Battle feeding upon the Slain, and afterwards sailed with their prisoners of war taking with them A-werrus Canoes to the Bay of Islands. This fleet arrived Three days after the Dromedary arrived in New Zealand— When I had taken down the above account from Temmaranga he asked me if I intended to send it to England— I told him I did— He replyed he was afraid when those things were publicly known in Europe, if he should afterwards go on board an English Ship he would be put to Death— I assured him that the custom of eating human flesh was condemned by all nations and on that Account, they were dreaded by all nations, at the same time the Europeans would not kill him on account on the above Custom. He said it was a very bad custom, but it had always been practised in New Zealand from the first.— I beg here to observe that I noted the particulars of this transaction while we sat upon the Hill, where the Battle was fought, and on our return to the Coromandel I reviewed my notes with Temmaranga by my side in order that I might state the facts from his own mouth as correctly as possible. When we had finished this interesting Conversation upon the Hill we walked down to the Settlement, and first visited the residence of the Head Chief A-nee-nee whose wife gave us a cordial Reception, and appropriated on[e] of the best Huts for our reception, and a new Mat for me to lie down upon— A great abundance of Provisions were immediately got ready for our whole party, and we spent the remainder of the Evening very pleasantly. Most of the Inhabitants came to see us. There were a great number of women and Children. A number of the Men were gone to War: I had all the Children arranged in a row, and gave them each a fish Hook, which they considered a great present. I gave Mrs A-nee-nee a present of some edge tools for Her Husband when he returned from war. No Ships have [1820 July 21] visited Mercury Bay since Captain Cook that I could learn. There was an old Chief there whom I saw, that remembered Captn Cook. They are much in want of Tools of every kind, as they are not visited by any Europeans. Supplies for Ships might be got here, as they had plenty of Potatoes and also Pork— We inquired after A-werru from Mrs E-nee-nee. She informed us he was gone to war; but his brother A-werree was at home. These were my Friend Temmarangas opponents; who now urged me to see A-werree, and make a final Reconciliation with him. He had not seen him since the day of Battle. I promised to call upon A-werree in the morning and hear what he said— which quieted his mind. I asked Temmaranga if he was not afraid of A-werree taking advantage of him now he was alone; he replied no— but wished for an oppertunity to talk over their past differences, and he thought if I spoke to A-werree a Reconciliation would easily be accomplished. [July 22] 22d— Early this morning we had a number of visitors. A-werrree came also full dressed with a number of His friends. They all sat down in a Row according to their rank— They were all strangers to me. Temmaranga came and wispered, that A-werree was arrived and pointed him out. He is a very stout man— well made— was well dressed according to the fashion of their Country his hair tied up very neat, and he had a Pattoo Pattoo in his hand about 6 feet long made of the Jaw Bone of a whale. Temmaranga requested me to take him by the Arm, and walk up with him to A-werree and tell A-werree what his wishes were. I immediately complied with his request and we walked up to him. I told A-werree I had waited upon him to express my own and Temmarangas wishes that mutual friendship might be in future established between them, and hoped that he was equally inclined to a Reconciliation— He replied he was very willing to meet Temmaranga upon Terms of Peace. They now talked the subject publicly over— and finally settled that A-werree should send a person of Rank to reside with Temmaranga; and Temmaranga should send a man of Rank to live with A-werree. A-werree then stood up, and made a Speech informing the People that there now existed no more differences between the Two Chiefs, and they now sat down together as Friends— A-werree presented me with his pattoo pattoo, which I have sent by Captn Downie in the Coromandel for the Societys Museum. Temmaranga expressed himself much gratified with the observations A-werree made in his speech, and they both [1820 July 21] appeared very happy. I made A-werree a present of some edge tools, and invited him to see the Corromandel. He excused himself by saying that his wife was very near her Confinement, and he was unwilling to be absent from Home lest any thing should happen: but after she had recovered, he would come to the Thames to see the Corromandel; and that it was his intention to pay Temmaranga a visit, in two or three moons. I told A-werree, as they were so much in want of Tools, such as Axes &c. if he would set his people to make Mats, and send them to Temmaranga, he would forward them to me— when I would sell them, and send them some Tools— They all approved of this proposition, and Temmaranga promised he would act as their Agent at the Bay of Islands— I wished much to remain with these friendly People two days, but before the middle of the day, the weather began to threaten for Rain. I was apprehensive if much Rain fell I should not be able to ford the River O.Emanonee, and was therefore anxious to return without delay, and acquainted the Natives with my intention. They urged me much to remain with them a few Days, but admitted we could not ford the River if there was a fall of Rain and for that reason they yielded to my wishes. They now furnished us with more provisions than we could possibly carry or Consume. Mrs Enee-nee ordered two Slaves to assist in carrying what our Servants could not take, when we took our leave, they accompanied us up the Hill with Songs and Dances. We here met a Chief and his Wife belonging to Tippooari, the Hippah I have already mentioned who accompanied us on our return. We reached before Dark the spot on the plain where we had lodged before, and remained here all Night. Having made a Screen of Brush Wood and Fern to shelter us from the rain which now began to fall. [July 23] 23d— As soon as the day returned we prepared again for our Journey, I mist the Chiefs wife of Tippooari and her Servant woman— On enquiring where they were I was informed that they had gone away very early in order to prepare Dinner for us at the Hippah where the Chief invited us to dine with him as we past. We reached the Hippah about two O'Clock and found the Lady had got a plentiful supply of Provisions for us, and all her slaves ready to attend us. I observed several Sepulchres in this Hippah, painted, carved, and ornamented with Feathers— Some of them had cost much Labour. One I took particular notice of which stood near where we dined, and inquired whose Sepulchre it [1820 July 1823] was, and was informed, one of the Chiefs wives who had been blown up with Gunpowder was deposited in it. At the time we arrived one old Chief had just died. A Number were assembled together to mourn over him— After we had dined we took our leave of this hospitable Chief and his wife, and made the best of our way to Awaughs residence, where we intended to rest for the night. Awaugh, and myself and three of our Companions arrived a little after dark very weary, having had a long Days Journey. We saw no more of the rest of our party till day light the next morning— They were too tired to reach the end of our Journey and had rested by the way. [July 24th] 24th As the Tide answered early for going down the River we took our leave of this fine youth, who appeared to possess every natural endowment for making a great man, and good member of Society if the means of improvement were only within his reach. I gave him an invitation on Board the Coromandel, and he promised to pay me a visit. His Residence from the Ship I estimated to be about seventy miles. After leaving Awaugh we proceeded down the Thames with a strong Stream and Tide, from the late Rains, and arrived about Midnight at the place where the Men belonging to the Coromandel were cutting spars. It had rained very hard in the Evening which still continued. We were very wet and cold. On my arrival I found the two Huts which had been built before I went to Mercury Bay Towrangha were both burnt by Accident, and what things I had left with Mr Emery were consumed in the flames, amongst which I regreted the loss of some fine Mats — On this account there was no place for me to Sleep in, as the Hut which was just put up was too small to afford me any accommodation. I was therefore compelled to sit up till the return of day. The Coromandel Launch had also arrived that Evening with provisions for the workmen, and Mr Anderson informed me it was his intention to proceed in the morning to the west side of the River, to see if he could meet with any spars. I now determined to embrace the oppertunity to cross the River in the Launch in order to visit Kipero. After a cold wet and uncomfortable night the morning of the 25th [July 25] Returned, with a fair wind, but stormy and rainy. We now embarked in the Launch, and sailed from the eastern shore, and got well over to the west side, when we run up a River called the Wyeroa in which there are a number of islands. We anchored under one of them during the night. A [1820] Native we had on board informed Mr Anderson there were some fine Spars up a River called the Wye-tematta which fell into the Wyeroa which determined Mr Anderson to run up the Wyteematta the following Day. [July 26] 26th This morning we weighed Anchor and sailed up the Wyeteematta with a strong fair Breeze as much as the Launch could carry. The Wytematta is a large river, in some places five or Six miles wide with a sufficient depth of water for large Ships. It runs direct towards the west side of New Zealand. We Anchored about 5 OClock in the Evening in five fathoms water near the Shore, tying the Launch with a Rope to a tree. [#] I suppose we could not be much less than fifty miles from the Coromandel. There were some very fine Spars, but not large enough for first Rate Men of war— We remained here all night.— I was now a considerable way on my Route towards Kiperro but was at a Loss for a Canoe, as we had past all the native Villages. [July 27] 27th Early this Morning we heard the report of three Muskets and soon observed a Canoe full of Natives pulling towards the Launch. When they arrived we found the party to consist of a Chief from Kiperro and his people and E-nakkee a Chief of Moguer belonging to a Settlement on the west side of the Thames. We informed them, what our object was in coming up the River Wyeteematta. The Chief of Kiperro (Kowhow) said the Land upon the Wyeteematta belonged to him, but if any of the Timber would answer, he would very readily give it to us— And informed us there was much more up some other branches of the River. Mr Anderson said he would remain at his present situation all the day, to Examine the Woods, and that he should not leave Wyeroa for three Days, as it was his intention to visit Mogoea before he returned to the Coromandel. I now inquired of the Chief what distance we were from Kiperro and wether I could walk there in one Day or not. He informed me I could, and if I would go, he would accompany me. Mr Ewels, Government Timber Purveyor said he would join us. Kowhow immediately ordered his Canoe to get ready, and thirteen men to attend us. And in a few Minutes we left the Launch, and proceeded up the River, and Landed about Six or Eight Miles higher up. When we landed we saw the high Sand Hills on the Western Shore of New Zealand, the apparent distance 18 or 20 miles. We walked very smartly in order to reach the place of Destination before Dark. Our Road lay thro' one continued Plain free from Timber, and with very little rising Ground till we came near Kiperro. We had one stream of water to cross which was too Deep to ford about Six or Eight Miles from the Place where we landed from the Canoe. [1820 July 17] This forms one of the Branches of Kiperro River. The Natives swam across, cut down some small spars which they lashed together, and made a Rope of some native flax which they tied across the Stream to the Trees, as an hand Rail, by which contrivances we got safely over. A messenger was now sent forward to the Chiefs friends to inform them we were coming. We arrived at the first Village about sunset where a great Abundance of sweet potatoes were provided for our Supper. And amongst other things a Cat was roasted. When we declined taking any of the Cat, as an inducement to partake of it, they assured us, it was an English Cat. This we knew for we had seen it in a Basket during our Journey— On our arrival we found the Chiefs Brother lying under a Shed unable to stand from the wound of a spear which I understood he had received some considerable time before. Kowhow and two others who had attended us made great Lamentations over him, and wept aloud. The Place where we [sic] lay, and the Ground for some distance round his Shed was Tabooed— His Wife and a pretty little Girl were set apart to attend him. No other person was permitted to tread upon the Sacred Ground excepting myself and Mr Ewels. I sat down by the side of this poor afflicted Warrior— He shewed me his Thigh. The flesh was wasted away, and he had no power to move it. We gave him a little Tea which he relished very much. They all seemed to feel much for his Affliction. We spent the Evening in Conversation upon the dreadful Calamities of War, the advantages of Agriculture and Commerce &c &c. Subjects upon which they were anxious to gain information. Kowhow shewed great aversion to War, reprobated the Conduct of many of His Countrymen. Stated how much the People of Kiperro had been destroyed and cut of by war: that they had been fighting for years with the Napooes, and the Tribes in the Bay of Islands. And that the Napooes were then in the districts of Kippero, plundering and murdering the Inhabitants. I lamented these public Calamities, and hoped when more Europeans resided amongst them, an end would be put to their mutual Contests. [July 28] 28th This Morning Mr Ewels and myself set off to the Sand Hills accompanied by one of the Chiefs in order to take a view of the Western Ocean and Shores. We past a Hippah upon a commanding spot but the Chief told us it now afforded them no protection against their Enemies, since fire Arms had been introduced into New Zealand. He shewed us where their Enemies had fired upon them in the Hippah with Balls, and that the distance was too [1820 July 28] great for them to throw their Spears. The sand Hills are very high and command a wide prospect on the Sea and in the interior. There is no vegetation upon them, and the Sand shifts with the contending winds. They are several miles broad and Extend along the Coast both to the right and left further than the Eye can reach. We saw the Rivers running from the Interior into the Harbour of Kiperro but we could not see the Harbour or entrance into it. It lay to the Northward many miles under the high land. The sea lying at the foot of those we were upon a small flat of about half a mile intervening between them and the beach. [sic] As our time would not allow of our visiting the Harbour of Kiperro which would have taken several Days, we determined to return immediately to the Wyeteematta in order to secure a passage in the Launch to the Corromandel. On the Sand Hills we met a young man about 24 years old, his complexion very fair with light hair – His master was with him. I saw he was an European from his Countenance and asked his master who informed me his father was an European, and he had got him originally from the Bay of Islands. I wanted to redeem him with a view of sending him to the Missionary Settlement for Instruction but his Master did not seem willing to part with him. We now returned to the Village, and on our arrival found Kowhow, and the two young men who had made such bitter Lamentations over the Afflicted Chief the preceding Evening, had been cutting themselves till their Faces were covered with Blood, and had renewed their mournful Cries. Kowhow requested me to pray to our God for the poor Afflicted man— I promised him I would, and told them there was but one God, and that our God was their God also. I went up to the Sick mans Shed and kneeled down— He crept out upon his Hands, and laid himself down on his side, uncovering his Thigh and laying his hand upon the affected part, and looked wistfully at me, as if he thought I had the power to heal him— His conduct called to my recollection what Naaman the Syrian Leper thought when he went to the Prophet; he thought the Prophet would stand and call upon the Lord his God and strike his hand over the place, and recover the Leper." The natural ideas of this fallen Chief and Naaman appeared to be very similar. After I had performed this duty, which deeply impressed my own mind, under the peculiar Circumstances I had been called upon to address the Father of all living who is loving to every man, and whose tender mercies are over all his works. I informed Kowhow that it was my intention to return that day. He urged me to stop one day more, said he was very weary and could not go back with me, till he had recovered from [1820 July 29] his fatigue. I told him if I did not go, I should lose my Passage to the Coromandel, and then I should have no means of returning to the Ship, as a Canoe could not cross the river in the unsettled state of the weather. He saw the force of this argument, and said tho' he was tired, he would go back with us, and we immediately took our leave of the sick Chief and his People, and proceeded on our Journey— Several Slaves were sent to carry Potatoes for us to eat. The wind was very strong and blew in our face, and as the plain was quite open we had an unpleasant walk. Just at dark we arrived at the wharf where we had left the Canoe. It now began to rain, and continued to blow very hard. We made the best Screne we could with Fern, as there were no Huts, and remained till the Morning, tho' from the Cold and rain we enjoyed little rest. From the tempestuous night the Natives informed us frequently we should not be able to go down the River, the waters would be too rough.— [July 30] 28th When the day returned there was no prospect that we should be able to leave our present uncomfortable situation, as the storm continued— However about eight OClock the weather began to moderate, and we prepared to embark— We had a set of very fine young men, as our Crew for the Canoe, whom at length we prevailed upon to venture; we had appointed to meet Mr Anderson that Evening at Magoea; which was about Thirty miles distant. Kowhow told us repeatedly we should not reach Magoea before the following Day, as the water was very rough on the river, with the wind against us. After we had been pulling down the river about three Hours, we got sight of the Launch which inspired the Crew with fresh Life— They now exerted all their strength to reach her, but she was too far off. In the Afternoon the wind increased with an high sea which compelled us to go on shore when we inquired if we could not go by Land to Magoea. The Natives told us we could, but it was too far to walk: however we resolved to try our strength, and succeeded in reaching Magoea that Evening where we met the Launch, and took up our Lodgings for the Night, not without feelings of Pleasure and Gratitude. Tho' a Boat does not afford the best accommodations for weary Travellers. [July 31] 31st This Morning I felt myself much refreshed— The first Business I attended to was, to pay the Chief of Kiperro and his men for their kind attentions to us, [1820] which I did in Axes, plane irons &c &c to their great satisfaction. They were never possest of so much wealth before. Kowhow requested he might be permitted to visit the Coromandel I asked Mr Anderson permission to take him, which he kindly granted. As soon as the supplies of Potatoes for the Ship was put into the Launch, which Mr Anderson had purchased we sailed from Magoea. E-nakkee the Chief who was at war with Tippoohee accompanied us. I had promised Tippoohee I would use all my influence with E-nakkee to bring about a Reconciliation between them, which I hoped to accomplish when I got E-nakkee on board the Coromandel. We sailed from the settlement at Magoea in the Morning but night coming on before we got out of the Wyeroa into the Thames, we anchored under one of the islands for the night. [Aug 1] Augt 1 This morning it rained and blew hard, and the Atmosphere was so dark and cloudy, that we could not see the High Land upon the opposite shore of the Thames. After breakfast we made sail for the Ship with a fair wind and arrived on board the Coromandel about 3 OClock P.M. I had now been 24 Days from the Coromandel during which I had slept in my Cloths and generally in the open air, Boat or Canoe. A great part of the time the weather had been very wet and stormy. I had crossed many Swamps, Creeks and rivers from Mercury Bay [sic] on the East side to Kiperro on the west, yet during the above period, thro' the kind Providence of God I had met with no accident, no unpleasant circumstance, but on the contrary had been highly gratified with my route and returned to the Corromandel in perfect health. I hope my visit to the different Tribes will be attended with future good. In every place I endeavoured to explain to the Natives that there is but one true and living God who made all things, and that our God therefore is their God. That the Tabooing their Houses, themselves, their Servants, their food, their fires, and all other things, could neither heal their Wounds, preserve them from danger, nor restore them to health when sick, nor save them from death: but that our God, tho' they knew him not, could do all these things for them. They all wished for Europeans to reside amongst them. My constant Companion Temmaranga recommended the Chiefs every where to leave off fighting, reminded them how often their wives and Children were crying for Hunger when their Crops of sweet & common Potatoes were destroyed [1820] by their mutual Contests, and many of their Children left Fatherless, and their wives widows. They said they were well aware of the miseries of war, but that there were some Chiefs that would never give over fighting. Their Fathers & Forefathers were always fighting men— I have no doubt but those subjects will furnish them with useful matter for reflection and conversation, and will tend to enlighten and enlarge their Minds. [Aug] Being now once more on board the Coromandel and having got E-nakkee with me, I wished to fulfil my Promise to Tippoohee, and settle their difference. That I might judge of the best mode to accomplish this object I requested E-nakkee to state to me the Cause of the quarrel between him and Tippoohee. He stated some time before their difference his father was on the East side of the Thames in a Canoe—when the Canoe was upset in a squall; and his father and the Crew who were with him were all drouned. E-nakkee was informed that their bodies afterwards drifted on shore, and were taken by Tippoohee and his People and eaten. In consequence of this insult offered to the Dead he had made war upon Tippoohee—I admitted if this was a fact Tippoohees conduct was very bad; at the same time their mutually killing one another only increased their Calamities, and I wished him to meet Tippoohee on board the Coromandel, and we would hear what he had to say to the Charge which was laid against him. E-nakkee consented to this proposition, and the next Morning Captain Downie was kind enough to send Mr Anderson in his boat for Tippoohee, who returned with him upon the following day. When E-nakkee saw Tippoohee coming in the Boat. He immediately took a Canoe and went on Shore— I was apprehensive he would not return again— When Tippoohee arrived I informed him what E-nakkee alleged against him. He said he knew that was the charge that E-nakkee accused him and his people of eating his father and the Crew, but that the charge was false.— That their Bodies never came on shore— but were destroyed in the water— He further stated that the author of the Report was the Arekee— His Servants and the Arekees had quarreled about some Cockles and Thatch in the first instance— That he had justified his own people, and the Arekee his, till they quarreled. The Arekee to gratify his Revenge had propagated this report— which E-nakkee and his People believed and on that account had made War upon him and killed his Brother and many more of his People. Tippohee did not think that E-nakkee would return or come to any accommodation with him. In about [1820 Aug] an Hour afterwards E-nakkee however came back again to the Ship. When he came upon deck Tippoohee was sitting upon it. He sat on the opposite side— neither of them spoke for a considerable time. I was going to address them when Temmaranga requested I would not speak but leave them to their own Feelings— He sat upon the Deck and Towretta observing their looks which portraied contending Passions— At Length one of them broke silence, and addressed the other. They now gave vent to their feelings, and mutually reproached each other— and advanced to meet each other with much apparent rage and Sneers and contempt. At times they seemed as if they would strike each other. Temmaranga and Towretta put in a word between them now and then— After they had said all they wished to say, they became gradually more cool and at length came to a Reconciliation, when Captain Downie invited them into the Cabin, where they took something to eat and drink together to the satisfaction of all Parties. After my return to the Coromandel Captain Downie informed me that the Arekee was going to kill Amoppa a Subordinate Chief in the Bay and that he was determined to take his Head off— Amoppa was accused of a Theft, in stealing a Mat belonging to the Arekees Son and the Arekee had been for several days making Spears and Sharpening his Instruments of war. Towretta also told me that the Arekee would kill A-moppa. A-moppa came and begged I would intercede with the Arekee, and speak to him in his behalf. I therefore requested Towretta to go to the Arekee with a message from me, to tell him I wished the difference between A-moppa and him to be accommodated without coming to any battle, and begged of Towretta to use his influence with him also. In a few days I received a message from the Arekee thro' Towretta and Temmaranga to say that he would not put A-moppa to Death, but that their difference must be settled in a public meeting. Very early in the Morning of the 11 Inst [Aug 11] before I was up, Amoppa called at my Cabbin window. I got up and inquired what he wanted when he informed me that the meeting between him and the Arekee was to take place that day, and requested I would be present. The Surgeon Mr Hume and Mr Hilliard Captain's Clerk after we had got breakfast we went in one of the Ships Boats accompanied by Mr James Downie— A-moppa who had remained along side followed us with his friends in 16 Canoes— The Arekee was about 3 Miles off at the Head of one of the Coves. When we arrived the Arekee was prepared to receive us. A-moppas men [1820 Aug 11] were all armed— The Arekees were armed likewise, some with muskets others with Pattoos, and other weapons of war. A-moppa drew up his Canoes in a Line, when all his men leaped into the water, and ran like furies all Naked in close body with their Spears ready for the Attack towards the beach where the Arekees men were drawn up. After they had gone thro' their military Evolutions and war Dance, the Arekees party now went thro' the same exercises, closing their motions with the war dance. The charges now against A-moppa were publickly discussed by the leading men on both sides. Several spoke with great warmth, while each party interested in the Dispute attended to their public Speeches, which continued a length of Time. We understood that the Arekee demanded and received one Canoe, and one Slave as an atonement from A-moppa for his Crime, and thus the business was finally settled— All differences now amongst the Chiefs at the Thames were adjusted, and mutual Harmony restored. I now determined to leave the Thames on the following day, as I had given up all hopes of the Schooners arrival. E-nakkee promised to furnish me with a good Canoe, and to go along with me to the Bay of Islands. I was very happy that no differences had taken place between the Europeans, and the Natives, and I hoped that a good understanding would continue between them till the Corromandel sailed from the River. After we had returned on board the Coromandel Temmaranga came to me in great agitation. I requested to know the cause. He informed me, when he was at the Thames on a former occasion, a Chief had given him a Maree, one of their War Instruments to sell for him for an Axe— This Instrument was made of the talc which they value very highly. Temmaranga got only a small Tomahawke for it which he conceived was by no means equal to its value. The Chief was very angry with Temmaranga, and had sent him a message to say if he did not procure him an Axe, he would employ one of their priests to kill him by incantation. Temmaranga assured me he should surely die if the Chief put his Threat in Execution, and requested I would give him an Axe to save his Life. I endeavoured to convince him of the absurdity of such a threat but to no purpose— he still persisted he should die, and that the priest possest that power, and began to draw the Lines of Incantation upon the Ships Deck, in order to convince me how the operation was performed— He said the Messenger was waiting in a Canoe alongside for his answer. [1820 Aug 11] Finding it was of no use to argue with him, I gave him an Axe which he joyfully Received, and delivered it to the Messenger with a request that the Chief would be satisfied, and not proceed against him— In such strong Chains of Superstition does the prince of this World bind the dark minds of these poor Heathen Captives. What an infinite blessing will divine Revelation be to the inhabitants of New Zealand, when its Glorious light once breaks in upon them. At the present their minds are tormented with the most painful Fears upon the slightest occurrence, which they suppose will offend their God— and their Bodies suffer very severely from their strict observance of their Ceremonial Polutions. From the influence which Satan has upon their minds, they are driven to the opposite extremes of religious superstition and Crime. I have known a Native tell me that his God would kill him in consequence of my having taken a little fire from his, to light mine with, without any intention on my part to hurt his mind; and I am persuaded from his great agitation, that he believed this would be his fate while at the same time that very man would more than probable kill and Eat his fellow Creature without remorse. I have never met with one New Zealander, but who has considered God, as a vindictive Being, and at all times ready to punish them for any ceremonial neglect even with Death— Hence they labour by every mortification and self denial to avert his Anger.— A Chief I am well acquainted with burnt his home, which had been built very neat, and had much carving about it, in hopes of appeasing the anger of his God, a very short time ago, I went to pay him a visit and stayed all night with him, admired the neatness of His House when I went again there was not a vestige remaining, and on inquiring the Cause, I was told he had burnt it to pacify His God— August 12th— [Aug 12] This morning I took my leave of Captain Downie and embarked in the Coromandels Launch for the west side of the River Thames. The Thames opposite to where the Coromandel Anchored was about 15 Miles across— On the west shore another river called the Wyeroa empties itself into the Thames. This River is large.— Some small islands are situated in it, and in some of the Coves good shelter, and Anchorage may be found for Shipping. When I left the Coromandel my intention was to proceed to Magoea a Native Settlement upon the Banks of another river [in pencil - ^the tamaki] which falls into the Wyeroa— Here I purposed to take a Canoe, and immediately set off for [1820 Aug 12] the Bay of Islands. On stepping into the Launch alongside the Coromandel I observed a Woman veiled up under a mat, and was informed she was the wife of a Chief who was gone on a war Expedition to the Southward, and had formed an attatchment to my Friend Temmaranga, and was determined to accompany him to the Bay of Islands— I immediately requested Mr Anderson the 2d Master to order this Lady out of the Launch, and informed Temmaranga no Woman of her Character could be allowed to go with me: as she was another mans wife she must be left behind, for when her husband returned from the war, and found that his wife had been taken away in his absence, he would seek revenge and probably blame the Europeans. Temmaranga made no objections to her being put out of the Boat. He said it was her own wish to go with him. The Lady was then ordered out but she would not move. The Sailors were then directed to take her out by force. She made all the resistance in her power, but was at length placed in a Canoe, and the Launch put off immediately. When we had got about two hundred yards from the Ship we observed this Lady swimming after us, and making every exertion to reach the Launch. Temmaranga was much agitated now, called out to me saying she would be drownded and wished the Launch to be put back to save her life. I told him she was a bad Character, and we could not put back for her, and that he need not be alarmed for she would return to the Ship when she saw her efforts to gain the Launch, were in vain. She soon saw herself drop astern very fast, and we observed her turn again towards the Coromandel, which relieved Temmarangas anxiety. Our passage across the Thames was very pleasant, and we anchored the same Evening at Magoea, situated between forty and fifty Miles from the Coromandel. As it was midnight when we Anchored, I remained all night on board the Launch, tho' the Air was very cold. E-Nakkee one of the principal Chiefs of Magoea was with us. He had been a few Days on board the Coromandel and had accompanied me with the intention of conveying me in his Canoe to the Bay of Islands— [Aug 13] 19th Early this morning E-nakkees Son with several of the Natives came off to the Launch which lay about four miles from the Settlement when his Father went on shore. E-nakkee is a great Warrior, a very fine tall handsome man, apparently about 36 Years old [1820 Aug 13] has been in many actions. Mr Anderson and I had the curiosity to count the Scars on his Body which he had received from Spear wounds, and found them to amount to fifty. One of his front Teeth had been knocked out with a Patoo Patoo, and another broke. After breakfast, Mr Anderson accompanied me to Magoea— It is a very populous Settlement and contains the finest race of People I had seen in New Zealand, and very healthy— Their Houses are superior to most I have met with. Their stores full of Potatoes containing some Thousands of Baskets, and they had some very fine Hogs. The Soil is uncommonly rich, and easily cultivated. The number of Women and Children was very great, but most of the fighting men were gone on a war expedition to the Southward. After visiting the different Chiefs, I returned on board the Launch for my Baggage, and when relanded E-nakkee provided me with a good Hut for myself and Native Companions, and supplied us with plenty of Potatoes, and such food as they had— I here met with two Chiefs from Kipero; one of whom was a Priest of great note amongst the Natives. His name is Moodee a Kow— The name of the other Chief was A-wye— They expressed their regret that they had not seen me when I visited Kiperro, and observed a number of People had Assembled at the Village where I had stopt in hopes of seeing me, but on their arrival they found I had returned, by which they were much grieved and disappointed. I endeavoured to convince them that I was as much disappointed as they could be, as it was my wish to have seen them all if my time would have allowed me: but that I was compelled to return at the time I did in order to meet the Ships Launch on a certain day, or I could not have got back again to the Coromandel. I found the Priest a remarkable mild man, and so was the other Chiefs. We spent the Evening in conversation on various Subjects— The Hut I was in, was crouded with Natives: and great numbers surrounded the outside. I informed E-nakkee that I wished to sail for the Bay of Islands the next morning— He told me this would be impossible, as the Canoe would require to be put into Complete repair before he could venture to sea at this Season of the Year: and that it would take two Days before he could get her ready. This information was very mortifying to me, as I was anxious to return lest I should lose my Passage in the Schooner should she come again to ye Dromedary. However I had no alternative, and was compelled to [1820] submit to the necessity of my Situation. [Aug 14] 14th This morning I accompanied E.Nakkee and some other Chiefs, and work men to examine the Canoe and to set about the necessary repairs. The Canoe was about 60 feet long, designed for war, and very commodious. E-nakke immediately set to work with several other men. He took all the Canoe to pieces, in order to make it as strong and complete as it was the day it was first launched. In the course of the day we were visited by different Chiefs, and some from remote parts of the Southward— Several lent their assistance in repairing the Canoe, so that by the Evening they had put a great part of her together again. The weather was wet and stormy, that if the Canoe had been ready it would not have been possible to put to Sea. I spent part of the Day in walking thro' the Potatoe Grounds, in which a number of Slaves were at work. Near the Settlement there is a very high Hill, which commands a very extensive prospect. Its top and sides have every appearance that it is the production of some Volcanic Eruption. On the East side the flat Land for the distance of near a mile is covered with Stones of various dimensions, very hard, of a dark grey colour, full of holes, and some of them appear very much burnt. The soil both amongst the Stones, and where there are none, is a very rich Dark brown Loam, and fit for all the purposes of vegetation— Agriculture by the Plough might be carried on here to very considerable extent, as a pair of Horses would easily work the greatest part of the ground. They have no grain of any kind— Sweet and common Potatoes with Turnips and Cabbages constitute their principal food. After I had returned from my walks, and the Natives from their Labour, the Evening was spent till a late hour, in conversing upon Agriculture Commerce, civil Government Religion &c. Subjects they shew much anxiety to become acquainted with— [Aug 15] 15th This morning E-nakkee, and his people began to work at the Canoe, in order to complete her by the Evening. After working all the day they painted and neatly finished her, excepting a few ornaments made of feathers for the Head and stern. The weather was very stormy; and from all appearances was likely to continue so— Enakkee informed me I might not be able to put to sea for a month or more on account of the weather. This news I was not prepared to hear. I was fearful of losing my passage to Port Jackson, and besides I had only a few Days provision. I now resolved to walk to the Bay of Islands; and to leave [1820 Aug 15] Magoea the following Day, and communicated my intention to E-Nakkee, and wished to know from him which way I could travel. All the Chiefs told me I could not make my way to the Bay of Islands on the East side of New Zealand, as the Sea Shore in many places were nothing but high Rocks which I could not pass— neither could I cross the Rivers nor head the Bays which ran into the Sea on the East side. If I was determined to go I must take my Route by Kiperro on the West side, and strike off into the interior of the Country in order to head the main Rivers or bays— My Companion Temmaranga said he would accompany me; and when we had made the western shore we could pass up a River called Wyeroa to a Settlement named Mongakaiea, which would bring us within three or four days walk of the Missionary settlement at Kiddee Kiddee. He further observed, the Road from Mongakaiea at this season of the year would be very difficult to travel, on account of heavy Rains— We should have a number of swamps to wade through, and one river which in rainy weather was both deep and rapid. The swamps I did not think any thing of, but the river which we should have to pass six times presented a Difficulty I did not know how I could overcome, as I could not swim. Temmaranga observed they could carry me across the River in a Hammock as they carried the wounded from the field of Battle. This remark removed my objections in a moment, And I resolved immediately to prepare for my Journey— As Enakkee had prepared the Canoe entirely for my Service, I thought it but just to pay him and his people for their Labour— I called them together, and delivered into Enakkees Hands the whole payment, in order that he might satisfy every man according to his ability and Rank. They were all much gratified. Enakkee said if I would only stay till the weather would allow him to put to sea, he would man the Canoe with his own people and accompany me to the Bay of Islands, and afterwards make me a present of the Canoe. I thanked him for His Kindness but could not accept his offer. After all matters were finally arranged we retired to rest. [Aug 16] 16th No change in the weather this morning nor any prospect of any change— The wind blew hard attended with light Rain. As soon as Breakfast was over I collected all my Baggage opened my Sea Chest as I could not take it with me, in order to shew Enakkee every article it contained, as it was my intention to leave it with him, as he promised to bring it to the Bay of Islands, when the weather was more moderate— I left some other Articles with him which I could not put into the Chest. I had received every mark [1820 Aug 16] of attention from these natives. The Chiefs assured me, if the Active or any other Vessel touched at their Settlement, they would pay every attention to them. It was this Tribe that had a contest with the Brothers and Trial two brigs from port Jackson near Mercury Bay Towrangha between four and five years ago; when six Europeans were killed, and as they informed me, two hundred of them were shot. The quarrel originated in some difference between the Masters of the Vessels and the Chiefs. The natives were very near cutting them both off. In this Contest one of the Head Chiefs was shot dead, and his son wounded, who stated the Circumstances to me and shewed me where he received his wound— and another has a Ball in his Arm to this day. The two Chiefs belonging to Kiperro had remained with me at Magoea to the present time. They were greatly rejoiced that I had determined to pass thro' their district in my way to the Bay of Islands— and told me they and their Servants would attend me to Kiperro— We immediately prepared for our departure, and I took my leave of these Hospitable Heathens, hoping that the period was not far distant, when their vallies would stand thick with corn, and the Voice of Joy and Gladness would be heard in those dreary dwellings where darkness superstition and death have taken up their constant abode— On leaving Magoea we crossed over a neck of Land to a river called Wyeteemattie up which we were to pass. I have already mentioned this river. On our arrival at the Wharf where the Chiefs had left their Canoe, we found it had been taken away. One of the Slaves was immediately dispatched to the next Village in order to procure a Canoe— In about an Hour he returned with a very fine Canoe, and some men. I immediately agreed with the owner to take us up to the Head of the River distance about 20 Miles or more. It blew very hard, and there was a very high Sea in consequence of the River being very wide, and a strong tide, which compelled us to keep in shore. We arrived at the Head of the River a few Hours after dark— It was very wet and cold— The natives kindled a fire on the Shore, as there were no Huts, where we remained till day light. [Aug 17] 17th We prepared for our Journey at the dawn of day; and after walking for about Two Hours, sat down to Breakfast near a Stream of fresh Water. When we had taken some refreshment we proceeded on our way, and arrived at the first Village in the district of Kiperro, where I had spent a Night when I was there before. It was now about two O'Clock. The Chief pressed me to stay with him till the following day. All my companions were tired— [1820 Aug 17] But I wished to go a few miles further towards Kiperro river, but it was with difficulty I could prevail upon one Chief to go with me— as they wished to remain all night in their present situation.— I left all the party excepting Awye the Kipirro Chief— we walked very fast over the Sand Hills which extends for many miles, and in about Three Hours we came to the edge of a small fresh water Lake at the foot of a Wood, and in the corner were a few native Huts in which we found one young Chief his Wife and a few Slaves. They were a very fine Couple and appeared to have been newly married— Their own Hut was very clean and neat and the Floor covered with a clean mat. They were all much astonished to see me— as I believe none of them had ever seen a white person before— We determined to remain here all night. I immediately took off my Cloths, as they were very wet, and dried them, and put them on again. The name of this Chief was Apoo— He immediately had some very fine Potatoes dressed for us. Potatoes and fern root, with some wild fruit something like an olive was all the food they appeared to have— He was just beginning to clear a part of the Wood for cultivation— which is a most laborious operation, as they have not proper tools. Being much fatigued having walked hard from very early in the Morning till Evening, after taking some refreshment I lay down to rest wrapt up in my great Coat under the Guardian Care of Him who keepeth Israel. After I had been here a while my companions dropt in one after another— till they all arrived. Apoo provided an abundance of Potatoes, Fern Root and wild fruit for the whole party, who retired to rest as soon as they had taken the necessary refreshments. [Aug 18] 18th As soon as the Day appeared we prepared to leave this sequestered spot near which no human Habitation was to be seen for miles. Apoo and his wife prepared to accompany us— We past the beautiful little lake and ascended the rising Sand Hills which are soft and loose like Mountains of Snow. There is not a Tree, or Shrub, or any vegitation for a long distance to break the stormy blasts— so that the Sand is driven on heaps by the contending winds every day— There are no paths or tracks in any direction; for the footsteps of Travellers are immediately covered by the rolling drifts. As we crossed these Hills and Vallies of Sand, we had now and then, a very extensive view of the Western Ocean, on one hand, and the rivers that flow from the interior on the other— [1820 Aug 18] In about two Hours we arrived at the Head of the Valley situated at the foot of one of the Sand Hills. In this Valley stood Awyes Village. He had sent a Messenger unknown to me the preceeding Evening to inform his wife of my arrival, when we arrived at the Village we found a number of People assembled together waiting our coming. Awyes wife, daughters and Slaves were full dressed. They were cloathed with their best Mats; their Heads ornamented with Feathers, and had prepared an immense quantity of Common and Sweet Potatoes, and some Tarra a root which they are very fond of, about the size of a small Turnip. A Shed had also been prepared, and covered with clean Fern for us to sit in— Here the Natives had a great feast according to their Custom— There was a portion for me, another for Temmaranga and the party who constantly attended me, dressed and placed before us in small Baskets. In this manner the whole were divided. After Breakfast was over, what provisions remained each party deposited their portion in the same baskets they had been served in as their own, in order to take it away with them. It is an invariable Custom with the New Zealanders to take away what they cannot eat when they visit each other. On my first entering the Village the Children were dreadfully terrified. They shreiked aloud and ran in all directions to hide themselves, screaming with all their might— One alarmed another. If I had come from the invisible world, they could not have been more sore afraid. The impression upon their infant minds at the first sight of a white person was so alarming as not to be removed while I remained amongst them; tho' some of them attended me with their parents for three Days afterwards in visiting the different Chiefs.— Whenever they caught my eye by any accident they shreiked aloud; and no attentions of mine could pacify them. I had not met with any circumstance of this kind before in New Zealand. The Children are generally very easy open and familiar at the first interview, and shew an anxiety to pay every little attention in their power to strangers. There can be no finer Children than the New Zealanders in any part of the world. Their parents are very indulgent, and they appear always happy and playful, and very active.— After stopping a few Hours with Awye and his Friends it was proposed that I should proceed to the next Village to Dinner, where two great Chiefs resided; one named A mok? (moka), and the other [1820 Aug 18] Mowetta [Mawete]— The latter a great Warrior. Every party packed up what provisions remained in their Baskets, and we marched towards the Village which was two or three miles distant. Our Company consisted of more than fifty amongst the number were Apoo and his wife, the Priest and Awye. We past thro' some very rich land, but hilly. A number of Slaves were at work preparing the ground for Planting with Potatoes— When we came in sight of the Village, we were hailed with loud acclamations. The Chiefs and their friends were ready to receive us. After the common introductions and Salutations we all sat down under a Shed. I had not been long seated when a Chief presented me with a Cat suspended by a Cord, at the End of a long spear not quite dead— I understood he intended I should have this dressed as a delicate feast for Dinner: I told him the white people never eat Cats, nor Dogs— That they were Tabooed Animals, and never used as an Article of food. He immediately took the Cat away. They all seemed to think it strange. that we did not eat these Animals wch they considered such choice food. I told him we eat other Animals, which they had not seen, and also Hogs. Shortly after this I was presented with a very large fat Hog— Temmaranga killed it in the English mode; and his Servant dressed it in the same manner; when it was hung upon a tree as clean as if it had been killed for an English Market— The New Zealanders kill their Pigs not by bleeding but by a blow on the scull; and holding their Heads under water till they are strangled. At this Village a number of Chiefs soon assembled amongst whom was one named Moodeepanga [murupaenga]. This Chief is considered one of the greatest Warriors in New Zealand. I had often heard of the Fame of this man from Duaterra, Tooi and others. He has been the rival of Shunghee and his Tribe for almost Twenty years. Before the Boyd was cut off at Wangaroah in 1809 Shunghee went against Moodeepanga with a great force— Moodeepanga defeated him, slew two of his brothers, wounded him, killed the greatest part of his officers and men, and compelled him to save his life by flight. The Chiefs on the south side of the Bay of Islands united their Forces after this and went against Moodeepanga. As they relied upon their Muskets and not upon their ordinary weapons of war, Spears and Patooes, Moodeepanga out Generaled them. When the two contending parties met in the field of Battle, Moodeepanga knew that the Enemy was armed with Muskets. He directed his men that when the Enemy advanced, and were on the point of firing their Muskets, to lie that instant flat upon the [1820 Aug 18] Ground and as soon as they had discharged their Muskets to rush upon them. This Stratagem succeeded. The Enemys shot past over his men, when they instantly rushed upon them, threw the whole into disorder killed a Number of their Chiefs, amongst whom were Weeveas Father, and King Georges. The Chiefs that escaped saved themselves by Flight, and returned home with only fifteen men, the rest were killed or taken prisoners. I have often heard the Chiefs who escaped in this Action speak of this Battle. My friend Temmaranga has accompanied four war expeditions against Kiperro, in two of wch he was defeated— Many of His friends were slain— amongst the number was his Grandfather who after he was killed, was roasted and eat as a mental Gratification by the Conquering party. Tho' Temmaranga has been at war with most of the Chiefs in these districts yet he was treated with great respect wherever he came. The different battles and places where they formerly fought, who conquered and who fell; were frequent subjects of conversation. And also what became of the Bodies of the Chiefs— Whether they were buried or eat. I met with no family but some branches of them had been killed in battle and afterwards eat by the Enemy. If any Chief fell into the Hands of a Tribe by the chance of war, whom he had oppressed and injured, they were sure to roast and eat him— and after devouring his flesh, would preserve his bones in the family as a momento of his fate, and convert them into Fish Hooks and whistles, and ornaments. The custom of eating their Enemies is universal. The origin of this Custom is now too ancient to be traced. It is a subject of constant conversation with the principal Families I have visited. And tho' they generally speak of it with a degree of horror and disgust, yet they expect that this will be their Fate in the end as it has been the Fate of their Forefathers and Friends. Wherever I came, and the Subject was broached, I represented to them how much their national Character suffered in the opinion of all civilized Nations from the Horrid Custom of eating one another. That the whole world looked upon them with the utmost abhorrence, as no custom of this kind was allowed in other Countries. Many of them regretted that it should be the Custom of their Country and observed when they knew better they would leave it off. That it was not a new thing, but had always been practised in New Zealand. If the Head of a Tribe is killed and eat the survivors consider it the greatest disgrace that can befall them: and in their turn they seize the first oppertunity to retaliate in the same way. By this means their mutual contests are continually [1820 Aug 18] kept alive, and war becomes their study and their trade. All these subjects were now fully discussed between me Moodeepanga and the other Chiefs— many of them are very intelligent men. Moodeepanga is a man of very quick perceptions: his mind was alive to every observation— His complexion is very dark his Eye fiery keen and penetrating— his Body of a middle stature, but very strong and active. He appeared to be about fifty years old. From the Expression in his Countenance and manly deportment he cannot fail in commanding respect amongst his Countrymen— I have heard so much said of Him for years, that I was gratified in meeting him. He told me his residence was at some distance; but that he had come to pay his his respects to me, as soon as he heard I had arrived, and hoped he should see me at his Village— I told him I was much obliged to him for his marked attention, and that I should pay him a visit the following day. We had now continued our conversation till Dinner was announced when more than Eighty arranged themselves upon the Ground according to their rank. The Slaves then placed a certain number of Baskets of Provisions before each Family— when all were satisfied each family packed up what remained into their Baskets for their future use. As soon as dinner was over we entered into conversation again upon various subjects such as civil Government Agriculture and Religion— Superstition had a wonderful influence over the minds of the people I was now with. The Trees and old stumps of Trees, and every kind of Rubbish, as well as their Fires and Huts were all Tabooed— They were afraid lest any part of my Provisions dressed or undressed should toutch any of their Tabooed things— and assured me they would die if they did— That their God would kill them. The Chiefs and their wives were also Tabooed. They could not toutch a Potatoe, or any other provisions with their own hands, which they wanted to eat. If there was no person at hand to serve them, they lay down upon the Ground, and gathered up their food with their mouth. As the principal Priest Moodeeokou had attended me from the Time I first met him, at Magoea before I left the Thames and was still with me, I entered into a Conversation with him on the subject of the Tabboo, and endeavoured to point out what privations they suffered from a mistaken notion of God. I told them there was but one God, that the God who had made the white people, had made them. That He would never be angry with them for making use of their own hands to eat their provisions with. That if he had not intended that they should use them for all their purposes he would not have [1820 Aug 18] made them any Hands: nor would he be angry with them for drinking water out of my Cup, or roasting a Potatoe at my fire or with them, for allowing me to roast a Potatoe at their fire. They might also Eat in their Houses without giving offence to God. I stated to them that Pomarre King of Otaheite once Tabooed every thing as they did, but had now laid aside this absurd custom, and acted in all these things as the white people did. Yet God was not angry with him,— he did not die, nor would he be angry with them if they acted in the same way— They heard me with apparent surprise, and asked a number of Questions. I stated to them what God had forbidden them to do, and what he would be angry with them for. That he would be angry with them if they stole one anothers Potatoes, Pork, or any other article.— If they seduced one anothers wives, murdered and eat one another: that those were the Crimes which would make God Angry. And cause him to punish them. They readily admitted that these were crimes, but our God and theirs were different. They said I might violate their Tabooes, eat in their houses or dress my provisions upon their fires, their God would not punish me, but he would kill them for my Crimes. I asked them if they knew any thing of the God of Kiperro, if they had any communication with him, they replied that they often heard him whistle, with a low note. I asked Moodeekow if he as their priest had any communication with their God; he also said that he had heard him whistle and sounded the notes which he heard. I replied I could not credit what they all said unless I heard him myself. They all asserted what they had stated was true, and that all the Inhabitants in New Zealand knew it to be true. I still doubted, and told the priest unless I heard the Attua myself I could not believe that either he or any other person ever heard him; and that I wished to accompany him to any place where I could hear the communication between him and the Attua. He told me the Attua was in the Bush and I could not hear him— I replied I would accompany him into the Bush to him. When he came to be very close pressed, he said they had no God at Kiperro, he had heard there was a God at Shukee Hanga, but they had none, and requested I would give him one of my Gods, and he would put him in a Box, that he might have him always with him. I had never seen any idol God, nor had I ever heard before that the New Zealanders [1820 Aug 18] had any idea of a material God. In answer to his request I told him there was only one true and living God who had made the World and all things therein. That if I should make him a God, he would be of wood or some other Substance which could be easily burnt or destroyed. They all smiled at the Idea of burning a God— and evidently saw the absurdity of a material Idol. Whether Satan is permitted to practise any oral deception in support of his spiritual Dominion (for he is the God of this world) and in maintenance of those Dark Superstitions, which universally pervade the minds of these poor Heathens, I cannot tell— I have met with no New Zealanders even the most enlightened amongst them; but who do firmly believe; that their Priests have communication with their God— and many both of their Priests and others have told me that they have heard their God. This is a subject of such a mysterious nature, that I cannot make up my own mind either to believe or to disbelieve what is so universally credited in New Zealand. I do not pretend to know how far the Agency of Satan may extend in a barbarous and uncivilized nation; where there is no human or Divine Law to check or restrain mens corrupt Passions. This I am fully convinced of, that in all regular civil Governments where wholesome Laws lays the necessary restraints upon mens turbulent Passions, that the secret Agency of Satan (that Spirit which worketh in the Hearts of the Children of Disobedience) is greatly restrained, and the force of his wicked instigations weakened and counteracted by those Laws. I have dropt the above hints as they struck me at the moment— and shall now go on with my narrative. We continued till very late in the evening discussing their Ideas of God their Tabooing and various Superstitions under which they suffer many privations. Temmaranga observed there were too great a number of Priests at New Zealand, that they tabooed and prayed the people to Death. He related circumstances that happened to himself when he accompanied me to Mercury Bay [Towrangha]; that one of the Priests on the Banks of the River Thames had told him, that he had seen his Ghost and that if he dared to go with me to Mercury Bay [Towrangha] the Attua had revealed to him he would kill him in four days. The Priest intreated him to return. That he was much alarmed, and stated to me what the priest had communicated to him, and that I told him to pay no attention to what the Priest said, for the God of Mercury Bay had no power to hurt him, and in consequence of my assurances he had proceeded with me, and returned safe back, which proved the falsehood of the Priest. Temmaranga argued very strongly against the Tabboo, tho' at the same [1820 Aug 18] time his mind is greatly fettered with Superstition. He cannot admit the Idea that our God is their God. He would frequently say our God was good, and we had no need of the Taboo but the God of New Zealand was bad. Temmaranga explained our Customs manners and Religion to them as far as he was able. He is a very intelligent man, and at the same time a man of Great observation, and having resided with me at Parramatta for some time, he had gained considerable Knowledge— When he thought my observations pressed too hard upon the Superstitions of his Country he would observe, “when you send Missionaries to Kiperro, and the inhabitants know better they will lay aside the Taboo. After we had conversed till almost midnight to our mutual gratification we retired to rest— but the natives would not let me sleep much: one and another would be calling to me and asking me some question on the subjects we had conversed upon. [Aug 19] 19th As soon as Breakfast was over I prepared to return Moodeepangas visit— Several of the principal Chiefs accompanied me. In about an hour we arrived at the residence of Moodeepangas Son, whose name is Kahoo— He was much rejoiced to see us, and urged us to dine with him. As I had devoted this day merely to visiting I had no objection. Dinner was immediately prepared and clean Fern spread upon the Ground for us all to sit down upon. He is a very fine young man, had not been long married— His residence is in a rich valley— The soil well adapted for the growth of sweet and common potatoes, an abundance of which were now dressed for the party. When dinner was over we proceeded towards Moodeepangas in our way we past by a very fine and strongly fortified Hippah belonging to Mowetta, and thro' some rich Vallies, in one of them about two months ago a battle was fought in which one Chief fell. When I arrived at Moodeepangas he was ready to receive me. His Children were all dressed and their heads ornamented with Feathers— and his Head Wife had got her Dogskin Garment on. He had got the stump of a tree placed where he intended I should sit, and had made a Cushion of Bullrushes which was placed upon it. He expressed the great Gratification which my visit gave him, and presented me with an immense Hog, ordered provisions to be prepared for my Companions— and then we entered into a general Conversation upon different subjects— we talked over the wars between Shunghees Tribe and his. Moodee Panga said he [1820 Aug 19] did not wish to be at War with any tribe: but he was compelled to fight to protect himself and people, and that a party of Shunghees Tribe was now plundering and Murdering the Inhabitants in the districts of Kiparro, and he was afraid he should be compelled to appeal to arms again. He as well as most of the Chiefs wished for some regular Government by which they could obtain protection to their Persons and Properties. Temmaranga explained to them how the Government of Port Jackson was conducted: that we had only one King which was Governor Macquarie, and he put a stop to all fighting there. King George he had heard did the same in England. But while there were so many Kings in New Zealand, there would be continual wars. he said Captain Downie of the Coromandel had written to King George, to send a man of war to New Zealand, and he thought when she came, the Country would be greatly benefited, as she would prevent the People from the Bay of Islands from coming to the river Thames and Kiperro to plunder and Murder the Inhabitants. Moodeepanga wished to know if the Ship would come round to the Kiperro River. I told him that would depend upon the Harbour, if the entrance was good and the Harbour safe, I had no doubt but she would. But if there was a bar across the Harbour mouth a Ship could not get in. He said there were plenty of fine spars on the banks of the river in his district if Ships could come for them, which he very much wished. He should also like some Europeans to reside with him for the benefit of his people. I told him much would depend upon the River, and Harbour, but till these were examined nothing could be done in that respect. His residence is very beautiful. In view of the river Kiperro, and the Land about him very good, tho' of a light sandy nature— completely free from Stones as far as I observed. A deal of it would grow fine wheat and barley. The Country has the remaining vestages of a great Population, but is now thinly inhabited. [Aug 19] In the Evening I returned again to my former Lodgings. The next day being the Sabbath I wished to spend it there, and on Monday to proceed on my Journey— We arrived at Sunset, and spent the Evening in a long conversation upon the immortality of the Soul which Doctrine is universally believed amongst them; the Resurrection of the Body which they could not comprehend, tho' they did not deny the Possibility of the Resurrection of the Body. I stated to them the Happy [1820 Aug 19] Death of the righteous, and told them when their God revealed to them that they were to die, they were not afraid of Death: but were happy in the prospect of being in the same place where their God dwelt after death. But that they knew this was not the Case with the New Zealanders, when they thought they were going to die, they were very much afraid, and did not wish to die. They said this was the Case always with their Countrymen— they were at all times afraid to die. I told them when they came to understand Gods Book which he had given to the White Men, and which the Missionaries would give unto them, and teach them to understand it, they would not be afraid to die any more than the white people who were good. They clearly comprehended the difference between one who was afraid to die, and one who was not. They said all the Souls of the New Zealanders went when they died, into a Cave at the North Cape, and from thence descended into the Sea to the next World. The privations and mortifications which those poor Heathens suffer from a sense of guilt and fear are many and great. Without a Divine Revelation is communicated to them, they can never find a remedy that can free their minds from the bondage of Superstition, under the influence of which many sicken and pine away and die. They have no idea of a God of mercy, who can do them good: but they are under the most painful fears of an invisible being, who is, according to their belief at all times ready to kill and devour them: and will kill them if they neglect the smallest Iota in any of their Superstitious Ceremonies. To drink a little water out of the same Cup with me, at the time they are Tabooed by the Priest, would be considered an Offence against their God, sufficient to induce him to put them to death. When I told them that my God was good, that I was not afraid of his anger— That He took care of me both by night and by day wherever I went; and that He always heard me when I prayed unto him: They said they had no such God. Their God only punished and killed them. When I was amongst those Tribes I always thought it proper to pray publicly amongst them, explaining to them before I begun, what I was going to do. The performance of this duty, tho' the Natives did not understand what I said, yet it furnished me with a Subject of Conversation, which [1820 Aug 19] might tend to their edification. If they wished to know what I prayed for I told them, that I might be preserved in good Health. That my God would not suffer any accident to happen to me, while I was travelling thro' their Country, and that my God would send them some Missionaries to live with them, and give them his Book, and put an end to their Wars: and give them also plenty of Wheat and Cattle, that their Wives and Children might have plenty of Bread and Animal food to eat. They would pay great attention while I stated these things, and would add these things were very good. In the above manner we closed the week and retired to rest. [Aug 20 Sunday] 20th This being the Sabbath, I had made it known that I should stop one day longer with Mowetta. Moodeepanga and a number more came early to spend the day with me. Tho' these poor Heathens had never heard of a Sabbath Day; yet as it was the Christian Sabbath, I was naturally lead to converse with them on the Creation of the World, and the Institution of this sacred day. It furnished a large Field for conversing upon those objects which were visible to their Senses, the Sun Moon and Stars, as well as upon other parts of the Creation, which they could comprehend. The account given by Moses is so beautiful in Simplicity and order that they found no difficulty in understanding the general outlines of His statement. The Firmament, the Heavenly Bodies; the Fouls of the Air— The Trees of the Forrest, the Grass of the Fields; the Seas, and fishes that pass thro' the great deep were objects with which they were daily conversant— The Order of time in which the different parts of the Creation are stated to have been arranged at the Mighty Fiat of the Supreme being, was so regular and plain in succession that the Account struck their minds with great force— "God said let there be light, and there was light" And the evening and the Morning were the first day" &c. When God had finished all his works on the Sixth Day, he rested on the Seventh, and set it apart for his own immediate worship. I found it very easy to communicate to them the institution of the Sabbath and for what purpose it was ordained. The various subjects, which the account of the Creation suggested furnished much interesting Conversation during the Day. When I found myself deficient in their Language Temmaranga acted as interpreter, by which means I was generally understood.— Moodeepanga was so much [1820 Aug 20] taken up with the Various topics of Conversation that he stopt with me the whole Sabbath, as well as several of the Chiefs, nor did he return home till I took my departure the next day, but remained during the night in the same Hut I lay; in which I had very little Sleep from their repeated conversations. The Hut was well filled with men Women and Children. It was pretty large, and contained more than forty. [Aug 21] 21st This morning I prepared for my departure, and was very anxious to start early, we had about five miles to walk to the Kiperro River, where I was to embark in a Canoe: but as several Chiefs were present and wished to say something on the occasion of my visit, it was two Hours before their different speeches were ended.— Moodepanga expressed himself much gratified by my coming amongst them, and assured me if any Europeans should come to Kiperro to reside there he would protect them. And if the Harbour should be found safe for Ships he requested he might be furnished with Colours to hoist as a Signal when a Ship might appear. By this time the Slaves were collected who were to carry the Provisions for my party, and the men who were to man the Canoe; which consisted of about 700lbs of Potatoes and 300lbs of Pork, which were all ready and packed up in Baskets. I now took my leave of Mowettas residence. Moodeokow [muriaukau] the priest, Awye, Apoo, and upwards of Thirty more accompanied me to the river. When we arrived the Tide was down— we had to remain upon the Banks till two Hours after Dark before there was sufficient depth of water in the Creek where the Canoe was moored to carry her into the River. We got all our provisions and Baggage on board, and embarked before high water. Moodeeokow, Awye, & Apoo, as they had determined to accompany me as far as the Canoe could proceed, took an Affectionate leave of their Friends, who wept aloud, and cut themselves, according to their Custom, till the blood streamed down their faces. This is a painful sight to the civilized and enlightened mind. These poor Heathens are tormented in every possible way, that the influence of Superstition can operate. What an infinite blessing will their deliverance from their present darkness be even in a temporal view. When the Tide turned we proceeded with great rapidity down the Stream. The River was broad; but as it was dark [1820] I could not ascertain the depth of the water. The night was cold— We went on shore a little before low water [at aotea Bluff], made a fire on the beach, and there remained till the return of Day.— [Aug 22] 22d I found in the morning the Tide to rise about 10 feet with Ten fathoms water near the Shore where we anchored the Canoe. We embarked again a little before high water; and in less than an hour arrived opposite a Village where we slept for a short time. I went on shore, and was informed that Shunghees tribe were plundering, and murdering the Inhabitants on the banks of the Wyeroa, a River we had to go up after we had entered the Harbour of Kiperro. I regretted much to hear this report on account of the Calamities these plundering murdering parties bring upon the Inhabitants, as many of them would be compelled to flee into the woods, where they would be exposed to every hardship that nature could bear from Hunger, Cold, and rain. After stopping about half an hour we proceeded down the River with the Tide; and about two OClock we arrived at a Settlement belonging to a Chief named O.Rakka [Hauraki]. His Village [Te Kauau] stands in a bite on the South Side of the River, about four miles from the mouth of the Harbour. This Village is large and very populous, I went on shore. The Chief was at Home. He received me very kindly. I told him I had come to see the River Kiperro and to examine the entrance into the Harbour, in order to see whether any Ships could come in or not. He said there would not be time to examine the mouth of the Harbour that Evening but if I would stay with him till the morning he would go with me. I told him my time was short and I could not stay till the following Day; and that if I could not see the mouth of the Harbour that Evening I should cross over the River for Wyeroa. He replied he wished me much to stay one night, but if I was determined to go I might proceed down the River towards the Entrance, and take a view of it: He immediately accompanied me into the Canoe, and two more Chiefs, and we pulled down the River. The wind blowing very fresh, and there was a very strong Tide going down— When we had put off about a Cables length from Shore I sounded the depths of the water with a line which I had ready in the Canoe, and found 15 Fathoms. The river here or Harbour is very wide. I should imagine from five to Seven Miles at least, but I [1820 Aug 22] had no means to ascertain this accurately. We had not gone much more than a mile when we were compelled from the roughness of the Sea to go on shore. As I could not get near the mouth of the Harbour in the Canoe, I ascended an high hill, which commanded the Sea to a great extent— But from the Hill I could not see the Entrance into the River, or rather the Channel, but I observed breakers a long way out at Sea. The Chief told me there was a Channel which run to the Southward free from the breakers, and was 20 fathoms deep. But as I did not see this Channel I cannot affirm his statement to be correct. Should a Safe entrance be found into this Harbour it will be a very convenient place for Shipping Masts and Spars— There are three fine fresh water Rivers [Hoteo, makarau & Kaukapa Kapa] which run into the Harbour, upon whose banks the finest Spars are to be met with. I saw the Spars upon the Banks of two of these Rivers; the third I did not go up, but was told there were plenty of Spars on the Banks of that river also.— One of these Rivers takes its rise towards the Wyeteematta, a River already mentioned on the west side of the Thames. The second runs from the interior on the East side near Bream Head— The third runs parallel with the sea Coast for thirty or forty miles, and then turns to the Northward and Eastward— I crossed one of the branches of the first River, about seven or eight miles from the Wyeteematta, as I travelled over Land to Kiperro and observed the upper part of its Banks covered with Lofty Spars, and after my arrival at Kiperro I went down the River. On leaving the Harbour of Kiperro I went up the [words crossed out] Wyeroa. As the Harbour is enclosed with High Sand Hills, and the Banks of the large Rivers are Sand I should apprehend that there are many sand banks in the Harbour, some of which I observed, and most probable a Bar across the mouth. where [sic] the immense body of water which must come rolling down these Rivers in the rainy seasons, together with the strong tide will open and clear a Channel for Ships or not I am not competent to Judge; as far as I can form an opinion I am inclined to think there is a dangerous bar, from the very nature of the Sea Shores, and the banks of the Rivers. Finding that it was not possible from the strong wind and rough Sea to gain any true information relative to the Entrance into [1820 Aug 22] the Harbour I made O.Rakka and his friends a trifling present for his attention, and then took our departure for the Wyeroa, with a strong tide and wind in our favour, which we entered after crossing the Harbour. The River Wyeroa appeared to be not less than eight miles wide at the Entrance as far as I could judge by the Eye from the Canoe. The wind increasing with Rain we were compelled to go on Shore a little before dark, and landed at a small village situated on the left Banks [sic] of the River containing about fifty Huts. All the Inhabitants were fled into the woods for fear of the plundering party already mentioned. As the night was very stormy cold and wet we were glad to take shelter in these deserted Huts and therefore landed all our provisions and Baggage for that purpose. Having been in the Canoe a great part of the preceding night, and had scarcely taken any rest we retired at an early hour, and remained very quiet till Morning, tho' the Rain beat and the wind roared loud. [Aug 23] 23rd At day light we found the wind had increased to a very heavy Gale. The Surff broke upon the beach with great violence, and threatened immediate destruction to our Canoe. The Natives threw all their mats off in an instant and rushed into the Surff and dragged the Canoe thro' the Breakers, and then leaped into it. The waves tost it like a Cork. I expected every moment it would have been upset. They pulled off from the Breakers, and then run before the wind and Tide up the river untill they found a Sheltered Cove into which they carried her.— The Storm continued all the day so violent that the Natives could not venture out into the River— The Provisions and Baggage were conveyed along the beach to the Canoe, in order to be ready to proceed when the weather moderated. As there was no prospect of the Storm abating, they put up a Screen with Stakes and Bullrushes about seven feet high on the weather side, which shielded us from the Rain. They made a Hammock of some of the Flax Plant, and slung it under the Screen, and in this I slept during the night. It kept me from the wet ground, and the Bullrushes protected me from the wind and rain. [Aug 24] 24th On the return of day the weather moderated, we put our things into the Canoe as soon as possible, and with the Wind and Tide in our favour we proceeded up the River at [1820 Aug 24] a rapid rate, as we had a very fine Sail, as well as Canoe— The river was three or four miles wide. There were no Natives to be seen on the left Banks; and we observed only a few fires on the right banks as we sailed up the river. The Distance between the Sea and this river for Thirty miles, I could hear the Surf beat upon the Sea Shore as we went along. About two O'Clock we arrived at a Hippah belonging to a Chief named [o-Te-Rangi] Tetoko— a noted warrior in New Zealand. He hailed the Canoe, and urged me to go on Shore. I accepted his invitation. We all landed— He received me with much pleasure. His Hippah was crouded with men women & Children, and in a complete state of defence, according to their mode of Fortification; which would afford Protection against Spears and Clubs; but very little against fire arms. He informed me that part of Shunghees Tribe was in their district— had committed great depredations, and murdered five of his people. He said his Tribe was not able to meet them now in Battle, as he had no Muskets to defend himself with, while the Enemy was strongly armed. I told him I lamented much that they should live in such a continual state of warfare, and be exposed to such public Calamities: but I hoped in time an end would be put to these wars, and that they would have a regular Government which would afford them Protection. He said if any Europeans would only come and live with them, this would afford them some protection. I told him it was possible that some Missionaries might in time reside in His district, but I would not promise him but assured him that on my return to Kiddee Kiddee I would use any influence with Shunghees tribe to prevent them as far as I could from committing such Acts of Violence and Plunder. Tetoko seems very anxious to be permitted to live in Peace and cultivate his Lands. He urged me to remain till the following day; but I told him I could not do this, as I was afraid of losing my Passage to port Jackson. However he would not let me go till we had dined with him, and ordered a large quantity of fish and Potatoes to be cooked— After dinner he presented me with two fine Hogs— I told him it was not in my Power to accept his present, as we had already as much Pork as we could possibly make use of, or carry with us. I could hardly prevent him from putting them into the Canoes, till I told him to take care of them till one of the Missionaries or some other European called upon him, as I intended if I could during the Summer when the weather was fine to send some Person to examine the Harbour of Kiperro, and see whether there was a safe Passage for a Ship to come [1820 Aug 24] in. Tekoko [sic] replied, he knew there was plenty of water for a Ship, and observed there was 20 fathoms. I told him if that was the case, the Inhabitants on the banks of the Rivers would derive great advantages from the Shipping; but this we should know when the Entrance was Examined. He promised he would take care of the Hogs for the purpose I desired. We then took our leave of him, after receiving a quantity of Fish and Potatoes, and making him a small present. There were a great number of very fine Children in this Hippah, sufficient for a very good School— We left the Hippah with a very fine breeze and proceeded up the river— which continued till the sun went down— We continued to pull up the River till dark. As the Tide was strong against us we came to Anchor, and lay in the Canoe till the tide returned, when we immediately set off again, and continued to pull up the river till near day light, when we landed on the beach, made a fire, and cooked some provisions.— [Aug 25] 25th After we had taken some refreshment, and the day appeared we embarked again, and proceeded on our passage. We past a number of small Farms on the banks of the river, but did not see a single inhabitant till almost two OClock when we arrived at a small Village. The inhabitants were under great alarm in consequence of the plundering party that was ranging thro' the districts doing much mischief. The Farm and Village [Tangiteroria, Rev. Jos. Butler's native] belonged to a Chief named Toorow [Taarau] who lived higher up the river. Two Canoes put off and accompanied us to the residence of the Chief. His Hippah stands on a rising bank on the left hand going up the River. When we arrived opposite his river he invited us on Shore which invitation we accepted. He ordered his Slaves immediately to prepare dinner for us— and presented me with a basket of Potatoes to take in the Canoe for my private use. He had got one of the best Houses I had seen in New Zealand; and had built a portico in the Front 16 feet wide, where he and his friends could sit, and enjoy their Conversation sheltered from the weather. His Hippah was completely fortified, with upright Split Timber from 24 to 30 feet high put close together. The Party already mentioned had done him considerable damage, and had killed five of his people. All the inhabitants on the banks of the River were fled into the woods, and had relinquished their Farms. Their Crops were destroyed their Store Houses plundered and their Hogs killed: that numbers [1820 Aug 25] were greatly distressed for food. Their fire arms gave them such an advantage over other Tribes, that none could now stand against them. Toorow had the appearance of a mild man. His place was neat, and his store house well put up. There were a great number of People in his Hippah. I expressed my deep Concern for their distresses, and disapprobation of Shunghees Tribe, robbing and murdering their Country men as they were doing. I promised Toorow I would speak to the principal men belonging to Shunghees Tribe on my return to the Missionary Settlement and persuaded them as far as I could to leave off that dreadful System of war. I pressed upon his mind, and upon all the Chiefs wherever I have gone the necessity of some regular Government being established in New Zealand for the General Benefit and protection of the whole; and that till something of this nature was established, the powerful would always murder and oppress the weak. The Body of the Chiefs that I have seen would be glad to live in peace and cultivate their Grounds, if it was possible for them: but this is impossible in the present state of their Country. After dinner we prepared to depart. Toorow wished us to stop all the following day. I told him the reason why I could not with which he was satisfied. He said he would recommend me not to attempt to proceed any higher up the river Monyakaiea in consequence of the heavy rains. I should find great difficulty in getting up the Rapids, and as the Tide did not flow much higher than we were, we should have the whole stream of the river to pull against. He further added, that a few days ago three Canoes had been broke to pieces by the violence of the Current driving them against the Rocks. Besides I should find great difficulty in crossing a large river [Awaroa] at this rainy season which I should have to pass several times in walking across the Country to Kiddee Kiddee. He also said if the men I had in the Canoe pulled very hard I should be three days before I got to the place where I intended to land. I was a little stunned at these difficulties and wished to know if there was no other way which I could go across the Country to the East side of New Zealand to a Settlement called Wangaree not far from Bream head, where I could get a Canoe to take me down the Coast. That the Road to [1820 Aug 25] Wangaree was pretty good, and no rivers to cross, and not much more than one days journey. I consulted with my Friend Temmaranga who approved of us taking the route by Wangaree, as he had many friends lived there whom he wished to see. I now took my leave of Toorow, and his Friends, and we proceeded up the River a short distance when we entered a River that run to the right at the head of which we were to take our departure for Wangaree. We got up as far as the Canoe could go to the foot of a fall, a little after dark when we went on shore, and made a fire, where we remained till day light. The night was wet and Cold, but the thick Trees afforded us some shelter. [Aug 26] 26th This morning I was to take leave of my kind Kiperro Friends Moodeeokow, Apoo, and Awye as they intended to return home in the Canoe. We had been five days from the time I left Mowettas Village. My Baggage was packed up, and they appointed three of their Slaves to accompany me to the Bay of Islands to assist Temmarangas Servant to carry our Baggage. I made them a few presents of such articles as I had remaining, and we parted with mutual esteem. I had received every mark of attention from these poor Heathens from the time I met them at Magoea to the present period. I could not have expected more kindness, if I had been travelling thro' the most civilized nation in Europe. The morning was stormy and rainy and the road very wet and dirty. We had several runs of water and swamps to wade thro’. After we had walked about four Hours I saw Moodeeokow and his Son a very fine Boy coming after us. When he came up, he said he would accompany me to the Bay of Islands. I was happy that he had formed this resolution: as he would see something of civil life, and civil Society which might be of Service to him, and perhaps to the Mission hereafter. I could not think when we parted of asking him to go with me, as I thought it would be too great a Task for him. He was very happy that He had joined us again. We past a very large Hippah on our right in ruins. It had been a very strong place, and apparently well peopled at no distant period, since Temmaranga informed me the Tribe was now nearly extinct: They had been cut of principally by war— In a short time we came to a small Village on the Plain, the Land very good— but all the inhabitants recently [1820 Aug 26] fled. They had left some few articles behind them in their Huts. We stopt here and dined in one of the sheds for the rain fell very heavy. The Village is situated in the edge of a wood, thro' which we had to pass. Temmaranga in looking about the skirts of the wood found the place where these poor people had secreted their Store of Potatoes when they fled from their Huts. After we had taken some refreshment we pushed on in order to reach another village which Temmaranga knew was a few miles ahead— we pushed on as fast as we could tho' it rained and blew hard, and arrived just as the sun went down. We found all the inhabitants fled from this Village also. A small miserable Hut remained and also a Shed; into these we crept for the night. As we were very wet and weary— I took off my cloaths, but it was with some difficulty we could procure a fire to dry them, from friction, on account of the wood being wet, but at length we succeeded. If we had not, we should have had a much more miserable night. [Aug 27] 27th We proceeded on our Journey early this Morning, and after walking some time we came to another Village that had been lately all burnt. The Land about it was very rich and capable of growing wheat, or any other grain in abundance. This Village was also situated in the Skirt of a wood, and appeared to possess every local advantage in timber water and soil, to enrich the proprietor, could he enjoy the Fruits of His industry. But in such a state of Society there is no security either for persons or property. I could not but lament to see the dreadful effects of mans fall. That man for the sake of a few Potatoes should murder his fellow— burn his habitations; drive his wife and Children into the woods to perish with hunger if they escaped the murderers Hand. Temmaranga made many judicious observations as we past those scenes of devastation, and expressed an ardent desire that the time might soon come when his country would possess the means to put a stop to such wanton cruelties and acts of injustice. He thought when the man of war came out, which Captain Downie had written for, his Country men would be checked, and deterred in some degree from committing such murders as they do at present. When we had past this Village about a mile Temmaranga and the Slaves began to tire; and sat down to rest. I was very wet with wading thro' the swamps, and also warm with walking that I was afraid to sit down lest [1820 Aug 27] I should check perspiration, and by that means catch cold, I therefore walked gently on, and Moodeeokow close behind me. In less than half an hour we ascended some rising Ground, and on the opposite Hill I observed a body of about fifty Natives upon the look out. I was aware that they either belonged to the party who were committing such dreadful outrages amongst the inhabitants, or else an opposite Tribe upon their Guard against them. Moodeeokow when he saw them, turned back immediately to Temmaranga, and seemed much alarmed. I sat upon the Hill. The Natives saw me immediately. Two of them left the party instantly, one of them was completely naked, had a long Spear in his Hand with a Bayonet fixed at the point. The other had a Carpenters Axe with a long handle to it. They bounded across the intervening Valley as swift as their strength would allow them, attended by their faithful dog. When they approached I observed the Dog had got one of his Eyes knocked out, and a cut above the other. The man who had no Cloaths on I observed had received three spear wounds, but they were all healed. When they came up they appeared much astonished to meet a white man in their Forest, and took a silent view of me. They were both Strangers to me, and I was equally strange to them, or more so. I told them my name, with which they were well acquainted. This information explained the singular Circumstance of meeting a white man in such an unexpected place, and they now gave me a very cordial reception and called out to their Companions informing them who I was. I told them Temmaranga was on the road, and would soon be up. They were much rejoiced to hear this News: when he arrived I found that these two men were Temmarangas particular Friends; and had been officers under him in his war Expedition against the people of Mercury Bay Towrangha about January last; and the man who had been speared was the first man wounded in the action fought at that time. They were mutually rejoiced at this unexpected meeting. They now begun to inform Temmaranga of some of the dreadful murders committed by the Naypoois [Ngapuhi]— amongst others they had killed ten belonging to Wangaree in the number were a Chief and his Uncle, and a niece of Temmaranga. These three they had Eat. Temmaranga was greatly afflicted at this information. The Spirit of retaliation fired every nerve, and he seemed eagar for vengeance. When the warmth of his indignation cooled a little, he said he did not wish to go to war; but he was afraid he should be driven to take up arms [1820 Aug 27] as an act of common justice, to his relatives and friends if they continued their Cruelties. I told them on my return I would accompany him to some of the Chiefs of Shunghees Tribe, and hear what they said, and what they intended to do. He was pacified with this proposition, and said he would overlook all that they had done if they would abstain from such murders and Robberies in future. We now proceeded to join the party on the opposite Hill, who returned with us to Wangaree, where we arrived about Thre O'Clock in the Afternoon. Temmaranga had now got amongst his own friends who both wept and rejoiced. Several of them were much afflicted for the Murder of their relatives, and the plunder of their Farms, and were also under Apprehensions lest the Napoies should attack them. Wangaree is situated at the head of a small harbour that runs up several miles in land, into which a fresh water river falls— Up this River there are very fine spars; but I doubt whether there is sufficient shelter and depth of water in any part for shipping of large dimensions. Small Vessels may Anchor in several places. The Harbour is situated about Ten Miles to the Northward of Bream Head. We remained all night at Wangaree a great part of which Temmaranga and his friends talked over their troubles.— [Aug 28] 28th This morning we prepared for our departure— The Chief furnished us with a Canoe well manned, and we proceeded down the Harbour. The morning was very threatening. After we had been about an Hour in the Canoe it began to blow and rain very heavy which compelled us to put into a small Village situated on the left side of the Harbour— We remained here about two hours when the storm moderated, and we proceeded but were afterwards forced on shore again, lower down the Harbour from the Tempestuous weather, where we kindled a fire on the beach and sheltered ourselves as well as we could from the storm, as there was no prospect that we should be able to quit our present situation tho' an uncomfortable one till the following day. [Aug 29] 29th This morning as the Storm had abated, we embarked in the Canoe about two hours before day light, and arrived before the Sun rose at the residence of the Head Chief [afterwards there Haveunt aubrey was R.M.] whose name is Weyee ^Weyee [Wehi] a near relative of Temmarangas. Weyee Weyee is an old man, very tall, stout, and upright; [1820 Aug 29] and has a venerable appearance. He was greatly rejoiced to see Temmaranga, informed him how all his people had been driven from their farms in the interior by the Napoies, and their Potatoes and Pork destroyed or carried away. He expressed an earnest desire that some Europeans would come and reside amongst them. I told him I was not sure whether their Harbour was safe for Ships to Anchor in or not. If hereafter the Harbour was found to be safe this would be a strong inducement for Ships at least to visit them, especially for whalers; and that it was very probable that a Vessel would soon be sent from port Jackson to examine the Harbour. He told me a Brig called the Venus had Anchored there. This vessel had been piratically taken by the Convicts of Port Jackson some years back. Weyee Weyee ordered some breakfast to be provided for us. He pressed us to stay with him till the next day. I told him my time would not allow me, for I was fearful of losing my Passage. After Breakfast he ordered us a larger Canoe. I told Temmaranga I would walk on the Beach to the Mouth of the Harbour, which was about two miles off, and requested him to follow me as soon as the Canoe was ready, and I would wait till he came, which he promised to do. I then took my leave of Weyee Weyee. When I got round the left head of the Mouth of the Harbour, I came to a very large populous Village. Some of the people I had seen at the Bay of Islands. They were greatly rejoiced when I entered the Village: I sat down amongst them and remained two or three Hours expecting the Canoe every moment: but as it did not arrive I returned again to learn the cause; when I found Temmaranga sitting with Weyee Weyee and some more Chiefs in close conversation, I asked him why he had not followed me according to his promise. Weyee Weyee replied Temmarangas talk was so good and sweet to him he could not part with him. If I had not returned no Canoe would have come after me that Day. After some persuasion Weyee Weyee was prevailed upon to let us go, and we sailed out of the Harbour about three O'Clock with a fine Breeze in our favour— When we had got about Eight Miles down the Coast, the wind blew very fresh with a high Sea, which obliged us to go on Shore for the night. The Coast here for some miles consists of very high hard perpendicular Rocks, and there are few places where a Canoe can venture near the Shore from the continual Surff— [Aug 30] 30th This morning the weather was fine, but the wind against us: we put to sea as soon as it was light. The men pulled very hard. We kept as close to the Shore as the [1820 Aug 30] breakers would permit us, and went round the Coves, not being able to cross them, from the adverse wind and Sea. At Dusk in the Evening we reached the Hippah where Moyanger resides; a Chief who accompanied Dr Savage to England about Twelve years ago. The name of the Hippah is Pie-anakka. It stands upon the summit of a very high conical Hill; and is surrounded with water or nearly so at the time of high water. It appeared inaccessible on every side, with the exception of one narrow pass. As soon as the natives observed the Canoe at the foot of the Hippah, they rushed down the pass with their Spears in their hand, as if they were going to meet an enemy. We informed them who we were. They directed us to go round to the opposite side of the Hippah where we could land, and invited us to spend the night with them. This invitation we cheerfully complied with, for we were both hungry cold and weary. As soon as we landed I was conducted up the narrow pass; which I could not ascend without assistance; the path was so steep and narrow. When I had reached the top, I found a number of Men women and Children sitting round their fires roasting Snappers, Crawfish and Fern Root. It was now quite dark— The roaring of the Sea at the foot of the Hippah, as the waves rolled into the deep Caverns beneath— The high precipice upon which we stood, whose top and sides were covered with huts, and the groups of Natives conversing round their fires, all tended to excite strange and new ideas for reflection. Tho' God has made of one Blood all nations that dwell upon the face of the Earth, and fixed the bounds of their Habitations, yet how widely different is their Situation. It would be difficult to draw a Comparison between the Comforts and enjoyments, mental and bodily which those partake of who live in a polished Christian Society, and the privations and miseries which those suffer who live in savage life. With such reflections as these I contemplated the state of my present Society and sat down amongst them. A woman immediately handed me a Snapper ready roasted, others prepared me some fern root, and being very hungry I relished my supper much, notwithstanding the manner in which it was cooked & served. Moyanger was not at home. I did not know one of the Natives; there was an Officer in Charge of the Hippah who was very kind as well as all the Inhabitants. They accommodated us with one of their [1820 Aug 30] best Huts in which we lay till the Morning. Temmaranga amused them till a late hour with an Account of our Tour, and the Incidents that had occurred on our Journey. [Aug 31] 31st Early in the morning we prepared to leave this romantic spot. The sides next the Sea has the appearance of an old Abbey in Ruins; and the broken Rocks are like massy Columns which time had wasted and corroded. On our departure the Chief presented me with a Hog for which I made him a small present. This Hippah is situated at the bottom of a Cove [Pataua]— On the North side there appeared to be pretty good Shelter for a Ship, where she may Anchor in five or six Fathoms with a soft bottom. The Chief told me there was only one small Rock in the Cove, and this is above water. He shewed me the spot where a Whaler had Anchored some time back. In a short time we past the Head of the Cove and stood along Shore till we came opposite a small Harbour called Tootoo Kakka [Tutu Kaka]. I was in this Harbour about six years ago— It is only fit for small Vessels. The entrance is narrow, and the Harbour small within. The Schooner Prince Regent Anchored in it one night since the Dromedary has been at the bay of Islands— There is plenty of fine spars in the Neighbourhood of the Harbour and some good Land. After we had past the Harbour of Tootookakka the wind began to blow fresh and the Sea to rise, which forced us in a short time to run into a Cove for Safety. Here we made a fire dressed our Hog and took our breakfast. This Cove belonged to Temmaranga [Te morenga] and the Land for a considerable extent along the Coast and in the interior. The Ground here is exceedingly good— but no Inhabitants upon it, at present— There was an extensive settlement ten or twelve miles further along the Coast called Winna-nakkee. As there was no prospect from the appearance of the weather that we should be able to leave the Cove for some time, I resolved to travel by Land to Winna-nakkee [Whananaki]. Temmaranga told me the road would be very difficult, and too fatiguing for him, but if I was determined to go his Servant should go with me as a guide. We immediately set off on our Journey. I was in hopes we should be able to reach Winna-nakkee in the Evening. The Servant told me we could not, but must lodge in the woods all night, for the distance was too great. However we pushed forward as fast as we could, and after walking for a few Hours up and down precipices and Rocks, and wading thro' the Water at the Head of the Coves which we could ford, we had the pleasure to observe the Smoak of the Settlement, about five or six Miles off, and that we had got over the worst part [1820 Aug 31] of the Road. This inspired us with fresh confidence, and caused us to exert all our efforts; and reached the Village before it was quite dark— very wet and weary. I had known the Chief of this Settlement and his wife formerly. When I arrived they were overjoyed. It rained heavy, and my Cloaths, were all wet. The Servant had fortunately brought my Blanket: I took off all my Cloaths, and wrapt myself up in my Blanket till they were dry. The Chiefs wife did all she could to administer to my present wants. Had a good fire made with which my Cloaths were soon dried, gave me their own Hut for my Lodgings which was very warm; and spread some good Mats upon the Floor for me to lie down upon. I enjoyed my Hut very much after so laborious a Journey, and felt grateful for my accommodations amongst these poor Heathens. The Chiefs wife expressed much concern, that she had no provision which she thought I could eat. They had no Pork, for all their Hogs had been destroyed by war; as well as their Potatoes. She had some Cockles, and Fern root but she thought I could not eat them. She had also some Koomeras or sweet Potatoes, and two Pumpkins, which she could dress for me, and observed, if I could not eat the Koomeras, I should like the Pumpkins for they would be very sweet— While this anxious woman was racking her mind to find out some provisions which she thought I could eat, her husband had sent out to purchase a Basket of potatoes. Her anxiety was relieved. My arrival soon spread thro' the Settlement, and though the rain fell heavy numbers crouded round the Hut. Tingangha (for that was the name of the Chief) wished to know where I had been, and what had brought me to Winnanakkee, as he was much astonished as well as gratified to see me there. I gave him the particulars of my Tour with which he was surprised, particularly that I had walked so far. I informed him Temmaranga had been with me and where I had left him, waiting for the weather to moderate, and that if he did not arrive soon I should proceed without him to the Bay of Islands by Land. Tinghangha said the road was bad, and that it would take me four days to reach Wye-Kaddee. And that I must go in a Canoe if I could. After conversing with him and others that were present I retired to rest and felt myself safe from the stormy Blast. [1820 Sep. 1] Sep 1— I was sorry to find no change in the weather this morning. Tingangha said Temmaranga would not be able to put to sea. I expressed my wish to leave him, he and his wife urged me to spend the day with them, and if Temmaranga did not come by the following morning I should have his own war Canoe well manned to carry me to an Harbour called Wangadoodoo and then I should be within a short days walk of the Bay of Islands. I told them my provisions were done, and I was afraid of losing my Passage also; but if I was sure of his Canoe, I would wait till the following morning. Mrs Tingangha observed she had some small Chickens under an Hen, and she would kill them for me to eat, and would send a man into the wood to get some Pigeons, for she was very much concerned lest I should suffer from Hunger. I would not allow her to kill her Chickens, as they had only one Hen; and assured her I should never suffer from hunger while I had plenty of Potatoes to eat. She wanted to know how I rested in the night and observed as I had made up my mind to stay with them another night, she would set to work and clear out the House completely, and then she was sure I should sleep well. She was as good as her promise, and made a very clean comfortable place for me in which I rested very well— I spent the day in visiting the inhabitants, till dinner, and in the Evening went up a fresh water river, in a Canoe, which runs from the interior— There is plenty of fine Timber upon its banks; but there is no Harbour at Winnanakkee for Ships. All the day was stormy attended with Showers, so that we had no hopes of Temmarangas arrival. The Land is very good about Winnanakkee, and a fine race of People exceeding kind and civil. They are much in want of Tools of Agriculture, and urged me much to procure them a little wheat, which I promised to do, and also promised to send them some fruit Trees.— [Sep 2] 2d— As Temmaranga did not arrive this morning Tingangha launched his Canoe, and manned her at an early hour— in order to take me to Wangadoodoo— His wife said she would accompany me there. Before I took my leave of the Chief, he introduced his two Children a Son and Daughter, which he informed me were named after two of my Children— The Boy after my son Charles, and the Girl after my Eldest Daughter. He wept much when we parted, and wished he could come to see me at Parramatta, and begged they might have some European to reside with them. I told them if they [sic] were less wars in New Zealand Europeans might be induced to come and live amongst them, but at present they were afraid. We now stept into  [1820 Sep 2] the Canoe and proceeded down the harbour, and at the mouth we met Temmaranga. However as I had got so fine a Canoe [I said] I would go on, and if he did not choose to go with me, he could follow me to Wangadoodoo. He said he wished to see Tingangha, and when he had taken some refreshment, he would follow me, and then proceeded up the Harbour, and we pulled towards the sea. In less than half an hour the wind and Sea rose again, and compelled us to return. When we landed I took a guide with me and set off by Land. We found the Road very bad, as it lays along the Sea Coast. We had continually to strike off into the woods in order to cross the high necks of land which run out into the Sea and then to descend again down to the Beach. Several swamps and runs of water we met with on our road thro' which we had to wade. In the Evening we arrived at a small native Village; when it came on to blow and rain very heavy. The natives received us kindly and accommodated us with an Hut, and plenty of Potatoes. The night was wet and cold. [#] I did not get much rest. Here Temmaranga and our whole party joined us. I understood there was no Chief in this Village. There were a number of poor people who were clearing Ground and preparing it for planting with Potatoes. [Sep 3] 3rd We rose at the dawn of day this morning, and prepared for our Journey— After we had walked about half an Hour I observed a war Canoe coming after us which soon made a Signal, and pulled towards Shore. [in pencil - Look here at my manuscript p 236] I saw it was Tinganghas— When the weather moderated he had sent it after us, to take us up in any part of the Coast, where it might overtake us. I considered this an act of great attention and kindness, as it saved me a severe and laborious Journey. As soon as the Canoe reached the Shore, we were all soon comfortably seated in it— and with a fair wind we passed along towards Wangadoodoo and reached the Harbour about midday. Wangadoodoo appears to me as if it was capable of affording good Shelter for Shipping. There are a number of Natives in the Harbour. We called upon the Chief who received us with the Discharge of two muskets. I stopt and eat some Fish for my Dinner. The Harbour is extensive, a pretty large Island is situated in the middle of it or thereabouts. This Island is a considerable distance up the Harbour, and that part above it is shut in from the Sea. The depth of water I could not ascertain, but from the Account the Natives gave me there is water [1820 Sep 3] sufficient for large Ships near the Island, with a soft Bottom. The Harbour runs up several miles, a fresh water Creek falls into it at the Head where there is a small Settlement, at which we Landed in the Evening and remained during the night. I now felt myself happy in having got within one short days Journey of the Bay of Islands, after an absence of three Months, and particularly in having got clear of the Sea where we had experienced such a succession of stormy weather. I was also thankful that I had not met with any accident in my Journey either by land or water; nor had I suffered any material injury, from cold, and wet, and want of my proper rest, tho' I had laid down in my Cloaths for the last three weeks in boisterous weather, in whatever situation the night overtook me. A kind and watchful providence had attended my going out and my coming in; and had given me Favour amongst the Heathens with whom I had sojourned. [Sep 4] 24th This morning I called my companions up as soon as the day appeared. The night had been extremely Cold and more Ice than I had ever seen at New Zealand. The Grass, Shrubs and Trees were as white as snow with the Hoar Frost. Temmaranga was unwilling to move till the Sun got up. He said he had no Shoes, and it was too cold for him to walk thro the Grass and brush till the Frost was off. At length we proceeded on our way, and in about an Hour came to a small native Village, situated in a valley, so retired, and secret, that I should not have expected to have met with any human beings in such a situation. The Children were alarmed when they saw me, and run crying away. We stopt here and Breakfasted. The people had got abundance of dryed fish and Potatoes which they liberally gave us; and as many as the Servants could well carry when we came away. I now walked on and left the whole party excepting Moodeeokow, the Priest, and arrived in the district of Parroa about Three O'Clock in the Afternoon opposite to where the Whalers were lying. I got into a Canoe to go on board the Catharine, and fell in with Captain Graham in his Whale Boat and went on board with him, where I once more entered into civil life: and felt it much sweeter than at any former period of time. The Food the Conversation, the rest were all sweet. I put a much greater estimate on the blessings I had always enjoyed in civil and religious Society than I had ever done before; for I was able now from experience to form a true Judgement of savage life. I had not been more [1820 Sep 4] than an Hour on board the Catharine when the Prince Regent a Government Schooner belonging to Port Jackson, arrived in the Bay of Islands, and brought me Letters from my family and from many of my friends in England which added to my present Comfort. The Communion of Saints is sweet, and that communion I am inclined to think is mutually promoted by the mutual Correspondence of Christian Friends. The Master of the Prince Regent informed me he should sail in a day or two for Wangaroa where the Dromedary was taking in her Cargo of Timber, and in a few days afterwards would proceed to Port Jackson. As my leave of absence was now expired I determined to return in the Schooner to New South Wales, and with that view immediately set about arranging the affairs of the Mission; when this was done I walked over to Wangaroa in order to join the Prince Regent— [Sep 17] As soon as she had taken in her Spars and was ready for Sea, I embarked and we sailed on the 17th of Sept. Our little Schooner was very deeply laden with Spars— her decks were completely covered, and not more than five inches from the Water edge— Before we reached the North Cape of New Zealand, a very heavy gale came on with a very high Sea breaking over our little Bark from one end to the other with heavy rain. I was now very sick from close confinement below, as the hatches were all buttoned down, and every thing made close to keep out the Sea. The Schooner soon began to make much Water & the Capt after the 5th day [Sep 22] did not think it prudent to continue at Sea, returned into the Bay of Islands, I now felt myself extremely ill from Wet, Sea sickness and want of rest, and [1820 Sep] determined to leave the Schooner, and wait for the return of the Dromedary. The Master landed the greatest part of his Spars and sailed again for Port Jackson— after refreshing myself for a few days at the Bay of Islands I went to Wangaroa and joined the Dromedary again— Finding the Dromedary would not complete her Cargo for 6 weeks I determined to visit the different Tribes of Inhabitants again on the east and west side of New Zealand and immediately prepared for another Tour, as I thought I could not spend my time more to the advantage of the Mission than by paying another visit to the Tribes I had seen and to visit others I had not seen, with this view I once more left the Dromedary, where I had always received the kindest [attention] from Capt Skinner and all the Officers both Military and Naval and which I shall ever retain a grateful remembrance of. On leaving the Dromedary I proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee where the Revd J. Butler agreed to accompany me on my intended Tour. [1820] October 28th About noon this day I left Kiddee Kiddee in company with the Revd J. Butler & Mr Shepherd for Ranghee Hoo in the Whale Boat— and in the evening arrived at Mr Wm Hall's where we slept for the night. 29th Performed Divine Service at Ranghee Hoo in the morning and administered the Holy Sacrament. Mr Butler preached in the Evening. 30th Rose at 3 OClock this morning in order to prepare for my intended Journey to Kiperro, and we proceeded down the Harbour about 4 OClock, and reached Cape Bret about 7. The Morning was very calm & the water very smooth which rendered our Passage to the Sea very pleasant and agreeable— The weather continued fine all the day and in the evening we reached the mouth of the Harbour of Wannakkee— I wished to wait here in order to see Temmaranga whom I wished to accompany us— We landed on the Beach and prepared to dress some Provisions when a fishing Canoe came to us & informed Temmaranga was not there but a little further down the Coast in a small Harbour which I had visited on a former occasion— I now determined not to call at the Settlement of Wannanakkee lest we should be detained we therefore took up our Lodgings for the night upon the Beach— [Oct 31] 31st As soon as the day appeared we proceeded on our Voyage and about 8 OClock arrived at Teko Rangha Temmaranga['s] Settlement, we found him busy amongst his People on the Beach upon which were a great number of fine Fish lying, having been just landed from the fishing Canoes. Temmaranga was very pleased with our Visit and supplied us with whatever Fish we could conveniently take with us. I informed him where we were going and invited him to accompany us— He replied it was a busy time with him he was planting his Potatoes and Cumeras— and if he should leave his place, his Slaves would lie down & sleep instead of cultivating his Ground and on that account he did not wish to leave them till his necessary work was done— He informed us there was a Chief and his Son with him from Kiperoo who would go along with us if we would allow them— To this proposal we readily agreed Teko Rangha is a very good place for a Missionary Station— The Inhabitants on both sides are numerous along the Coast and very friendly— Fish could be procured in the greatest abundance— the Land is good and well supplied with Timber and water, in the Cove, a small Vessel may lay pretty secure— A Mission here would be conveniently situated for keeping up a communication with other Parts of the Islands as Canoes are constantly passing up & down the Coast— After we had breakfasted with Temmaranga we proceeded on our Voyage, and arrived at Wangaree just after dark— This Harbour is situated ten or twelve miles to the Northward of Bream Head— I have already mentioned this Place— the Chief Weyee Weyee and his People received us kindly— He presented us with an Hog— we hung our Hammocks under the Trees on the Beach where we remained at night. It was my intention to have left the Whale Boat here and [1820 Oct 31] to have crossed the Country over to the River Wyeroo and proceeded down that River in a Canoe into the Kiperoo but here we learned that all the Inhabitants belonging to the Wyeroo had fled for Safety from the Napooes, some to Kiperoo and others to Wangaree— and that it would be of no use to proceed any further in that direction, as there was not a Canoe upon the River— From this information I was fully convinced that we could never reach Kiperro by the Wyeroo and was therefore compelled to relinquish my first intention— [Nov 1] Nov 1st This morning I was at a loss what Rout to pursue. I had no alternative, but either to go by the River Thames or to strike off from Bream Head to a River called Kottamatta which falls into the Harbour of Kiperro— I had seen the mouth of this River when I visited Kiperro before— In order to gain correct information relative to the practicability of making our way to the Kiperro by the River Kotamatta. I crossed the Harbour of Wangaree to consult with a number of natives who were carrying Fish on the opposite Beach— They informed me I could not get down the Kotamatta, as there were no Canoes— The whole of the Inhabitants had fled in consequence of the present War— We had no Choice, but to proceed to the Thames and immediately directed our course to Bream Head— The Inhabitants at Wangaree are very numerous at present— The Harbour abounds with the finest Fish of various kinds which were hung up in all directions upon the Shores— Some the natives appeared to be drying for future use— They were all in a state of alarm on account of the fighting parties who were out ranging the Country in different directions— The principal People here were very urgent for some Europeans to reside amongst them. I hope in time their wishes will be gratified and that the Gospel of God our Saviour will relieve them from their present state of Bondage to Sin & Satan— and lessen their mutual Jealousies and Contests— After quitting the Harbour of Wangaree, we found the wind against us, and it was not till evening we reached Bream Head— we turned round the South Head, into a small Harbour into which a River runs from the Interior— The Harbour is well sheltered but only fit for small vessels drawing nine or ten feet water, as the Entrance is narrow and difficult and a bar across its mouth— This River runs very near the Kattamattua, which affords any easy communication with Kipperro. The Natives at the Bay of Islands when they made war upon the Inhabitants of Kiperro [went] with their Canoes across the narrow neck of Land that separates the Komatta from this River— when the Country is better known it is more than probable that by the means of these two Rivers an easy communication may be opened between the Western and Eastern Shores of New Zealand— We had not time to examine the River into the Interior, as we only [1820] remained one night in the Harbour— [Nov 2] 2nd This Morning we put to sea at an early hour and were favoured with a fair wind along the Coast between Bream Head to Point Rodney— The Shore between these two Points form a long Bay in which there appeared no Shelter, before we reached Point Rodney the Breeze became very strong & the sea rose pretty high we sailed at a great rate and entered the mouth of the Thames about the middle of the day, when we made for one of the Islands in the River not considering it safe to remain at Sea when the wind moderated we landed in a Cove about 2 O'Clock where we dined and in the evening proceeded to the next Island situated on the West side of the River on reaching which we went on Shore for the night. I felt a grateful mind to the God of the Seas and the dry land who had conducted us in safety thus far, while on the bosom of the great deep, and before we retired to rest we united in offering up our Evening Sacrifice of Praise & Thanksgiving to Him who holdeth the Waters in the hollow of His Hand— and whose presence fills Heaven & Earth. 3rd This morning the wind was moderate, we left the Island at an early hour, and steered our course for Mayoea a populous Settlement situated on the Main on the West side of the Thames, I had visited this Settlement three times before when I came in the Coromandel— we had to pass several Islands in our course up the River Wyeroa which falls into the Thames— while we were in this River which is several Miles wide, the wind blew fresh, and the Tide running strong made a high Sea— In consequence of which we were very near upsetting our Boat [in] a narrow shallow channel between two Islands where the surf broke with much violence, we were not aware of our danger till it was too late to return, and were therefore compelled to risque the dashing of the Boat to pieces against the Rocks in order to reach the Shore, which we were fortunate enough to do in safety— After we had got clear of the Breakers, and under the shelter of the Land between the two Islands we found there was not sufficient water in the Channel to take the Boat through— Here we met with about fifty Natives, who dragged the Boat thro' the Passage into deep water— we were now about 10 or 12 miles from Mayoea— As the Wind was fair tho' strong we hoisted our Sail, and very soon crossed the Wyeroa and entered the mouth of the River on whose Banks the Settlement is formed— In the Evening we landed to the great Joy of the Inhabitants. Here I found most of my former acquaintances— Enakkee and Totnaee the two principal Chiefs were both at Home. I was very happy to find Rupee the Son of Enakke also a youth about 14 Years old, safe at home, when I left the [1820 Nov 3] Thames in August last I was compelled to leave my sea Chest with Inakkee, as I could not take it with me by land, when the Government Schooner Prince Regent arrived at Mayoea afterwards, Inakkee sent his Son Rupee, and one Servant down to the Bay of Islands with my Chest, when the Schooner returned to the Dromedary— Rupee wished to visit Port Jackson— and had embarked with that intent on board the Schooner, when the Schooner sailed from Wangaroa with Dispatches for Governor Macquarie from the commanders of the Coromandell & Dromedary— I embarked along with Rupee intending to Return Home in Her— but when the Prince Regent put into the Bay of Islands from stress of Weather I determined to remain till the Dromedary Returned to Port Jackson, and take my passage in that Ship— Rupee had been so sick while on board the Prince Regent that he also determined to leave her and return to the Thames with the Chief who had the care of him— He procured a small Canoe at the Bay of Islands for the purpose of going down to the Thames— I conceived he would be in great danger [in pencil - Here see & follow on my M.S.S. p 238] if he ventured in her, and requested him to remain at the Bay of Islands till a better opportunity offered for his Return home, but he would not be prevailed upon to stop— I felt much concerned for the Boy, lest any accident should happen to him as he had come on my account— Rupee was greatly rejoiced to see me— informed me what dangers & Hardships he had suffered on his Passage Home that the Canoe was upset and lost at sea in a storm— near the Barrier Islands at the mouth of the Thames— that he had been nearly drowned as well as the Chief Manu who was with him— that with great difficulty they swam to the Shore after the Canoe was lost, where they remained five days before they were taken off the Island and had suffered much in consequence of which he had been very Ill— In consequence of Rupee's deliverance of the dangers of the Sea, and his restoration to Health, his Father Enakkee had Tabooed almost every thing around them— and the People had cut themselves in the manner they do when they mourn for the Dead —Enakkee asked me if I should have been concerned had his Son been drowned— I replied I should have been much distressed, and particularly as he had come to the Bay of Islands on my Account— Enakkee replied that I should have had no occasion to have been afraid on account of his Son's Death, as he would not have been blamed me for it in any way— I was much pleased with his observations upon this subject, as he seemed anxious to convince me that whatever might have happened to his Son, would not have altered his regard for me— nor attached any blame to me in [1820 Nov 3] any way whatever— we spent the evening very pleasantly with Enakkee and his people— I have [sic] met with a Awarra [Te Waru] Chief of Mercury Bay Towrangha, already mentioned in my Journal to that Settlement— who made Peace with Temmaranga— He was much pleased with our accidental meeting— and informed {me] that he had set his People to work to make Mats, agreeable to the arrangements I had made with him when at Mercury Bay Towrangha. There were also several Chiefs from other distant Parts. Enakkee cleared one of his Store {houses] for our accommodation in which we slept for the night— The Revd Mr Butler was much gratified with these People; and their settlement at large— He had seen nothing so much like civil life as this Settlement where there is a very enlivened extensive cultivation carried on, and where the Inhabitants have such an abundance of Provisions, and appear so healthy and happy. Enakkee was very pressing for some Europeans to reside with them— Should any Missionaries hereafter be sent out I pointed out to them the Ground where I wished their Houses to be built School &c to [which] he readily agreed — I need not notice the Soil and other local advantages of this Settlement, in this Place, as I have mentioned it in a former Journal. After singing an Hymn and offering our united Addresses to the Father of Mercies we retired to rest. [1820 Nov 4] Nov 4th We left Mogoea early this morning in order to visit the Coromandel which lay on the East side of the Thames in a very safe Harbour more than 40 Miles distant— Enakkee & Rupee accompanied us, after we had entered the Wyeroa the Wind blew very strong with an high Sea which compelled us to run to the nearest Island [Brown's Island - Motukorako] for Shelter & Safety, here we lay wind-bound all the Day. On this Island there is some very rich Land, part of it in Cultivation— A few Natives reside upon it for the purpose of raising Potatoes, for which the Soil appears well adapted. The whole Island has the appearance of a Volcanic Eruption. In the middle of it the Land is high I went to its summit where I found the Mouth of a Volcano in the shape of an Egg when cut in two, the Mouth may be about a quarter of a mile in circumference, and I estimated its bottom depth at 300 feet as I went to the very bottom— The level Land at the foot of the Hill is very rich— It is all covered with porous stones which apparently have been burnt— On this Island we remained all the night waiting for the Weather to moderate.— [Nov] 5th This morning the weather appeared more settled— we left the Island early and proceeded down the River [1820 Nov 5] towards the Thames, which we entered about five O'Clock in the Evening— the Thames was about 12 Miles across where we had to cross it in order to reach the Coromandel— We had a moderate Breeze and fair— The Thames was smoother than I had ever found it before when I crossed it. In general there is a very great swell and very often a very rough Sea— we got over the River very well, and arrived on Board the Coromandel about 8 O'Clock in the evening— where I found Capt. Downie well and his Ship's Company, I was happy to learn that there had been no differences between the Europeans and Natives and that Capt. Downie had the prospect of accomplishing the object of his Voyage— Capt Downie and his Officers treated us very kindly, we remained with them two nights & one day [Nov 5&6] — when we took our departure early in the morning of the 7th [Nov 7] as the Weather was very favourable for our returning across the Thames— About 8 OClock we arrived on the west side of the Thames where we went on shore to breakfast— After breakfast we proceeded up the Wyeroa, but the Wind blew so strong against us with an high Sea that we were compelled to bear away for the first Island [Waiheke] we could reach, and landed upon one of the largest in the River where we took up our Lodgings for the night on the Beach— This island appeared to be as large as the Isle of Wight and contained much good Land, would answer well for Cattle or Goats, as there is plenty of Grass & Water— Hogs also might be reared upon it to much advantage— Hogs in N. Zealand get very fat on the Fern Root alone— They require no grass to feed them, and their meat is of the best quality— [Nov] 8th This morning the Weather was stormy— we were wind bound all the day— the sea ran high in the Wyeroa so that we could not venture from our Shelter— tho' very anxious to proceed on our Rout— the Cove we were in would be a fine Harbour for Ships as there appeared a sufficient depth of Water— Wood & & Water easily procured for Vessels in the Cove—[Manganui] [Nov] 9th This Morning the Weather moderated and about 4 OClock we left the Island for Magoea where we arrived about 12 the middle of the day— It was our intention to leave the Boat here till our Return from Kiperro, and to proceed up the Wyeteematta in a Canoe— I met several Chiefs from Kiperro amongst whom was Moodeepanga one Chief from Tippoorari a Settlement about 20 miles from Mercury Bay Towrangha above the Head of the River Thames— I had dined with this Chief when I was in that part of the Country— His Hippah is situated about [1820 Nov 9] 150 Miles from Mayoea when I was at Mayoea before I went to the Top of a very high conical Hill near the Settlement. From its summit may be seen both the Western & Eastern Shores of New Zealand. I also observed several Rivers & large sheets of Water— One River which ran into the Western Ocean seemed to join the Wytematta and the Moyea Rivers as I could not observe any Land that separated them— On enquiry I learnt from the Natives that one River [Waiuku] which I saw run towards the Wyekoto and the other was called Manukou which fell into the Sea on the west side— wishing to ascertain w[h]ether the River Manukou did unite with either the Mayoea River or the Wyteematta I determined to proceed immediately to Manukou to satisfy myself on this Head— Having hauled up the Boat and lodged such Articles with the Chief as we should not want till our Return from Kiperro, we engaged some of the Natives as Guides and to carry our Baggage to Manukou and proceeded immediately on our Journey— Our way laid for four or five miles through Sand [a Wood [sote of present Eprom]]— Afterwards we passed thro' very stony ground, the Stones were very porous and the whole surface of the Land was broken into irregular Hills by some Volcanic Eruptions— we reached Manakou in the Evening— The estimated distance across the neck of Land we travelled over between Mayoea and Manukou was about 3 Leagues— when we arrived at the Settlement we found an extensive Harbour, and saw the Heads about at the distance of about 5 leagues— At Manukou three Brother Chiefs reside named Kowhow, Koroearua, Tettawaugh they carry on an extensive cultivation of Potatoes and possess large Tracts of Land on the Wyeteematta, Wyekotta and Kiperro. Kowhow I was acquainted with, as he had accompanied me from Moyea to Kiperro when I visited that district the first time. Kowhow was very attentive to me at that Time, furnished me with a Canoe & Servants, and attended the whole time till I returned again to the River Thames and joined the Coromandel. I made him a few presents of Edge Tools which he highly valued, and promised in return he would send me Mats to the Bay of Islands as soon as he could procure any— I did not consider him indebted to me, but rather I was indebted to him, and therefore had no Reason to place any Confidence in his promise— When we first arrived Kowhow was at his Farm two or three miles distant— A messenger was sent to him immediately— on his [1820 Nov 9] Arrival he expressed his Satisfaction at our visit— told me he had got some Mats ready for me and produced a Basket neatly tied up containing some Mats with which he presented me in Payment for the Articles I had before given him— This was much more than I expected— I told him we wanted an Hog or two— these he also supplied us— I informed him that the object of our Visit was to examine the Harbour of Manukou, and that we wished to go down to the Heads in order to see if there was an entrance for Ships— He told me he would furnish a Canoe in the Morning for the purposes I wished— I then asked him to let us have a large empty Building about 80 feet long by 16 which was near the Beach for the accommodation of ourselves and People who had attended us from Mayoea which he readily granted, and in this we took up our Lodgings for the Night— [Nov 10] 10th As soon as the Tide answered we prepared to visit the Heads of the Manukow River— This River has two main Branches one [Otahuhu] runs up towards Mayoea, and is separated from it by a very narrow Neck of Land, over which the Natives take their Canoes from one River to another. The other branch [Waiuku] runs to the Southward towards Wyekotta and forms a very large Sheet of Water beyond which the Eye can reach— This Branch nearly joins the Wyekotta River, and is only seperated by a narrow neck over which the natives took their Canoes and pass from on[e] Settlement to another. The Manukou also about 10 or 12 miles from the Heads nearly joins the Wyeteematta River [at Te Whau.] — Though the communication between the Western and Eastern Seas sides is not entirely complete yet it is very nearly so, both into the Mayoea and Wyteematta Rivers— In the Manukou there are very extensive Shoals & Sand Banks but there appeared to be a Channel of deep water, but which we were unable to examine in the Canoe from the Strength of the Tide occasioned too a great a sea to venture into with safety— The entrance into the Harbour is also narrow and it is probable a Bar may [be] found on the outside— but tho' [this] we could not ascertain as it would not be safe to go to Sea in a small Canoe where the Swell is so great within the Heads we had ten fathoms Water— There is abundant of fine Timber in the Neighbourhood of this River should it hereafter be found a safe Harbour [1820 Nov 10] for Ships— After making all the observations our means enabled us we returned to the Settlement where we arrived about midnight and retired to rest— [Nov] 11th Early this Morning we settled with the Natives of Mayoea, and they returned Home and prepared for prosecuting our Journey to Kiperro— [they] agreed to accompany us and to furnish us with Servants to carry our Baggage— As soon as we were ready we took our departure from Manukou. A few Missionaries are much wanted at this Settlement— The Land is good about it and a very considerable population— After leaving Manukou we walked over Land to the Banks of the Wyeteematta a distance of about 8 or 10 miles—[close to Ponsonby] Our Road lay over the summit of a very high round Hill called Wyedakka [Wai-o-raka, Mount Albert] from the Summit of which there is the most extensive prospect— The Western & Eastern [shores] are in view several Rivers, Forests & mountains are also to be seen— with Point Rodney and cape Colvill, at the entrance of the Thames— on descending the Hill Kowhow called us on one side to see a deep Cavern which had the appearance of the mouth of a Volcano— He told us the cavern was very deep— the whole Hill appeared to be a volcanic eruption Production and the stones around the bottom had a singular similar appearance— On our arrival on the banks of the Wyeteematta Kowhow had provided a Canoe to take us up the River where we were to land in order to cross the Country to Kiperro— The distance we had to go by water was from 16 to 20 miles. In the afternoon the Tide was against [us] by which we were compelled to go on shore for the night— [Nov 12] 12th This morning we embarked in our Canoe and proceeded up the River with the Tide— the Canoe was very leaky and required two men to bail out the water to keep her from sinking— About 11 O'Clock we landed and walked about six miles when we sat down upon the Banks of a fresh Water stream [Kumeu] where we dined— This Stream is the head of one of the branches of Kiperro after dinner we pursued our Journey and in the evening arrived in a small Wood about 3 miles from the Sea— The Inhabitants of this Wood appeared much astonished at us— They would not have seen any white People before— The Chiefs had fled to this Sequestered spot from the present war— They were related to Kowhow. On our arrival the Chief said [1820 Nov 12] he had seen us in a Dream when he was in a sleep in the night— We remained in the Wood all night— They had not a single Hut built but lay down in the Brush and Fern— They had plenty of Fish and Sweet Potatoes and we observed some Hogs also amongst them. After we had taken some Refreshment and prayed to God for his Goodness and returned thanks to him for the many Favours enjoyed we retired to rest— When I looked upon the surrounding Scene, viewed the Inhabitants of the Woods and the neighbouring Seas, considered myself at the very ends of the Earth, and that the Voice of Joy and gladness of Praise and thanksgiving had never before been heard since the Foundations of the World in these glowing [sic] Regions of darkness, and human misery, I could not but anticipate the Time was at Hand for the fulfilment of that precious Promise "all the Ends of [the] World shall remember and be turned unto the Lord— I after thought of the Words which the Lord spake unto Elijah, when he was on Mount Horeb— The Lord came unto him, and said unto him, what doest thou here Elijah—" a similar question I often put to myself when I viewed the distant Land from whence I came the way in which Divine Providence had conducted me, I have been wont to ask what was my Business in this and in the other extraordinary Situation[s] I have been called to visit— K[n]own unto God are all his Work from the beginning, and he carries on his Plans according to the counsel of his own Will— The Mysteries of His Providence are great and past Mans finding out— as well as the Mysteries of His Grace— In the morning of the Resurrection of the Just when the Sea and the Earth shall give up their dead perhaps the deep Volume of the Divine Providence Counsels may be laid open to our View or our Capacities enlarged to comprehend them. [Nov 18] 18th As soon as we breakfasted this morning we proceeded to the Sea side about four Miles distant— from the Banks of the Wyeteematta where we landed to the sea is almost twenty miles— the Sea coast here is as straight as a line as far as the Eye can reach and the Beach [Rangatira beach] as level as the Sea in a Calm— where the Sea beats heavy upon the Land when the Tide is in, it is very firm & smooth to walk upon and very pleasant travelling when the Tide is out. The Coast is entirely high drift sand Hills, generally three or four hundred feet high or more— These Sand Hills in many places are several miles broad— under the sand there are beds of dead Timber of Immense size, as black as Coal from four to 16 feet thick. [1820 Nov 13] These Beds have very much the appearance of Coal Beds— but upon close examination I found them to be composed of large Bodies of Timber— How they came into their present Situation, three or four hundred feet between [sic] the Surface of the Hills I cannot ascertain— I can only state the fact, but shall leave others to account for it— The appearance of this Timber extends for more than 20 Miles along the Beach — and some Roots of Trees are to be seen of immense Bulk when the Tide is down, level with the sand upon the Beach as black as Coal, as if they had been all burnt off close to the Ground, some of them are more than thirty feet in diameter,— It is probable that originally two or more Trees sprang from one Root, but the Roots appear now as if they had had only one Tree to support— Our days Journey lay along the Beach— we walked very hard till towards evening when we turned into the Land behind the Sand Hills— and took up our Residence for the night near a fresh water Pond— we had seen no Persons on our way, nor any Huts or signs of Inhabitants— our Guides told us we were not far from the Settlement of a Chief named Teeternnana [Te Tinana]. Kowhow sent a Messenger to this Chief to inform him of our arrival— In about two hours we were Visited by four young Men from the Settlement who remained with us during the Night. [Nov 14] 14th We rose early this Morning, and prepared to visit Teetennana as our Road to the Kiperro laid in the direction of his Hippah, we arrived about 8 O'Clock, and were welcomed by this old Chief— Teetenana is the largest Man I had seen in any part of N. Zealand— appeared to be about 70 Years old, but in full health— He had four Sons very Stout men— His Hippah was full of people we counted 40 Persons in one place beating Fern Root for Breakfast— The name of this Settlement is Koopooa [Kopua] — We informed the Chief and his Tribe what our object was in visiting Kiperro— we wanted to examine the River, the Harbour, and the Entrance into the Harbour in order to ascertain w[h]ether Ships might safely come to Kiperro or not— The Chief was very anxious for some Europeans to live amongst them— He said it gave them Peace and Security— we requested him to furnish us with a Canoe to go down the River he said he would provide us with one, if we would only stay with him one Day to this we consented. I told him it was my Intention to return by Land [1820, Nov 14] by way of Hokianger [Hokianga] and requested he would furnish me with three Servants to carry Mr Shepherds Baggage and my own. He replied he was much afraid to do that, lest we should meet any Party of the Enemy, for in that case his People would be cut off, and he had been informed that one Party was coming along the Sea Coast, and another down the Wyeroa— After much conversation, he consented that three Servants should accompany us with his Son and Nephew. I was very glad when this arrangement was made for I was now persuaded I could make my way over Land to Wangaroa— He now furnished us with a couple of Hogs one we intended to take with us, and the other to remain till Mr Butler returned, as he intended to go back again by Sea— We spent the day pleasantly with this Venerable Chief and his Friends, in the evening he said, he wished us to sleep near him that he might see us during the night— when the day closed we performed our usual devotions and retired to Rest. [Nov] 15th This morning we prepared at an early hour to proceed down the River— The Chief's Son Pora took an affectionate leave of his Friends— many Tears were shed the old Chief wept much he was afraid his Son would be killed by the Enemy— He instructed him to behave well, some of the Women cut themselves very much to shew their Affection for Poro, and the old Chief continued to pray and weep while we remained in sight. After leaving the Settlement which stands on a small Creek, we soon entered the Main River, and arrived about the middle of the day at Takowhow [Te Kawau] a Village about four miles from the Harbour mouth— A Chief named Matouee lives here, whose daughter Poro was married to ___. I had visited Matouee when at Kiperro before and had promised him I would come or send Mr Puckey in about three Moons to examine the Harbour— Matouee was very glad to see us. Poro informed his Wife where he was going— She immediately said she would accompany him, and another Chief offered his Services. I now felt confident that we should be able to return by Land which I was very anxious to do. It was our intention to have examined the Entrance into the Harbour this day but the Wind was too strong, and the Sea too high that no Native would venture upon the Water in a Canoe. We were therefore obliged to remain in the Village— I observed upon the Beach one large War Canoe 75 Feet long [1820 Nov 15] and on enquiring where it came from was informed that it formerly belonged to Shunghee, That Shunghee had made war upon them some Years back and in order to carry it on more effectually he had taken his Canoes up this River near Bream Head and conveyed them from the Head of that River over a neck of Land into the Wyeroa, that in the Engagement with Shunghee at that time, they took from him 13 War Canoes, killed three Hundred of his Men amongst whom were many of his Officers, and wounded Shunghee, and compelled him to save his Life by Flight and that the two principal Chiefs Kou Kou [Koikoi] and Ariva who are now at war with them both lost their Fathers in the Engagement with Shunghee and one of them also lost his Brothers, besides many Friends— They added that they were now in much alarm—, as Shunghee's Tribe were well armed with Muskets and Powder while they had none to defend themselves against their Enemies— Motoree requested I would prevail upon my God to kill Kou Kou the Chief they are most afraid of— [Nov 16] 16th After breakfast we prepared to examine the Harbour, and went down towards the Heads. The Weather was fine, and the water smooth when we set off— but before we reached the Heads it began to blow fresh and the Tide running out we were afraid of being driven out to Sea, and therefore returned— The Entrance appeared to be about two Miles wide and there are three Channels where we observed no Breakers, and in which the Natives informed [us] was plenty of deep water— The Sand Banks extend a considerable distance out at Sea. We went upon the highest Hills in order to examine more correctly the outside of the Harbour— Mr Wm Puckey was of opinion that a Ship might come in with safety, but this can never be fully ascertained till the Entrance can be properly surveyed— Mr Puckey observed the latitude and made the Entrance in 36 and a half. There are Three Large Rivers whose Waters meet in this Harbour— The Kiperro which takes its Rise towards the Wyeteematta, The Kotamattua, [Otamatea] from the River from near Bream Head— and the Wyeroa which runs pararel [sic] with the Sea Coast for a long way, and then turns into the Interior of the Country. In the Harbour there are some extensive Sand Banks formed I apprehend by the Tide and the Junction of the Rivers— But there can be little [1820 Nov 16] doubt but there is plenty of water for any Ship in all the Rivers— After entering the Mouth of the Kotamattau the Natives informed me there was a fine Harbour [Okaro] on the left Hand which runs behind a neck of Land completely shut in from the Sea. But this I had not time to examine— Three Canoes came over this Morning from the opposite Shore, and informed Matoru that the Enemy was on the Wyeroa, which greatly alarmed them.— Poro now informed me he was afraid to go lest he and his People should fall into their Hands. This Information was very unpleasant to me as I had determined to go by land if possible— After much conversation on the subject it was once more finally arranged for the Natives to accompany me and [they] now set to work in order to prepare a New Canoe for taking us across the Kiperro and up the Wyeroa to the place where they are wont to cross the Land to the sea side— It was determined that we should all set off the following morning— The Revd Mr Butler for the River Thames with his Party, and Mr Shepherd and me by land— We therefore made every necessary preparation before we retired to rest.— 17th As soon as the day appeared we rose in order to take our Departure. Mr Butler soon embarked and proceeded up the Kiperro with a strong Tide, our Canoe was not completed. About nine O'Clock she was ready to launch, and we got her into the Water, and soon afterwards embarked, but were compelled to put in again from the high Sea and strong wind— we stopt a few hours till the Weather moderated— and then proceeded down the River towards the mouth of the Harbour— Here we met Tettoko the head Chief of the Wyeroa with three Canoes in which there was about 20 fine Hogs. He had landed a number of his People on the south side of the Kiperro to prevent them falling into the hands of the Enemy— He pressed me to except a couple of Hogs, but I was afraid as the Sea was high they would endanger the Canoe in crossing the River— He selected one very large Hog and put it into the Canoe— These People told us we should not be able to cross the River from the roughness of the Sea. Tettoko said we should be able we therefore took our leave and proceeded on our Voyage, and in about two Hours we got safely [1820 Nov 17] over and under the shelter of the land in the Wyeroa— Tetoko is considered the greatest Warrior in the West side of New Zealand — he had the principal command when Shunghee was defeated with the loss of so many of his Tribe— Ariva [Rewa] who commands now in Shunghee's absence told me he would not [rest] till he had got the Head of Tettoko observing at the same time that his Heart swelled very big when he thought of his Father and two Brothers who were killed in that engagement, and he felt great pain and could not rest till he had killed Tettoko [at the battle of Moremoneui (one of Hongi's reasons for going to Engd for muskets.)] At the Time I left Kiddee Kiddee for Kiperro Areva was there preparing for an expedition against these People, and intended to set off in a few days— we now heard he was upon the upper part of the River Wyeroa— After we had crossed the mouth of the Harbour, we proceeded up the River till near dark, when we landed and remained all night on the Beach.— 18th About five O'Clock this morning we proceeded up the River with the Tide, and 18th arrived about nine at the Place where the Road turns off to the Sea Shore, we rested, as it was the Sabbath and remained all the day at the landing place the Inhabitants on both sides the River appeared to have fled, for we did not see an Individual as we went up the River, nor a single Canoe— 19th We rose early this morning and killed the Hog Tettoko had given me before we sett off on our Journey— after our Hog was dressed I gave a quarter of it to the Canoe Men belonging to the Canoe— and paid them for their trouble in bringing us up the River— sent a present to the Chief Matouee— They [sic] Presents they received for themselves and Chief made them very happy. We now packed up our Baggage and Provisions and sett off for the Sea shore which we reached in about two hours— The Road is pretty good and the distance about 6 Miles. The Morning was very fine when we reached the sea side and the Water smooth. As soon as we came down to the Beach we saw an Hill called Monganuee which lies about half way between Shokeehanga and Kiperro— and is [1820 Nov 19] very high and extends further out to Sea than any other part of the Coast and may be seen at sea at the distance of 30 Leagues or more. When I last saw it It appeared to be about 8 or 10 Leagues off at the most and I thought we should reach it that day or very nearly as the Land is very level, hard, and good to walk upon. [Ripiro beach] We pressed forwards as fast as we could but when evening came we appeared to have made little progress, it still seemed at a distance of 7 leagues— Been [sic] very weary having only slept a short time to dress provisions— we rested on the beach all night. 20th As soon as the Morning light appeared we began our March— the weather was very fine and our walk pleasant along the Shore— The Battle between Shunghee's Tribe and the People of Kiperro was fought upon the Beach we walked over today— The Chief Poro said he would not mention the spot where so many Men were killed if I were afraid of the Ghosts of those who were slain. I replied that I was not afraid. When we came to the place he shew'd us the particular Spots where the great Men fell in Battle and mentioned the particular Deeds of Valour that Tettoko had performed that day after receiving several wounds [himself] and observed that the present War was begun in order to obtain satisfaction for the Chiefs who were slain in the above Action— Passing the memorable Spot we continued our March untill evening and reached Monganuee within about half [a] mile when we took up our Rest for the Night— The Coast for the last two days was quite straight and the sand Hills very high and similar. When the Wind blows hard from the southward and westward there must be a very heavy Surff for 40 Miles along the Beach between Kiperro and Monganuee there is not a single Cove or Inlet during the above distance, the Shores are all sand with the exception of the Timber I have mentioned at the foot of the Sand Hills lying in Beds like Coal, and the Breakers extend a considerable distance in the Sea. 21st This Morning we began to ascend Manganuee the Base of this Hill is solid Rock; the middle appears to be Iron Stone. In some places the Rock [1820 Nov 21] is perpendicular next the Sea, and from its height [right] makes every nerve tremble to look down. The native path is here and there near the edge. I was not able to walk in some parts but crept along on my hands and knees, we got over in about four hours, but with great fatigue— This Hill may be known at sea by a high Point that stands out at the Top like a Horn and over hangs the sea. Its latitude I think will be found to be nearly 360— But it is not possible to mistake it— It is covered with small Trees, and on that account differs with the other Hills upon the Coast which are composed of white Sand— Having crossed Manganuee we sat down to Breakfast and then pursued our Journey, in passing along, our party were much alarmed for fear of falling in with any of the Enemy— On one occasion they observed two Men upon a distant Hill which agitated their minds very much; the Chief urged us to press forward as fast as possible which we did— A few miles further they saw some Men upon the Beach and immediately squatted down under the Bushes and begged us to do the same, till they reconoitred the Party. They [sic] Chief threw off his Mats took his Maree or stone and his Patoo Patoo, put his [sic] on his War Mat and girded his Loins very tight with a Cord, they then all crept along the ground thro' the Fern & Bushes in order to get a nearer view of them— Poro told me if they were Enemies he and his Party must run off into the Bush and leave us to do the best we could— I requested him to run no risk on our account for I was not afraid and we could take care of ourselves, after lying for some time till they were not able to satisfy themselves whom or what they were, and therefore determined to take a circuit behind the Hills where we could not be discerned by them, and come into the public path beyond them on the side next Shokee Hanga where they thought they could examine them with less risk of being seen— after we had done this and reached the [Public] Road. They reconoitered them again and found that there were no Enemies they then went up to them to learn the News and was informed that A Riva [Rewa] [1820 Nov 21] and Koee Koee [Koi Koi] were on the Wyeroa with three Hundred Men— Their minds were now once more at [ease], and we pushed on as fast as we could and in the evening got about five miles of the Heads of Shokee Hanga where we took up our nights Lodgings with a Chief belonging [to] Terranakka who had gone to pay a visit to Mowenna [Mowhenga]. This Chief was very much Tatooed and had a very thick head of Hair not curly but long— Terranakka is a Settlement [In pencil - See my manu=script p.255] on the west side of the Islands a long distance from Shokee Hanga— [Nov] 22nd We rose early this morning for Shokee Hanga where we shortly arrived, when I last visited Shokee Hanga, the Head Chiefs Son, his Brother Son and some other Men of consequence were gone to the Southward upon a war expedition along with another Chief named Patuonee [Patuone] who was the head of the expedition. He had now returned and informed me that they had crossed Cooke's Straits and landed on the Middle Island— In this Expedition Mowenna and his Brother had both their Sons killed— On my Arrival I was first conducted to two of the Chief Women who were in deep distress— One was Mowenna's daughter who[se husband] had been killed and eat in Terunakkee in an Engagement with the People of that Settlement, and the other was her late Husband's Sister— They were under a Shed alone together making loud lamentations, and weeping bitterly. One had a mourning Cap on made of red bunting fringed round the edges with white dogs Hair about three Inches long which hung over her Face and concealed it in a great measure from view— The Cap was also bound round with a Ribbon made of India print, Her Sister in Law was dressed in a similar manner only her Cap was made of Otaheitan Cloth they appeared objects of the greatest distress, and recalled to my recollection St Paul's observation They sorrowed as Men without Hope— They made signs for me to sit down by them which I did, as soon as they were able to speak, they told me the melancholy cause of their grief— The daughter of Mowenna said she would die with sorrow— He had two or three children by her and one fine Girl about 14 Years of age who was greatly affected apparently with several Ulcers in her Joints— I had no doubt but this Disease had been communicated to her [1820 Nov 22] by some Europeans since the vessels had been at N. Zealand— her distressed Mother looked upon [her] daughter shewed me the state she was in, and asked if my God had not thus afflicted her daughter for she could not account for her miserable state— On this occasion I felt much pain in beholding the sad effects of sin, and that man born in a Christian Country in stead of mitigating should increase the miseries of the poor ignorant Heathens, I am fully convinced if the Gospel is introduced into New Zealand which is the only remedy for the Evils that Sin hath introduced amongst Men into the world— The prevailing vices of the civilized world will find their way at the same time, and greatly add to the Calamities which the Heathens labour under— This is a painful Reflection what an awful Scene will be opened when God shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and render to every Man according to his works, yet that day will surely come— The scene before me called forth many reflections. On enquiry after Mowenna I was informed he would be with me in a short time. When he arrived he was much gratified with my visit to him again his His two Brothers soon came also full dressed— They seemed also much distressed interested in the War commenced against Kiperro— Gave the People who had come with me all the information they could. I met with [a] young Chief a relative of Shunghee's who had lately married Mowenna's daughter, and told me it would not be safe for the people who had come with me to proceed to Kiddee Kiddee, as they might fall in with some of the Party who were engaged in the War, and be cut off— They also informed me that they were afraid to venture to Kiddee Kiddee, but they would go to Wangaroa where they would be safe, If I would go with them and take them with me in the Dromedary when she went round to the Bay of Islands, as by that means they would return on the east side Home and escape the Enemy— I felt myself bound to protect them and therefore relieved their minds by promising them I would accompany them to Wangaroa and take them with me in the Dromedary— While we were set conversing on this subject a Person on lookout at the Top of the Hippah called [1820 Nov 22] out there was a large strange Canoe full of People. Mowenna had his Shell hung upon his Arm which he immediately sounded when his People flew to Arms in all directions and those who came with me girded up their Loins and prepared for War or flight as circumstances might dictate. All remained in this agitation for some time till the Canoe approached near enough to ascertain who were in it and from whence it came, when they landed they were found to be Friends who had come two days Journey to mourn with and comfort those who had lost their Friends in the late expedition to the Southward— The women now put on their mourning dress sat down on the Place where I was conducted to them on my Arrival, their friends who had come to visit them, assembled round and began their lamentation and tears— They all cried aloud, the greatest part of the afternoon, and seemed to be equally distressed with the real Mourners— This Circumstance brought to mind the Death of Lazarus, and the mourning of Mary and Martha, with the Jews who came from Jerusalem to comfort them concerning their Brother— the Custom seems to be very similar.— After this Bustle was a little over I informed Mowenna I wanted a Canoe to take me and the People with me up the River about 40 Miles— He told me I should have one in the morning. I spent the remaining Evening very pleasantly with these kind and affectionate People, and hung my Hammock in the Hut which he had lent me for our accommodation when I first visited this Settlement and where he and his Brothers remained with me all night. [Nov 23] 23rd This Morning I prepared very early to take my departure— Mowenna ordered the Canoe to be got ready, and he accompanied us up the River to see me safe landed where I wished in order to make my way to Wangaroa— He called at one of his Farms to get some Potatoes, and fresh Fish for us, and we proceeded up the River, when we had got about 20 miles we landed at Moodeey's settlement, to wait for the return of Tide, Moodey was at home— As soon as he learned I was in the Canoe, he fired eight musket shots as a salute and invited us on shore— I landed and was received with much affection by Moodeey . There were several Chiefs with him whom I had not seen— and some I had met before— one of them a very sensible Man— he told me he had never gone to War since I advised him against it, nor did he ever intend to go again— They pressed me to send some Europeans to [live] at Shokee Hanga— Mowenna was afraid he should die before that day came. [1820 Nov 23] When the Tide turned I requested to depart, Moodey [Muri] urged me to stay till the following day, but I told him I was afraid the Ship would leave Wangaroa before I arrived, which would distress me very much— I used many Arguments before they would consent for me to leave them— At length we embarked, and proceeded up the River, and about 12 O'Clock arrived at the Place I wished to land— when I took my final Leave of Mowenna after recompensing him for his Trouble, he returned with the Tide down the River— we were now left in the Forests of New Zealand without a Guide as none of us knew the Way— when we landed we took up our Lodgings for the remaining part of the Night on the Beach— [Nov 24] 24th When the day returned we went into the Wood to see if we could fall in with the Path which leads to Kiddee Kiddee and soon found it. After walking for some hours in the Wood, and crossing the River several times we met with the Wife of Patuoney [Patuone], whom I had formerly seen upon the Banks of the River— she was much rejoiced to see me, I enquired where her Husband was in order to procure a Guide to Wangaroa she directed us to follow her and would so bring us to him— After walking about an hour we came to a Farm where he was collecting Fern Root in the midst of his People.— He was very much rejoiced to see me, ordered me an Hog which was immediately killed and a quantity of Potatoes— He informed me he had been on the middle Island across Cookes Straites— that on his Way his party were attacked at Terannakkee and some of them killed, amongst whom was Mowenna's Son and two more Chiefs belonging to him— That he had retaliated upon the Enemy killed some and taken many Prisoners amongst whom were a number of Children— and that at length he had made Peace with them, returned their Children, when redeemed by Instruments of War made of the Green talc and some mats— He had left Ten of his own Men there who had got married and had brought a number away with him some of whom where [sic] then present— That he and the people of Terranakkee were now completely reconciled, and united in Friendship. He presented me with a Mat, wished me to stop all night with him— but I informed him I had not time— After taking some Refreshment, I requested he would give us a Guide to direct us through the Woods— When he sent his Son— About three O"Clock in the Evening [sic] we came within Ten Miles of Kiddee Kiddee— Mr Shepherd and I now parted, he proceeded to the Missionary [1820 Nov 24] Settlement, and I struck off for Wangeroa, we walked as fast as we were able till dark when we rested— The Natives were now greatly alarmed as we had to cross Shunghee's District, lest they should meet any of Shunghee's People, however we were fortunate enough to see none of them. [Nov 25] 25th We began our Journey early this morning in hopes of reaching the Dromedary before night. Our Road lay in the thick Woods nearly the whole way, we had to pass through deep Ravines, and over very high Hills, which made the Journey extremely fatiguing. The small River which falls into Wangaroa Harbour runs through the Ravines at the foot of the Hills. We crossed it several times that Day— about two O’Clock we had the happiness to arrive at the village of Wangaroa. Here all my native Companions rested, they were completely tired, only one accompanied me to the Dromedary which we reached in the Evening— I had been absent from the Ship five Weeks and one day, during which Period I travelled by Land and Water about 600 Miles by estimation and in some of the worst Roads that can be conceived. This must naturally be expected, as the Country in this respect is in an aboriginal State— No Swamps drained no Bridges over Rivers or Creeks no Rubbish cleared from the Paths— A New Zealander finds no difficulty in crossing the deep Marshes or deep Rivers— through the one he wades, and through the other swims at his Ease. Parramatta February 5th 1821 I have the Honor to be Revd Sir Your most obedient humble Servant Samuel Marsden Revd J. Pratt Secretary to the C. M. SocietySydney Cove July 22d 1823 [1823. July 22] This day I embarked on board the Brampton for New Zealand with a view of visiting the Missionary Stations in that Island belonging to the Church Missionary Society— The Brampton is a very fine Ship upwards of 150 tons burden— The following persons embarked with me in the service of the Society, the Revd Henry Williams with Mrs Williams three children and one Man and Maid Servant, Mr Fairburn his Wife and two children and my own Man Servant. There was also the Revd Mr & Mrs Turner Wesleyan Missionaries and a Mr Hobbs who are going to join their brethren [Wesleyan] in New Zealand. The day is very fine but little wind— I feel very anxious to see New Zealand once again, to observe the progress that has been made in the improvement of the poor Heathen— It is now more than two years since I left the island— much good and much evil since that period has appeared amongst them, and many obstructions to the work of the Mission—  I am still confident that this land of darkness and superstition will be visited by “the day star from on highâ€� “The glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it togetherâ€� for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken itâ€�— O Lord let thy kingdom come, and then thy will shall be done on earth as it is [in] Heaven. [July 23] Wednesday 23— Last night we were obliged for want of wind to come to anchor near the Heads & this morning at Daylight we weighed anchor and cleared the Heads of the Harbour about 8 OClock with a fair breeze, the morning was very fine— I feel happy that I am leaving the Colony for a little time, in which I have suffered much annoyance and vexation from unreasonable and wicked Men— Perhaps if I had not met these vexations I should have felt less inclination to have left my comfortable Home and Family— In the midst of all I feel I am in the path of duty, and therefore can leave with quietness and confidence my Family and all my concerns in his hands who keepeth Israel and never slumbereth nor sleepeth— In reflecting upon the state of New Zealand there are many things in the Mission that give me both pleasure and pain— I am happy that the C. M. S. has not relinquished the cause but has sent out more strength to carry on the work— Many have been the discouragements from the improper conduct of some of the Society’s Servants, but I am confident that the Sword of the Spirit which is the word of God shall subdue the hearts of these poor Heathens to the obedience of Faith— Moses by divine command selected twelve Princes, Rulers in their respective Tribes to spy out the Land of Canaan— They went thro the land but when they returned they brought up an evil report of the Land which they had searched, and told Moses that they were not able to go up and take the land. Ten of the twelve Rulers joined in this report, but Caleb and Joshua said, “We are able to go up at once and possess it— As long as a Caleb and a Joshua remain in New Zealand the Land will be taken— Tho it cannot be said to be the promised Land, a Land flowing with milk and honey, yet it is the Land of promise— I have no doubt but I shall find some on my arrival faithful to the cause, tho’ others who once ran well have turned aside from the path of duty and brought an evil report upon the Mission— How mysterious are the ways of God— He permits men to engage in his work who labour for a time with honor to themselves and to the cause in which they are employed, and at length they are taken in the snare of the Devil, fall from their steadfastness, bring guilt upon their own consciences, pierce themselves thro’ with the bitterest sorrows and go mourning all their future days; what warnings ought there to be to all the followers of Christ— [Friday Augt 1.] Friday August 1. This Evening we made the three Kings off the north Cape of New Zealand and ran between the Islands and the main land. The Sea ran mountains high and the Gale was very heavy— we had met with nothing material during our passage excepting rough stormy weather part of the way— [Saturday Aug 2] Saturday Aug. 2. This morning we found ourselves to the Southward of the Cape, and before 12 OClock saw the north head of the Bay of Islands, but the wind was unfavourable— In the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour but could not work in as the wind was directly against us— We observed the brig Queen Charlotte a few miles to leeward of the Brampton working up— Both Vessels lay on and off during the night— [Aug. 3] Sunday 3d— At day light this morning the Queen Charlotte was about three miles to windward working up into the Harbour with a contrary wind— The Brampton being light she did not hold her wind. In working up we had stood in on one tack pretty far over to the South side of the Harbour when the Ship was put about she struck upon a Rock, but received no injury— In the Evening at dusk we came to anchor in Korarareka Bay about nine miles from the Missionary Settlement Rangeehoo none went on shore this Evening— It being the Sabbath I administered the Sacrament in my Cabin in the Morning, and in the Evening we had Divine service between Decks— We had preached every Evening when the weather would permit to the Ships Company from our leaving port Jackson and had found it profitable to ourselves and may thro the Divine blessing prove profitable to them that heard us— [Aug 4] Monday 4th This morning I went on shore at Rangeehoo saw Messrs Hall King and Cowell— They and their Families were all well— I learned that the Revd Liegh and White were settled at Wangaroa and that Mr Shepherd was with them. It was Mr Lieghs original intention to have settled to the southward of the Bay of islands either at Wangaree or in some other station nearer the River Thames— He had been to the Southward and found that the Inhabitants were either killed or driven from their homes by the late wars that have taken place along the Coast, since I was there three years ago. He and his Colleagues had steered their course to the northward about 50 miles from the Bay of Islands— There is a very considerable Population in the Harbour of Wangaroa where the Boyd was cut off about 16 years ago— It was my intention to have fixed the Revd H Williams in that station when we left Port Jackson and purposed that Mr Shepherd should accompany him, as he had acquired considerable knowledge of the language, and had written to Mr Shepherd on the subject— I was informed that the Revd S Liegh was very ill and that it would be necessary to recall Mr & Mrs Shepherd again to the Bay of Islands, as the tribe to whom he had been originally sent required his return. The station Revd S Liegh has fixed upon is a very important one, and I hope the Mission may succeed in that very spot where so many of our Countrymen were sacrificed and eat by the Natives— The Revd Mr Turner and Mr Hobbs set off as soon as they could to Wangaroa by Land taking with them a Native Guide in order to see their Colleagues and to consult measures for the removal of themselves and Baggage to their intended station. It appeared very providential that the Revd S Liegh had fixed upon this place for their Missionary labours as they might keep a communication with the Missionaries of the C M S by Land and be of mutual advantage to each other — I now determined to settle the Revd H Williams on the South side of the Bay of Islands about 16 Miles from Kiddee Kiddee and 12 from Rangeehoo— at Wytanghee or Pyhea— After spending the Day with Mr Hall I returned on board the Brampton in the Evening— [Aug 5] Tuesday 5. The Revd H Williams and myself [1823 Aug 5] went to Wytangee to see if we could fix upon a situation for a new Settlement. The land is very good and the Situation beautiful— We had some conversation with the inhabitants on the subject and told them what our intentions were, but could come to no arrangement with them, as the principal Chiefs were absent at the wars— We crossed the Whytanghee River and examined the ground upon the opposite side which appeared very good also— There is a large population at both of these places and a number of very fine children who continually surrounded us— The head chief of this place was also gone to the Wars, so that we could not come to any final determination this day, and therefore returned on Board in the Evening— [Aug 6] Wedy 6. I this day called a full Committee of all the Missionaries at Kiddee Kiddee with the exception of the Revd H. Williams when the resolutions of the Parent Committee transmitted to me from London were read and considered until a very late hour in the Evening— The evils censured in these resolutions could not be denied— The concerns of the Mission had been for a very long time in a very deranged state thro’ the improper conduct of some in the Mission— Great immoralities had been committed and all unity and christian love appeared to have been entirely extinguished, and pride and envy & a worldly spirit had gained the dominion over them as a body— I was astonished that the Mission had not been annihalated entirely by the private animosities that existed and the scandalous Sins into which some of them had fallen— The natives generally behaved well and would not interfere in their differences. The Missionaries had met with comparatively few difficulties from the Natives, and if they had acted as Christian Men their difficulties would have been less— The Missionaries admitted also that there could be no doubt, but that the Mission would finally succeed, if things were conducted properly amongst themselves, that the evils originated in their body— They expressed their regret for their past misconduct and a determination to act in a different manner in future. Some I have no doubt will be more correct and will labour to retrace their steps but I have not the same confidence in all— many men express sorrow for their Sins but their sorrow is not of [nature] to cure them— temptations to evil recur again and they fall— I wish this may not be the case with some in the Mission— In reading the resolutions of the Parent Committee I endeavoured to impress their minds with the importance of the different subjects they contained and cautioned them against the consequences of their departing from their public duty in future— At a very late hour we closed our deliberations for that time, and deferred the furthur consideration of the resolutions to another opportunity— [Aug. 7] Thursday 7th This Morning I left Kiddee Kiddee in company with the Revd H Williams and proceeded to Pyheea in order to fix upon a new station for him about 16 miles from the above Settlement, we examined the ground and determined upon Mr Williams taking up his residence there. The land is situated on the banks of the Cowa Cowa River— The head chief was gone to War— He had lived with me at Parramatta and I knew him to be a very worthy Man and would make no objection to Mr Williams living there when he returned. It was therefore resolved to begin immediately to prepare a place for lodging the Stores and a temporary building for Mr Williams & family— The Natives belonging to the Village were directed to collect the materials for a thatched building and to erect it with all possible dispatch as the Master of the Brampton was urgent to land the stores from the Vessel— The Day was very stormy and wet— we were not able to return to the Brampton which lay about 8 miles off. With some difficulty we reached the Queen Charlotte after dark very cold and wet and remained all night— We had the misfortune to have our Boat swampt along side the brig and lost our Oars— [Aug 8] Friday 8th This morning I visited the Revd T. Kendall & had some conversation with him relative to his unhappy situation. I thought it proper to prepare his mind a little before I delivered to him the Society’s Letter and the resolution containing the order for his dismission— He was considerably agitated at our first meeting. I felt much both for him and his Family— He appears to have been wholly under the dominion of ungovernable Lusts pride and passion with all their attendent Evils— I am convinced that he never will recover himself out of the snare of the Devil while he remains in New Zealand but will be lost to himself his family & ^the Society [1823 Aug 8] and that there is no safety or comfort for him; or his family but in his removal from the Island. At present he seems determined not to leave New Zealand he told me he had the means of living within himself and he was resolved to remain— I did not think it prudent to argue much with him on the subject at this time as I should have other opportunities to speak to him when he would be more cool. I therefore left him and returned on board the Brampton with Mr Williams. On my arrival I found the Revd Mr Turner had returned from Wangaroa— He brought me a Letter written by the desire of the Revd S Liegh who was so unwell that he could not write himself— Mr Liegh requested me to go over and see him, and arrange with the Chief (commonly called George) for the land they wished to settle upon as they could not come to any terms with him— From the account Mr Turner gave me of Mr Lieghs health I was satisfied that he was totally unfit for his situation at Wangaroa— that he could not bear the privations and anxiety inseperably connected with a Missionary situation in a new station in an heathen land— I determined if possible to visit him before my return to Port Jackson and see if any thing could be done to administer to his comfort and relief— Mr Turner pressed me much on the subject as he thought Mr Liegh was so ill that he was not likely ever to recover — [Aug 9] Saturday 9. I remained on board all the day to arrange the necessary measures for landing the stores &c &c. Mrs Williams and her children went to Kiddee Kiddee & Mrs Turner, her little Girl and maid servant were taken to Ranghee Ho untill some opportunity offered for Mr Turner and family joining their Mission at Wangaroa— [Aug 10] Sunday 10th— This day I preached at Rangee Hoo and administered the Holy sacrament in the morning. The Revd Mr Williams preached in the evening we had a quiet and comfortable day— The Natives were catechized by Mr Willm Hall and sang some Hymns and repeated some prayers in their own language which was exceedingly gratifying to my mind. I observed with much pleasure that the Natives on every place were much pleasure that the Natives in every place were much improved in their appearance and manners since I last visited them— that notwithstanding the misconduct of the Europeans the work was gradually going on and the way preparing for the blessing of the Gospel to be imparted unto them. I have no doubt but the greatest difficulties are now over and God will either incline the Hearts of those who are now in New Zealand to devote themselves to the instruction of the Natives or he will find other instruments to do his work— The present Missionaries tho some of them have erred greatly from the right way yet they all have had their trials their fears and their troubles— some allowance must be made for their peculiar situation, their want of Christian Society, and the public ordinances of Religion, such privileges as are enjoyed by the Church of God in England— I have a lofty tree upon one of my Estates In N S Wales - It stands upon the summit of a high hill, when I first got possession of the land, this tree was surrounded with many more— It appeared from its strength and stateliness that it would stand uninjured for ages— I removed all the rest and left it to stand alone as a conspicuous ornament when it soon withered and died— It still remains in its former situation a dead leafless object and has furnished me with many reflections at different times— Remove a Christian from London, who is having the fair fruits of righteousness like a tree planted by the water side, into the barren deserts of New Zealand and I apprehend he would in a short time put on a faded appearance and his leaves droop and wither— If Missionaries in heathen lands lose their spiritual strength which they are very liable to do— It would be happy for them if they could be removed for a time into Christian Society again until their strength is recruited and they are prepared for their work again— [Aug 11] Monday 11. This Morning I left Rangee Hoo and went on board [1823 Aug 11] the Brampton where most of the Missionaries assembled in order to send off all the stores we could to Kiddee Kiddee before the Ship left her present anchorage. It was the intention of the Master to take the Ship this day to the South side of the Harbour about nine miles from where we lay. After the goods were sent off I accompanied the Revds J Butler & H Williams to the head of Tarria’s River, about six miles from the Vessel, in order to fix upon another new station. After we had met the Chief and his people and determined upon the ground where the settlement was to be formed we gave directions to Natives to erect a temporary building for Mr S Butler and his Wife and they should immediately come and live among them as soon as it was ready— We afterwards returned to Rangheehoo about 12 miles distant where we arrived about sunset— In the Evening I called a special Committee when all the Missionaries were present, excepting Mr Willm Hall who was absent on some other duty— We did not close our proceedings until about midnight. At this Committee the resolutions of the Society were brought under consideration a second time and the respective Salaries were arranged and some other concerns connected with the Mission when the Committee was adjourned to another day— [Aug 12] Tuesday 12th This Morning we procured what boards and other sawed timber we could from Mr Willm Hall for the purpose of erecting a temporary Building for the reception of the Revd H Williams and his baggage & stores at Pyheea in order that all his goods might be landed as soon as possible from the Brampton. We hired a large War Canoe to take the boards &c to Mr Williams’s station about nine miles distant on the South side of the Harbour. We then proceeded on board the Brampton accompanied by the Revd J. Butler & Messrs Kemp & King in order that they might render what assistance they could to the Revd H Williams in the Landing his stores, and securing them on shore— After all these matters were settled I paid a second visit to the Revd T Kendall and delivered him my public Letter in which I had enclosed the Revd J Pratts public letter and the resolution of the Parent Committee containing his dismission from the Service of the Society— When I handed him my Letter, and communicated to him its contents, he said he would not open it— he was determined to send it home to his friends just as it was. I replied he would act in that respect as he thought proper, that as I had acquainted him verbally in what relation he now stood to the Society it was a matter of little consequence whether he opened my Letter or not. His conduct had compelled the society to withdraw its countenance and patronage from him and there was now an end of their connexion— I informed him that I was authorized to find him and his Family a passage to N S Wales and that he and his Family would return with me in the Brampton. He still persisted in his determination to remain in New Zealand— I recommended him to consider the subject well, to consider his own situation in the island, the situation of his large family, the distressing prospect of his children had before them some of them were now growing up Men and Women, and what were they [to] do amongst the Heathen, they could not Marry amongst the Natives, and how were they to be settled in Life? After advancing such reasons as I thought might weigh with Mr Kendall to induce him to leave N Zealand in his cooler moments I dropt the subject. I think he will alter his determination in a few days when his present feelings subside— Since my arrival I had not lost any moment in examining the Natives relative to their Wars, their religion, Customs & Manners and, wishing to correct any Errors I might have fallen into for want of a more perfect knowledge of their language I entered into conversation with Mr Kendall upon these subjects. I told him what inquiries I had made, and what information I had gained, and requested him to correct any mistake I might have committed. I found Mr Kendall at considerable loss [1823 Aug 12] to find English words and to arrange his ideas and to clothe them with such terms so as to enable me to conceive what he wished me to understand. His reasoning upon the different subjects is so subtle and metaphysical that when he attempted to explain them I could not with the utmost exertion of my mental powers often comprehend what his meaning was— I am satisfied he has acquired a great knowledge of the Natives language and also of their customs and manners and Religion but whether he will ever be able to arrange these matters in a proper manner in inoffensive language so as to be of general benefit to those employed in the Mission is a matter of some doubt— By prying into the obscene customs and notions of the Natives with a viciated curiosity his own mind is become so poluted that it will be very difficult for him to purify his ideas so far as to render what he writes acceptable to the public eye, and to make himself at the same time understood. The character and History of the N Zealanders would be very interesting, if it could be purely written— They are a noble race of Men— they are very religious in their way, and they are Men of the first capacity of mind Men of great perseverance and enterprize & who never lose sight of an object that they set their mind upon until they obtain it— They are powerful reasoners upon every subject that has come within their knowledge possess a quick conception and are well acquainted with human nature. At present there is nothing in New Zealand but War to exercise their active minds. Should the arts of peace in time open to them the field of commerce to find employment they will then have less inclination to War. Upon all these subjects as well as on the general concerns of the Mission I spent several hours conversation with Mr Kendall this day and after dark returned on board the Brampton. During the time I had been on shore the Snapper a small cutter had arrived from Port Jackson bound to the Society Islands. [Aug 13] Wednesday 13— It was resolved this morning to take up the Snapper to carry the Revd Mr & Mrs Turner, and the Societys stores to Whangaroa to join the Revds Liegh & White as there was no prospect of their getting to their Station by any other conveyance. As the Revd S Liegh was so very ill and could not settle with the Natives about the Land and so earnestly solicited me to visit their station I determined to embark in the Snapper and it was arranged for her to sail in the Afternoon. The Weather became very stormy before all the Stores were on board, so that our Sailing was put off until the following Morning. I expected to return before all the Stores were landed from the Brampton so as to complete my other business before she was ready for Sea— [Aug 14] Thursday 14. At daylight this Morning I embarked on board the Snapper a very small Vessel carrying about 30 tons. The wind was very fresh and against us, when we got out to Sea the Cutter jumped about much. We had to work up against the wind the distance between the two Harbours is between forty and fifty miles— Late in the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour of Wangaroa, but could not get in. We therefore lay off until daylight. [Aug 15] Friday 15th— The Wind was against us getting in; we got the Boat a head and several Canoes came out and towed us into the Harbour. About 12 we came to Anchor— Shortly after George the Chief and several more with him came on board. I requested George to take charge of the Vessel untill I and the Master returned from visiting Mr Liegh who resided about eight miles higher up the River— The Revd Mr & Mrs Turner accompanied us to the Missionary Settlement where we found Mr Liegh very ill— The Master returned that Evening to the Vessel but I remained all night with Mr Liegh. Many whom I had seen before came to visit me and rejoiced that I had come again to see them— As soon as I saw the state Mr Liegh was in I recommended him to return with me to Port Jackson— He wanted more care more comforts and Medical Advice— These were not to be procured in Wangaroa— I felt much for Mrs Turner a young Woman who would now be left without any Female companion but a young Girl she had taken from Port Jackson— Mrs Turner has one young Child at the Breast. It was the opinion of Mr Lieghs colleagues as well as my own, that his weak state of Health required his speedy removal. The Revds White & Turner are both young Men, they have a very trying situation as they must want experience. I hope they will do well and conduct themselves with Patience and Perseverance. Young Men are apt to be too soon angry and if they fall into this Error they will often be very uneasy— They will have much to [1823 Aug 15] bear with from the heathens untill become better acquainted with their customs and manners. Saturday 16— Early this morning Messrs White & Turner went down to the Snapper after the Stores & Baggage. I remained with Mr Liegh as George had not yet returned, we took a walk to view the land they wished to purchase in order that an arrangement might be made for it as soon as he arrived— While we were in the Field we heard down the River a regular discharge of Muskets which was kept up for some time. I was very much alarmed at this report fearing lest some of the Sailors had insulted some of the Natives, and that a serious quarrel had been the consequence. I was very anxious to go down to the Vessel as soon as possible to learn the cause of the Guns being fired and immediately returned and went down to the River side in order to get a Canoe— The tide was down and I could not go untill the return of the tide— Georges brother Tippahee saw I was alarmed and wished to know the cause— I told him that several Muskets had been fired down the Harbour and I was afraid some difference had taken place between the Natives and the Europeans. He told me I need not be under any apprehension for if any injury was done to the Europeans Shungee would kill a number of them— While we were standing upon the banks of the River some natives arrived and informed us that a party had returned from the War and the Guns we had heard had been fired on the occasion which removed all our fears. In about an Hour afterwards Messrs White & Turner returned from the Vessel and told me the master wished me to go down as he was very uneasy in consequence of such numbers of Natives assembling about the Snapper. I determined to comply with his request in order to prevent any difference. Before I set off George returned, we examined the Land fixed the boundaries and made an agreement and the business was finally settled— I told George I was going down to the Cutter he came to the Boat with me in order to accompany me— When we got to the Wharf we found Mr Turner had very imprudently left Mr Hobbs Tool Chest in the Boat without any person to take care of it— It had been broken open and several things carried off— George threw off all his Matts apparently in a dreadful Rage and said he would put the Chief to instant Death. A number of his People were about him, he demanded to know who had committed the theft and was total that one of his brothers Slaves had done it and was run off with the property— He took a spear and ran up the bank of the River, and in about ten minutes returned with some of the Articles and said he had speared the thief, but I do not believe he did— As we went down in the Boat he expressed his indignation against a thief, and how determined he was to punish all thieves with death— I believe this was all a mere pretence— We talked over the business of the Boyde. He told me how he had been insulted and despised for cutting off the Boyde by the different tribes and what trouble it had given him as they would not be reconciled to him on that account. He said he should wish to visit Port Jackson again but he was afraid that he would by hung if he went— He thought he might now venture, as he had got some Europeans at his Settlement, they would be a security for him and if he should be hung, his people would hang the Europeans— He asked me if I would take care of him if he should venture, I told him I would, and the reason why the Governor at Port Jackson would not hang him now was because the Captain of the Boyde flogged him first— George replied that he should not do any thing of the kind again, as he knew better now. At the same time he would not venture yet to Port Jackson, but that his Brothers Daughter should go along with Mrs Liegh and if she was not hung he would afterwards go himself. We had a very dark and stormy passage to the Vessel with very heavy Rain— When I got on board I found all quiet the Natives had behaved well— I laid down in my Cloathes for the night very cold and very wet— [Aug 17] Sunday 17. Last night was very dreadful for wind and Rain which still continued [1823 Aug 17] After Breakfast I left the Vessel to go up to the Missionary station as we had agreed to administer the Lords Supper before. The Revd S Liegh and I left them. It rained very heavy so that I arrived very wet— After I had changed my cloathes we had divine service, the Sacrament administered and Mrs Shepherd churched, having been confined about three weeks. Tho God is in every place yet “he loves the gates of Zion more than all the dwellings of Jacobâ€�— nothing tends more to maintain the life of God in the soul of Man than to meet in the assembly of his Saints in his public house of prayer— [Aug 18] Monday 18th This morning the Revd S Liegh and Mr Shepherd prepared to send off their baggage to the Cutter— It had been apprehended that the Natives would not allow them to take away their property if they allowed themselves to go away. The Missionaries at Rangee Hoo mentioned this to me before I came to Wangaroa, however this difficulty was soon removed. The Natives made no objections and the whole of their effects were quietly sent on board without the smallest loss. It was agreed now that Georges niece should go along with Mrs Liegh— Her father was very anxious to know from me whether she would be hung or not— He said we are reconciled to you but we cannot believe that you are reconciled to us but will demand sacrifices for the people of the Boyde. It is a law amongst them to have life for life and they do not believe that there is any other mode of appeasing the wrath of the Deity but by human sacrifices— It will be impossible to remove these peoples fears untill they have some proof that we will not revenge the loss of the people of the Boyde— Their Religion would not allow them to pass over unpunished such an act and they cannot believe that our Religion will allow us— [Aug 19] Tuesday 19th It was intended that the Cutter should sail this morning for the Bay of islands, we rose about 3 OClock in order to prepare and as soon as the remainder of the Baggage were embarked in the Boat and Canoe we left the Missionary Settlement— The Chief’s daughter accompanied us after taking an affectionate leave of her friends who all wept much— Her Father was very anxious about her, and accompanied us to the Vessel— He repeatedly asked me, if his daughter would be hung when she arrived in N S Wales. .I assured him to the contrary, he requested if she should that I would send her body home that he might see her bones— When we arrived at the Cutter we found George on board and the Vessel crowded with Natives on deck, and on every side with Canoes— We immediately got under weigh—George gave me an Hog, and his Wife a Mat at parting.— He wept much when he took his leave of the Revd Mr & Mrs Liegh. I requested him to be kind to the Missionaries which he promised to do— Many of the Chiefs belonging to another tribe who reside in and near the entrance of the Harbour had just returned from an expedition to the Southward. I had not seen them since my arrival untill now— They expressed much satisfaction at my coming to visit them again and wished much to have a Missionary to reside with them— I made them a few presents of such things as I had and at 10 OClock we cleared the heads of Wangaroa with a strong fair wind and about 7 OClock the same Evening anchored in Korarrica Bay, when I went on board the Brampton for the night— There were some Chiefs on board— They spoke to me respecting the Revd T. Kendalls conduct and we had a long conversation on the subject— I explained to them the reason why Mr Kendall was no longer considered as a Missionary, that he had taken the daughter of a New Zealand Chief to live with him as his Wife, which was contrary to our customs and Laws, and that good Men in England had only one Wife and that by so doing he had offended his friends. They admitted he had done wrong but contended that as he was not living with the young Woman now, his misconduct should be forgotten— [Aug 20] Wednesday 20th— I have been fully engaged this day in the different concerns of the Mission— Messrs Butler and Hall & Kendall were all on board [1823 Aug 20] I had much conversation with the Revd T. Kendall upon the concerns of the Mission and his own unhappy situation— I am inclined to think that he will consent in time to leave N Zealand— His mind has been greatly poluted by studying the abominations of the Heathen and his ideas are very Heathenish. No change will ever be produced in his sentiments & feelings while he remains here— He never will recover from his fall as he is now as a Man without strength and in the most awful state as it respects his Soul. “Strangers have devoured his strength and he knoweth it notâ€�— [Aug 21] Thursday 21— I remained on board in consequence of the stormy weather. I was informed that when Mr Cowell left Rangee Hoo the Natives would pull down the House he had lived in— where Mr Kendall formerly resided. I knew that some of the Natives were very angry at that settlement on account of Mr Kendalls dismission, yet I could not believe that they would proceed to do such an act of violence— I spoke to two of the Chiefs who happened to be on Board on the subject and told them what I had heard, they replied, that it was a most wicked report, that I might be assured that nothing of that kind would happen— I spent much of the day in conversation with the Natives respecting their wars their religion and their country which was very interesting. Some of the Chiefs had travelled much into the interior, and described many places where the land was level for several days journies and the Soil good— They described high lands covered with snow and internal Lakes and hot springs situated to the Southward and a great population. All their fine mats and carvings are done at the Southwards which as yet remains unknown to the Europeans— [Aug 22] Friday 22— This Morning I went on shore to see the Revd H Williams— I found all things going on well, the Natives had been very attentive and had rendered every assistance in their power— The public Store was nearly completed and all the stores were safely lodged in it without the loss of a Nail— Three temporary buildings will soon be completed the Store & the Houses for the Revd Mr Williams & Fairburn the carpenter— I remained with Mr Williams a good part of the day and before I returned on board we agreed to visit the upper part of the Cowa Cowa River the following Morning. The situation Mr Williams occupies is a very important one as he may have a very large school ^of young children in a short time— The inhabitants generally are orderly and well behaved. Natives from very remote parts are in the constant habit of visiting this station either as Prisoners of War, or to see their friends— [Aug 23] Sept 23 Early this morning I set off to the upper part of the Cowa Cowa River accompanied by the master of the Brampton. On our way I visited several Natives on the Banks; very considerable ^cultivation was going on upon the banks of the River where no culture had been attempted before when I visited this district. The Revd H. Williams had agreed to go with us but he was detained at his New Station for some time and about 2 OClock, he came up to us.— I returned with him a little before dark on board the Brampton with an intention to go on Shore with him for the Night in order that we might set off early the next morning for Kiddee Kiddee, but I found myself so unwell from fatigue & want of rest that I declined going with Mr Williams and he returned on Shore alone— After Mr Williams was gone several chiefs came on board— One named Towa, the Son of the Chief Tippahee a very fine young Man who had resided with me at Parramatta more than twelve months addressed me and said Mr Kendall had informed him that day that he was going to leave New Zealand and they wished to know if Mr Kendall had been dismissed as a Missionary, for selling Muskets and Gun-powder to the New Zealanders. To this I replied that Mr Kendall was directed by the gentlemen in England who had sent him out as [a] Missionary not to sell Muskets & Powder— That it was ^not the custom in England for Clergymen to sell Muskets and Powder, and that no Missionary could be allowed to sell them in New Zealand— As several of the Chiefs who were present had been at Port Jackson I observed that the Clergymen there did not sell Muskets & Powder— [1823 Aug 23] They knew that I had not one musket in my House and that they had never seen any when they were with me— They replied they knew what I said was true. I further added we did not interfere with the Government of New Zealand; they did what they pleased and that the Missionaries ought to be allowed to do what they pleased. Towa said that was but just and observed we are at present in the same state as the Otaheitans were some time back— The Otaheitans wanted only Muskets and Powder, and would have nothing else, and now as they know better they wanted none and that the New Zealanders would care nothing about them when they knew better which they would in time, but time must be allowed them to learn better, that he had gone to War some time ago, but he never would go again. All the Chiefs acquiesced in the observations Towa made— I was happy to find that their minds were so enlarged and that they had begun to take such proper views of the subject. I said Towa’s remarks upon the conduct of the Otaheitans were very just and told them that the Queen Charlotte Brig which had sailed from the Bay of islands the preceeding Day, belonged to the young King Pomarre, that the Otaheitans had sent Oil and various other articles to Port Jackson for which they had received in return Tea Sugar Flour and such cloathing as they wanted and that the New Zealanders might in time have a Ship of their own to procure Sperm Oil Spars &c &c which they would sell at Port Jackson, and that many of them were able to kill the Whales having been employed on board the Whalers— When they got a vessel of their own they would soon be equal to the Otaheitans and give over their cruel Wars. They expressed much pleasure in the idea of having a Vessel of their own to enable them to procure what they want— After we had closed our conversation upon these subjects I called their attention to Mr Kendalls conduct in another respect— I told them that the Gentlemen who had sent Mr Kendall to New Zealand were not only angry with him for selling Muskets and Powder but for having two Wives that in England a Man was only allowed to have one Wife— that King George himself could only have one Wife that the Govr at Port Jackson had only one, that Mr Kendall had violated our Laws and our Religion, and that for being guilty of so great an offence he had been dismissed from the service of the Society and he was at liberty now to act as thought proper— but that it would be better for him to leave New Zealand— Towhee, a Chief, was present, for whom the Young Woman Mr Kendall had taken to live with him had been tabooed, or set apart; and he said Mr Kendall ought to leave New Zealand— I told them he should go along with me in the Brampton— The Chiefs were satisfied that Mr Kendall had violated our Laws and Customs and had brought all his distress upon himself— Tho’ Mr Kendall had not informed me as yet of his intention to leave New Zealand I was happy to find that the Chiefs were willing that he should return to Port Jackson, with the exception of one family the Father and friends of the young Woman with whom he had cohabited, and they were not yet reconciled, and had taken care to keep very much out of my way— [Aug 24] Sunday 24 — Early this morning I left the Brampton in order to accompany the Revd H Williams to Kiddee Kiddee 16 miles distant— we purposed to be up to Morning Service, but did not arrive in time— In the Evening we attended the catechizing the Natives. They sang several Hymns in their own language and repeated some Prayers— I was much gratified with the progress they had made since last visit and the prospect this afforded of their future Welfare. There can be no doubt of the success of this Mission if those employed in it will only do their duty— The children are as fine subjects to work upon as any in the known World. After we had heard the Natives perform their Service, I expounded a portion of the Scriptures, and the Evening concluded with our united worship of that God who has made of one Blood all Nations that dwell upon the face of all the Earth— The voice of joy and gladness shall yet be heard in the barren deserts of N. Zealand. The Divine promises must be fulfilled which assure us that in that great multitude which no man can number there shall be same of every nation Kindred Tongue and People. [Aug 25] Monday 25_ I had summoned a full Committee to meet at Kiddee Kiddee today, and early this morning prepared the different subjects which I wished to bring under considerations relative to the Expenditure of the Public stores, the Public Buildings Schools &c &c. The Committee met at the appointed time, and we did not close our deliberations untill after 12 OClock at night. A Mass of evils required close investigation [1823 Aug 25] and many of the subjects were very painful to consider— I trust the regulations and resolutions which I proposed and which were adopted will restrain many evils if not cure them— When Men have got a great way out of the right path, they do not like to return again to the place from whence they erred— This is the situation with some in the Mission— It is awful to think how they have fallen and how much advantage Satan has gained over them— I much fear some will never benefit the Mission their minds and habits are not calculated for the work they have engaged in— There is no consideration can induce a Man to do habitually, what he has an habitual aversion to do— Missionary work is very hard work unless the heart is fully engaged in it— A Sin will always be in that mans way who cannot bend his mind to the instruction of the Natives— The sooner such a one leaves the work, the better it will be for himself and the Mission— [Aug 26] Tuesday 26 – This morning we met again for furthur deliberation, and continued untill after mid-day, when most of the subjects under consideration were finally closed, so that I enjoyed a little quiet in the Evening. I had been very much harassed since I arrived— I was apprehensive the Brampton would be ready for Sea before I had completed the object of my visit to New Zealand, and the Captain informed me he would Sail immediately the Ship was ready— [Aug 27] Wednesday 27—I entered this morning into the consideration of the Salaries allowed the Revd J Butler and his Son, Mr Butler wished me to confirm the Bills he had drawn upon England and to allow him the same Salary for himself and Son for the last year which he had drawn for the former year— At this rate their Salaries for two years from the 1st of October 1821 to 1st of Octobr 1823 would have amounted to £600 sterling —This I objected to— I had considerable difficulty in settling his account and never could close it to my own satisfaction— About one OClock I left Kiddee Kiddee to fix upon a new station for Mr Shepherd— On my way down the River I went up the River Wypoppa which falls into the Kiddee Kiddee to see if I could find a fall of water convenient for a Water Mill at some future period— I met with a very suitable situation for the purpose very central for all the Missionary stations— A Boat may go up at all times to the very foot of the fall where the Mill may be erected— There is a natural dam of Rock across the River over which the River falls between 10 & 12 feet above the level of the water below. I then proceeded to Rangee Hoo and arrived in the Evening— I now was determined to see the Chief with whose Daughter Mr Kendall had cohabited— I had sent to her Brother before and he sent me word that he was ashamed to see me— The chief informed Mrs Hall that he also was ashamed to see me— I went into the Villiage and called upon the old chief— He was at home and his Sons, Daughters, and Wife with him— They seemed much embarrassed at first— at length the young Woman’s Sister-in-law said she understood that I would not allow Mr Kendall to have any more Sugar Tea Axes Hoes spades &c or any provisions— The conversation relative to the young Woman and Mr Kendall became general— The young Woman was sitting by me— They admitted Mr Kendall had lived with her as his Wife, but that he was not living with her now, and that as he had left the young Woman, his conduct should not be noticed now— They also said the other Missionaries did not like Mr Kendall and that they were as bad as he was— This I denied and mentioned the names of five Missionaries and asked them if they were bad, they said no, but they mentioned others,— I told them what our laws were with respect to Marriage and that Mr Kendall had broken those laws, and on that account his friends in England were angry with him. One of ye Young Woman’s Sisters who is married admitted that it was best for one Man and one woman to live together as Man and Wife, but she was of opinion that Mr Kendall should not be punished any more as he was not now living with her Sister— She said when Shungee returned from the Wars he would not allow the Missionaries to live at Kiddee Kiddee— I replied if Shungee did not wish the Missionaries to live at his place I would send a Ship and take them to Port Jackson, and that the Missionaries did not come to New Zealand for any thing that they had to give them— for they had plenty of provisions and cloathes in their own country— I appealed to her Husband and Brother who both had lived with me, if we had not plenty of every thing in Port Jackson, and did not want any thing from them— which they admitted— That the Missionaries came only for their good and when they wished them to leave [1823 Aug 27] they should— I told her I did not believe that Shungee would be angry when he returned for he had no cause— This old Chief and his family could not bear the idea of Mr Kendalls leaving the Island, because he had been the chief support of the whole of them,— and they were sensible of the loss they would sustain when he went— Before I left them I promised the old chief a few presents and his Sons, and we parted mutual friends— [Aug 28] Thursday 28 Early this morning I sent for Warrie pork— one of Shungees Principal Officers in the late War between him and Enakkee, chief at the River Thames, in order that I might learn the origin and event of the War; when he gave me the following account— Several years ago a Vessel from Port Jackson took a young Woman from Wangaree a Chiefs Sister named Tammoranga and carried her along with them by force to the Southward, where they sold her to another chief for some Mats. The Chief who purchased her, took her for his Wife, but she did not like him, in consequence of which the Chief put her to death— Sometime afterwards the Ship King George belonging to Port Jackson was at or near the East cape when a Native came in her to the Bay of Islands from ^whom Tammoranga heard the fate of his Sister— Tammoranga according to their Laws, was bound to revenge her death— About three years ago when the Corromandel lay in the Thames taking in Timber, Tammoranga determined to send an expedition against the Chief at the Southward and gave directions accordingly— His tribe assembled and on their way they stopt at the River Thames in Ennakkees district— Enakkee and Tammoranga were both on board the Corromandel at the time— Tammorangas People while they lay there robbed Enakkees potatoe grounds, and were seen by Enakkee[s] people to carry them away— About a week afterwards Enakkees slaves fell in with a near relation of Tammorangas a chief named Towakka, and killed him— Tammoranga was very much enraged but he was not able to revenge his death at that time— When the Corromandel sailed for Port Jackson Enakkee went to see the Colony in her— When Towhee a Chief belonging to Timmorangas tribe determined to revenge the Death of Towakkee— In about a month he set off from the Bay of islands to the Thames— When Towhee arrived he made an attack upon Showpas tribe, who were at amity with Enakkee’s, and killed one Chief and five common people, when he returned home— Shortly afterwards Shoupas Son came to Wangaree to revenge the death of their chief whom Towhee had killed, upon Towhee’s tribe; and killed a Chief belonging to Shungee— Shungee was not yet returned from England; while Ennakkee was at Port Jackson, Shungee arrived there. Ennakkee informed him of the difference that had taken place between him and Temmaranga in consequence of Tawakka being killed by Enakkees slaves— Shungee asked Ennakkee what he intended to do, whether on his return he would go to War or he would be quiet— Enakkee was inclined for War— Shungee recommended him to give over fighting. Enakkee asked Shungee to give him a Bill-hook which he had brought from England, which he did— Shungee gave him also a p[ai]r of Pistols, and a red Shawl, and Enakkee agreed to give Shungee on their return to New Zealand a War Canoe— These mutual presents were tokens of mutual friendship. When Shungee arrived in New Zealand he made enquiry after different Chiefs his former friends and was informed that the Chief of Tootookakka had been killed by Shoupa’s people who were in alliance with Enakkee— Shungee was very much enraged when he heard that his friends had been killed, and determined to go down to the Thames to see Enakkee to demand satisfaction— He assembled his forces, and took with him sixty War Canoes which formed a powerful Army— As soon as Shungee and his army arrived within sight of Enakkees Settlement he looked thro his glass and saw Enakkees colours flying. He called his Officers and asked them if they saw Enakkees colours, they answered they did. Enakkee also blew his trumpet, and Shungee observed him drest in his Regimentals amongst his people— Shungee then told his Officers that Enakkee was determined to give them Battle. Shungee then put on his coat of Mail, his sword, Helmit and red-coat— Wycatto also put on his Regimentals and they walked in the front of the Army— Shungee blew his trumpet and watched thro’ his glass Ennakees movements— Shungee was a little afraid of Enakkee, his Army being very strong— Shungee then called his eldest Son Charles, a youth about 16 or 17 years of age, and desired him to take a long spear, and tie an handkerchief at the end of it— and take a Chief and a few more Men with him and bear it as a Flag of truce towards Enakkees army; as Shungee wished to have a parley with Enakkee before any action took place— [1823 Aug 28] When Enakkee observed Shungee’s Son with the Flag advancing towards his camp, he sent out his eldest Son Rupee with a spear in one hand and a tomahawk in the other, to shew that he would come to no parley— When Charles & the chief came within Gun shot Enakkee fired and shot the Chief thro the head— when he fell— Charles and his little Party now turned and ran to their own Camp— Shungee was looking thro’ his glass and saw the Chief fall— Shungees Son cried much, and the whole army sat down, and mourned untill afternoon— In the Evening Shungee walked about to see if he could not fall in with him. Both Armies continued in their stations for three Days— On the morning of the fourth day with two or three chiefs Shungee advanced towards Enakkees Army in the sight of both Armies. Enakkee came forward to meet him— Shungee had his coat of Mail on and his sword, but no Gun— his helmit also, and Regimental Coat— Shungee put both his Arms under his coat of mail to show Enakkee that he came peaceably, and that he wished to come to some terms of reconciliation with him— Enakkee was dressed in English Regimentals. When Shungee advanced he took off his helmit made a bow & saluted Enakkee— Enakkee turned on one side, and spurned his compliment— Shungee said he did not wish to fight, Enakkee said he was determined to fight, Shungee said “I have seen King George as you may see by my War mat (a coat of mail) my sword and helmit. Enakkee replied “I have seen General Macquarie.â€� Shungee said he was very strong— Enakkee replied he was not afraid to meet him for he was strong too. Shungee then proposed to deliver up his eldest Son as an Hostage to Enakkee, if Enakkee would deliver up his Son to him, and that this should be the condition of their reconciliation, but Enakkee would hearken to no terms of accommodation. Shungee then took off his Helmit, and said to Enakkee “Do you see my faceâ€� Enakkee answered “Yesâ€�. Shungeee replied “You shall see my face no more untill we meet in Battle,â€� and then bowed and returned to his own Army and told them what had past— He desired his Men to get their dinners and to prepare for Battle, as soon as they could for he was determined to fight that day. The Men threw off their common mats put on all their War Matts and prepared for Action. When they were ready Shungee marched before them— When they came near Enakkees Army Shungee wished to speak to Enakkee again, who appeared like a mad Man. His Officers advised him against it lest Enakkee should Shoot him— However he advanced and fired his Musket into the Air— Enakkee fired and hit Shungee on the side when the ball was turned off by Shungees Coat of Mail— When one of Enakkees people rushed forward and struck Shungee behind the Head with one of their Marees or stone weapons of War, and knocked Shungee ^down— Warriepork was near Shungee. He called aloud for him to succour him, when the man who knocked Shungee down was instantly killed by a shot from Shungee when on the ground— Enakkee also fired a Pistol at Shungee, one of them which Shungee had given him at Port Jackson, but without effect— Enakkee then rushed forward with his Bayonet fixed, to stab Shungee while on the ground— when two of Shungees officers Riva & Eve that instant fired and shot Enakkee when he fell— Warree pork was speared at the same time thro’ the Arm by one of Enakkees men— Shungee as soon as he recovered from the blow he had received ordered the Villiage to be set on fire which was crouded with Enakkees people— The Battle then became general— In the midst of the contest Warree pork was anxious to save as many of the Children of the Chief as he possibly could, and carried 25 off the field to a place of safety tho’ he himself was speared. Ten of these he restored to their friends before he left the Thames, and 15 he brought with him to the Bay of Islands as prisoners of War— but has since returned them all— As soon as the Battle became general, Shungee and he was sure of Victory, & ordered all Enakkees auxiliaries to lay down their arms, and fly into the woods, as he only wished to destroy the strength of Enakkees tribe— Many saved themselves by flight— Such Children of the common people whose Mothers were killed in the action were put to death, and such children whose Mothers were alive to take care of them were saved alive and both made prisonners of War— Warree pork appears to have acted a very kind and humane part both in the time of action and since— He has given up his prisonners of War and returned them to their friends— many of them have gone home since I arrived— He lived with me sometime at Parramatta— He is a very Brave, Active, and well disposed young Man— From the whole of the account given me by Warree pork— Shungee appears either from fear or inclination to have had no wish for War, but to have come to some friendly terms with Enakkee— It was also kind in Shungee to spare Enakkees friends and to save the lives of the Children of the Chiefs— I have seen at the Bay of islands several Chiefs from the River Thames who had not returned since the War, who informed me that Shungee behaved well when he was there— When Shungee returned from the War he confirmed what Warree pork had stated— I had no sooner taken down the above account of Warree pork in Mr Hall’s house than I observed thro’ the Window the Brampton under weigh about six miles off— The Captain had been informed by the [1823 Aug 28] Natives that there was some fine spars about 30 miles to the Southward at a place called Tootookakka he therefore had determined to go there and take some in if there was an Harbour for the Ship to lay safe, when I was in New Zealand before I had observed the spars at a distance when at Sea, but had not examined them on shore. I determined to go down in the Vessel and immediately got a Boat and went on board. We had three Chiefs with us who were interested in the timber— An American Vessel called the Cossack had been lately wrecked in coming out of the Gambier River on the west side of New Zealand commonly called by the Natives Shukee Hanga— The loss of the Vessel has been a subject of much conversation amongst the New Zealanders— The chiefs gave me the following reasons for the loss— There are two rocks on the south side of the entrance of the Harbour, which they considered Sacred being the residence of the God of the winds and waves— The sailors belonging to the Cossack paid no respect to these Rocks, but struck them with Hammers— The Natives cautioned them against doing so, and intreated them not to touch them for if they did, their God would be angry— The Sailors paid no attention to what the Natives said— When the Cossack got out of the Harbour upon the Bar, the God of the rocks got under her bottom and in great anger danced under her and threw her up and down like a Ball— The Master let go his Anchor to hold her but the angry God cut the Anchor (not the cables) at the bottom of the Sea and threw the Vessel up untill he dashed her to pieces— The Cossack would have met with no accident if the Sailors had not provoked the God of the Winds and Waves by striking the sacred Rocks. This is universally believed by the New Zealanders. When I visited that River and came near these Rocks they begged I would not touch them lest I died— Such is the present superstition of these people— I had seen some of the Sailors who were on board the Cossack when she was lost who gave me the following account of her Wreck— The wind had been blowing hard from the South west which had caused a very great surff upon the Bar— They left the Harbour with a light Breeze— The master thought the wind was sufficient to carry the Vessel thro the surff, but when they got out upon the Bar the wind failed them, and the surff overpowered the Vessel and she became a perfect wreck— No property was saved and no lives were lost— The Natives were very kind to them when they got on shore— [Aug 29] Friday 29— This morning we were off the harbour of Tootookakka— The boat was hoisted out and Capt Moore went to examine the entrance— He returned in about 3 hours and reported that there were plenty of spars, but not sufficient Water for a large ship in the harbour, and that the entrance was very narrow. He now determined to return to the Bay of Islands for which we immediately made Sail with a fine Breeze, and arrived at the Mouth of the Harbour at the close of the evening. The Wind being now against us we lay off and on all night— [Aug 30] Saturday 30th— This morning was very fine we had made little progress during the night, and the wind still continued against us— About eleven OClock AM we observed a Boat making towards the Ship when she came along side we found she was from Wangaroa with the Revd Mr White who was going to Kiddee [Kiddee]— I immediately left the Brampton with Mr White we called on our way at Rangee Hoo and then proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee where we arrived in the Evening.— The Revd S. Liegh & Mrs Liegh had left the Brampton when she sailed to Tootookakka, as he was very weak and poorly and had taken up their lodging with the Revd J Butler— we found all the other brethren well— [Aug 31] Sunday 31— This day the Revd J Butler read prayers and I preached, when we administered the Holy Sacrament, present the Revds Liegh & White, Mrs Liegh, Mr Butler Mrs Kemp Mrs Shepherd Mrs Puckey& Messrs Kemp Shepherd & Puckey— How thankful should Christians be for the Sabbath and ordinances of Religion— What comfort and support do they administer to the pious soul! Without the divine ordinances, how feeble and how languid would the best of christians be— We never can be sufficiently thankful for these privileges— The Psalmist loved Gods House, the place where his honor dwelleth and so does every Christian— How much more delightful is it to meet in the great congregation in Gods holy temple than in any of the dwellings of Jacob— in any private house whatever. There is something so solemn so sacred in Gods house where the Saints meet to pray, and to praise him, that the pious Soul relishes Religion better here than in any other place— because God hath put his name there and has promised to meet his people there at all times— [Sep. 1] Sepr 1.— This morning I drew up some Regulations for the future Government of the Mission and wrote a public Letter to the Missionaries relative to their past and future conduct; exhorting them to repent of what they had done amiss; and warning them of the consequences of sinning in time to come— When I reflect upon the dreadful evils that have crept in amongst the Missionaries I am astonished that the Mission has not been completely annihilated. That it should ever have existed in the midst of so much wickedness, so much contention, so much unfaithfulness, in the servants of the Mission affords a strong proof in my judgment that God will carry on the work, and that the wickedness of Man shall not prevent him— Amongst [1823 Sep 1] those who have been employed in the Mission and set apart for the work, some have been weak and lead astray; Some have been wicked & have fallen from their steadfastness, and wounded the cause, others have been idle and unfaithful; others have been wor[l]dly minded, and have lost sight of the interest of the Mission by paying too great attention to their own welfare— The Mission has not only suffered for the want of support from those whom the christian World supported, but from powerful secular enemies and Infidels who have strove to over throw it altogether— But blessed be God, it still maintains its ground— Some have been faithful like Caleb and Joshua, and these will take the land as certain as ever Joshua and Caleb put the Israelites in full possession of the land of Canaan— difficulties of every kind must be fairly met and opposed, and the Christian World must be determined to plant the Gospel Standard upon the strong-holds and fortifications of the prince of darkness, and his Kingdom will finally fall— Known unto God are all his works from the beginning, and he will accomplish his divine purposes whatever instruments are employed in the work— He appointed Saul King over Israel, as well as David the Man after his own heart and accomplished his divine will by them both— About one OClock I left Kiddee Kiddee in order to hold a Committee at the station of the Revd H. Williams in the Cowa Cowa where I had summoned all the Missionaries to attend— We set upon public business untill a late hour, and afterwards remained in his Hut for the night —[Sep 2] Sept 2. This Morning we closed the business we entered upon last night. I now considered all the public concerns arranged as far as I could— After Breakfast I went on board the Brampton and agreed with the master for the passage of the following persons to Port Jackson— The Revd Mr & Mrs Liegh, the Revd T Kendall and family, and Mr Cowell & family being 15 persons in the whole— I afterwards called upon Mr Kendall to arrange with him for the delivering up of all the public stores in his possession, and purchased his sawed timber towards building the Revd Mr Williams House &c &c and afterwards crossed the Harbour to inform Mr Williams what I had done, in order that he might take immediate steps to remove the Stores Timber &c &c to prevent any disputes with the Natives afterwards, when Mr Kendall was gone;— and then proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee where I arrived after dark extremely cold, having been several Hours upon the water— Wednesday [Sep 3] Sept 3d— Today I took my leave of Kiddee Kiddee with an intention to return no more this Voyage— I went to visit Mr Samuel Butlers Station about 14 miles from Kiddee. The Revds Butler & White accompanied me— We had a very rough passage, the wind was strong and the Sea high, but arrived safe in the Afternoon— The Natives had built a comfortable temporary House for Mr S Butler, and were all very busy in different kinds of labour— This is a very important station if attention is only paid to the Natives children— the inhabitants are numerous and well-behaved— The head Chief is one of the tallest and stoutest Men I have seen in New Zealand a Relative of Shungee’s— I made the Natives a few presents of such articles as I had, and in the Evening returned with the Revd Mr White to Rangee Hoo who was on his way to Wangaroa— We arrived in the Cove just at dark and took up our lodgings for the night with Mr William Hall— at whose house we held a prayer-meeting— I had some conversation with Messrs Hall & King relative to the instruction of the Children— They promised to begin immediately Mr Cowell embarked. [Sep 4] Thursday 4— This morning I sent for the old chief Rakow the Father of the Young Woman Mr Kendall had cohabited with in order to see if I could pacafy him & his family to Mr Kendalls departure— When he came he was greatly agitated— He laid hold of me with both his hands and squeezed me as if I had been in a Vice, and said I would give Mr Kendall no more Hoes, Axes, Spades &c &c and remonstrated with me in strong terms against Mr Kendall’s departure. He represented the other Missionaries as inimical to Mr Kendall, and contended that Mr Kendall ought not to leave New Zealand, but be supported— After the old Man had given vent to his feelings he was a little more cool. I made him a present of a Blanket and a few edge tools which reconciled him a little— while we were talking several Natives came in and amongst the number Wycotto, whom I had not seen before. The whole of Rakows family and friends were much ashamed to see me on account of Mr Kendalls conduct— Wycotto said he was ashamed. They all manifested much propriety of feeling. I told them Mr Kendall was the person who was to blame, that I had no cause to be angry with them, nor was I angry with them— that Mr Kendall had offended the Gentlemen who had sent him out, and supported him, by acting contrary to their instructions and our Laws, and that they could not any longer be his friends— After much conversation upon these subjects they all seemed more satisfied and easy— I asked Wycotto to accompany me on board the Brampton, and I would make him a few presents, he replied he was ashamed to ask me for any thing, but he would go with me— As it was the last time I intended to be at Rangee Hoo I thought it prudent to invite Rakows Son Warreepork whom I have already mentioned to go with me to Parramatta as it would tend to quiet the old Chief and his [1823 Sep 4] family— When all these matters were arranged I took my leave of Messrs King & Hall & their families, and the Natives of Rangeehoo— Wycotto accompanied me on board; I was very happy to learn that he behaved well to the Missionaries since his return from England— We had much conversation upon the state of New Zealand— He told me he had accompanied Shungee once in his Wars since his arrival from England against Ennakkee, in which Enakkee was killed,— and that many fell on both sides, but he was determined never to go to War again. Shungee pressed him to go with him in his present expedition, but he had refused— He said he wished the English would come and take possession of the Country as he was sure there would be no end to their public calamities until there was a power sufficient to prevent those evils of War— I have heard many Chiefs express the same wish— Wycotto attends now to the cultivation of his Farm, and to his Wife and children of whom he is very fond— On our arrival on board the Brampton I presented him with a Spade and a few edge tools for which he was very thankful. I assured him, if he did not go to War, he should have the present of a Blanket every year, or some other article of Value— that I should make enquiry after his conduct, and if I found that he attended to Agriculture I would remember him— Wycotto returned on Shore much gratified with our interview and much relieved in his mind— Since his return from Europe, he has had time to reflect upon what he saw and heard, and he appears to me much improved and softened. I was much gratified with many of his observations— He said he was very desirous that a Missionary should be sent to the River Thames, and that if one was sent, he would go and live there— I told him this could not be done at present, but at some future time it perhaps might— [Sep 5] Friday 5th— This morning a War Canoe returned from the Southward and came alongside the Ship. I observed a Dead Man in the Stern wrapt up in Mats— She was full of people— Tootooroo one of the Chiefs of Wycaddee was in her— He seemed worn down with fatigue and privations. He had been with me formerly at Parramatta— He was much affected when he saw me, but did not come out of the Canoe, but sat in a mourning posture— What hardships do these poor Heathens suffer under the dominion of the Prince of darkness— In the afternoon I went on shore to pay a visit to the Revd H Williams and to purchase a Canoe to take with me to Port Jackson for the accommodation of the Natives who were going with me— While we were walking on the Beach another War Canoe arrived in which I understood there were two dead chiefs— When they came within a short distance of the land they all sat silent in the Canoe crying and the Women on Shore began to cry also, and to make great lamentations— These poor creatures sorrow as those without Hope— They have none of the consolations of Religion to support their minds, no hope full of immortality— what infinite blessings will the Gospel impart unto them when once they receive it with joy— After I had purchased the Canoe I went on board for the night— [Sep 6] Saturday 6th I remained on board all of this day preparing for Sea, as the Captain had determined to sail the next morning— I was very busy in securing the different useful plants I had procured for New South Wales and settling my little accounts with the Natives. The Revd Mr Williams and several of the Brethren came to take their leave, and some of them remained till late in the Evening— Warreepork thought it was not right to sail on our Sabbath day, and asked me if I should not be angry. He was informed I had no controul over the Master of the Ship, and that he would do as he pleased— The New Zealanders in their way are very particular in observing all their religious ceremonies, as they believe their happiness and Life itself depends upon their doing this— I had now got all my business settled as well as I could, and in some degree to my satisfaction considering the deranged state the affairs of the Mission had been in for so long a time— The Revd T Kendall and family Mr Cowell and family were all on board without any unpleasant differences with the Natives— I now felt much pleasure in the prospect of a speedy return to my family and people, and being very weary with various toils and anxieties both of Body and mind, I longed for a little rest, and I retired to my Cabin with much thankfulness and comfort— I had come to be thankful for continued good health during the period I had been in New Zealand, as I had not lost one day— I was not well when I left N S Wales, but I found myself better, and able to undergo much fatigue. I also was happy to see that there was every prospect of success in the Mission and felt confident that the Revd H Williams either by precept or example or by both would be able to rectify many evils when I was gone— The removal of the Revd Mr Kendall and Mr Cowell will also prove a great benefit to the Mission and I doubt not but God will prosper the work yet and raise up a seed in this benighted Land to serve him— “For many shall come from the South as well as the North, and shall sit down with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the kingdom of Godâ€� – [1823 Sep 7] Sunday 7th This morning the Captain gave orders to weigh the anchors, and proceed to Sea. I went into the Revd S Lieghs cabin, and read the 1st Chapter of Romans making a few remarks upon it and observed that it was my intention to read with him the whole Epistle on our passage to Port Jackson, we had a comfortable little meeting while the Sailors were preparing for Sea— The Weather was very threatening and stormy the wind blew very strong from the East directly into the mouth of the Harbour— We lay in Korarrika Bay on the South side of the Harbour, and had to sail along a lee rocky shore in working out with the wind dead on the land— The Ship being light and high out of the water, she would not answer her Helm, and twice missed stays— The lead was kept continually sounding, and we soon found ourselves a little more than three fathoms water with a rocky bottom, and a shoal of rocks on our lee, and it was then near high Water— When the Captain found the situation we were in, he immediately ordered to let go the Anchor which was done— When the tide began to turn the Ship began to strike— The Gale increased and the Sea with it— I was convinced the Ship would be wrecked, there appeared to me no possible way to prevent it— The Revd S Liegh was very ill and unable to bear the noise and anxiety occasioned by such an awful accident and Mrs Liegh being much alarmed I requested the Captain to lend me the Boat to take Mr & Mrs Liegh to the nearest island which he kindly granted— The wind was high and the Sea very rough, but I did not apprehend much danger in going on shore, as the Island was only about 2 miles distant, and the nearer we approached it the smoother the Water would be as we should be more sheltered from the Wind and Sea— We arrived safe tho’ very wet with the Rain and the Sea washing over the sides of the Boat— We found a few poor Natives on the point of the Island called Mootooroa where we landed— It rained very heavy— The Natives expressed much concern for us, made a fire and prepared the best Hut they had (which was made of Bullrushes) for our reception— I requested them to send a Canoe to Rangee Hoo to inform Mr Willm Hall of the loss of the Ship, and to bring his Boat to assist to land the people, and at the same time desired that they would tell the Natives to bring a large War Canoe— The Natives for some time objected to go, on account of the Storm and the high Sea— alledging that their Canoe would be dashed to pieces by the Waves— At length I prevailed upon them— They had between 5 & 6 miles to go thro a very rough Sea— About 3 OClock PM Messrs Hall King & Hansen arrived in Mr Halls Boat, and a large War Canoe with Natives. They immediately proceeded to the Ship & we had the satisfaction to see them arrive safe, and waited until dark with the greatest anxiety for their return; but neither of them came— The Rain fell in torrents and the Gale had increased— We lay down in our little Hut full of fear and alarm for the safety of all on board— The night appeared very long, dark and dreary as we could not rest and we most anxiously wished for the morning light in hopes of receiving some accounts from the Vessel— [Sep 8] Sept 8. When the Day returned we had the happiness of seeing the Vessel still upright, but driven nearer on shore— No Boat came from her or Canoe & the Gale still continued— About midday we saw the Foremast go overboard— the Natives on the island shrieked aloud when the Mast fell— I concluded they had cut away the Mast to relieve the Vessel. We spent the whole of this day in great suspense, as we could not conjecture why all the Passengers should remain on board in the state the Ship was in— At dark Mr Willm Hall returned and informed us that the bottom of the Vessel was beat out and that both her Chain & best bower Cable were broke, and that she beat with such violence upon the Rocks when the tide was in that it was now impossible to stand upon her Deck. At the same time he was not, apprehensive that the People on board were in any danger of losing their lives, as he did not think that the ship would go to pieces, as she staid firm upon the Rocks when the Tide was out.— I wished to know why the Women & children remained on board— He said it had not been determined what they would do or where land as yet, and they wished to wait until the Gale abated. We were much relieved by the information Mr Hall gave us— As it was now dark, the Sea rough and the wind high we could not leave the island and therefore took up our lodging in our little hut— The Natives kindly gave us a few potatoes and a little fish, the best they had to bestow. My pleasing prospect of returning to Port Jackson was now at an end for sometime at least— A great change had been made in my views and feelings from what they were on Sunday morning— The scene was then apparently bright and clear, but now a thick cloud of darkness rested upon all around me. I was exceedingly concerned for the loss of so fine a Ship on many accounts, as individuals who are interested in her must suffer, as well as the Passengers on board and perhaps more than they. An hour before this melancholy accident happened, the object of my visit to N Zealand appeared to be accomplished— All the Europeans 16 in number with 12 Natives were embarked— We had parted with the Principal Chiefs in every part of the Bay of Islands with mutual satisfaction, and with every prospect of success to the [1823] Mission, but now an unexpected Storm seemed to render abortive all that had been done. I spent the night ruminating upon the difficulties with which I was surrounded— while the stormy Wind and Rain still continued, and the raging Sea to dash against the Shores— [Sep 9] Tuesday 9th — At the return of Day, we observed the Ship still upright, but appeared to be driven higher upon the Reef— I now determined to return to Kiddee Kiddee in Mr Halls boat, with Mr & Mrs Liegh— We had suffered two dreary and stormy days and nights, under the most painful anxiety for the Safety of those in the Ship— We now left the Island as soon as we could for the Missionary Settlement, where we arrived about 9 Oclock— Our friends had not heard of the loss of the Ship until our arrival, as there had been no communication between the different Settlements on account of the severe weather. We were very kindly received by the Brethren. I took up my lodgings with Mr Kemp, and Mr & Mrs Liegh with the Revd Mr Butler— I informed the brethren in what situation we had left the Ship and requested that every assistance might be given to land the Passengers and Baggage— The Wreck was about 12 or 14 miles from the Settlement. Four boats were immediately sent off. Mr Halls Boat took the Women and children the same Evening to Rangee Hoo, and two of the boats returned with part of our Baggage and one went to the station of the Revd Mr Williams— All the Brethren rendered every aid in their power to provide for our comfort and to secure our baggage for which we are their debtors— When the boats returned they brought the welcome news that all were well on board. It was a great mercy that the Revd Mr Liegh appeared not to have suffered much injury from the Wet and cold while we were confined on the Island tho in so weak a state, and Mrs Liegh bore our dangers and privations with much patience and Resignation. Divine wisdom no doubt has some good ends to answer in all that has befallen us— The word of God expressly says “All things shall work together for good to them that love Godâ€�, and the scriptures cannot be broken— We cannot see thro this dark and mysterious dispensation at the present time. The why and the wherefore we must leave to him, who ordereth all things according to the counsel of his own will— As the Gale continued with increasing violence, if we had got out to Sea, we might have been cast on shore under more dangerous and distressing circumstances — Our Shipwreck has been a most merciful one, as no lives have been lost, nor any thing but the Ship— The Natives have also behaved exceedingly well as yet, and respected, and respected our property— We should not have been so kindly treated in this respect, if we had been wrecked on our native Shores— [Sep 10] This morning Mr Kemp informed me that the Capt purposed to land from the Wreck what provisions and stores he could on the Island of Mootooroa, and wished me to go down as he was apprehensive there might be some disputes with the Natives, as a report had been circulated, that a large party of Natives were coming from Shokee Hanga to plunder the Wreck— I did not believe that report, as the people upon the banks of that River and in the different Settlements are all quiet and well disposed as a Body— The day continued stormy and not being very well for want of rest I remained at the Missionary Settlement with a determination to go down on Thursday Morning agreeable to the request of the Captain, as I did not apprehend any danger from the Natives, several well-disposed Chiefs being on board— [Sep 16] Thursday 16 [sic for 11th] About 4 OClock The Revd T Kendall’s Son arrived at Kiddee Kiddee with a letter from his Father requesting assistance to land his Baggage and other property— Mr Kendall considered the situation of the Vessel very precarious, a very heavy ground swell having set in— I sent back his Son immediately with a Letter to his Father, authorizing him to hire some Canoes to land his property, and I would pay the expense of them— Afterwards I went to the island of Mootooroa taking the Revd J Butler with me. When we arrived I found a considerable quantity of Stores and provisions had been landed from the wreck— I remained on the island conversing with the Natives, and requesting them to protect the property and people— They assured me they would watch night and day so that I might be assured nothing would be lost— I requested the Revd J. Butler to proceed on to the Wreck, and to render what assistance he could to Mr Kendall with the boat— In a few hours Mr Butler returned and informed me that part of Mr Kendalls Baggage was gone on shore— and that Mr Kendall was well satisfied with, and thankful for the arrangements I had made to save his effects from the Wreck— Mr Butler informed me also, that there had been some altercation amongst the natives themselves at the wreck, but that King George and the Chiefs on board had settled the difference, and all was perfectly quiet.— I was very happy to receive this account and to see that a Savage Nation, so poor and so distressed as they are, many of them not worth a nail, should abstain from plunder, under such strong temptation to gratify the natural avarice of the human mind, in the midst of the Wreck of so much property— I apprehend no stronger proof need be adduced in testimony of the advances these poor Heathens have made [1823 Sep 16] in civilization, than the respect they have paid to the Europeans and their property in such a time of general distress. We were all both on Shore, and on the Vessel as well as our property completely in their power. They could take our lives any moment, and it cannot be doubted but they would have done so, if the Missionaries had not been settled amongst them, and gained their confidence and good-will. I would here observe, that for the last nine years the period when the Mission was first entered upon to the present time, no European has received any injury from the Natives the whole extent of Coast from the North Cape to the River Thames tho they have met with many provocations and injuries from Masters and Crews of Vessels which have visited them— The Mission has been of infinite Service in this respect. A Vessel can now enter into the Harbours in the Bay of Islands with as much safety as any Ship can anchor in Port Jackson— The time no doubt will come, when the inhabitants of New Zealand, shall not only advance in civilization, but in the knowledge and worship of the only true God, when the christian world will have cause to rejoice & praise the God of the whole Earth— In the Evening we left the island of Mootooroa, and the Natives in preparing a new House for the master of the Brampton and his Ships company, and returned to Kiddee Kiddee. [Sep 17] Wednesday 17th — I have spent the last few days at the Missionary Settlement, the weather has been very wet and stormy— I have suffered from cold and a sore-throat— I feel very anxious to return to N S Wales, but at present have little hope— While ruminating upon these subjects the Sisters arrived from Port Jackson, and this morning I have received a letter from my Colleague the Revd R Hill informing me that all my family were well on the 28th of August.— This was very welcome news,— and revived my spirits. All the information I received from the Colony was very satisfactory— I shall be very glad if the Captain of the Sisters will be prevailed upon to take us to Port Jackson, but I fear he will not, and our stay here may be some months— I am determined that the Missionaries shall begin to erect a School at Kiddee Kiddee the next week— Should I be obliged to remain two months, I hope to see it completed, and the children admitted into it. The foundation must be laid in the education of the rising generation.— If there were means equal to give the children generally instruction, ignorance and superstition would soon give way to knowledge and the true Religion— The children possess great minds, are well behaved, and teachable, and would make great improvement— [Sep 18] Thursday 18. This morning Captain Moore informed me that he had quitted the Wreck— and had got his stores all landed on the island of Mootooroa, that the chiefs on board had behaved well, that on one occasion between 500 & 600 Natives came round the Ship in their Canoes, and appeared as if they intended to be troublesome, that King George desired the Capn to be still and not to interfere, that King George addressed the Natives in a speech more than an hour long, pointed out to them the fatal consequences of committing any act of plunder or violence— reminded them of the Boyde, and what followed the destruction of that Vessel— King George took the Captain’s sword, and told them that he would cut down the first Man that attempted to come on board the Vessel. By his firmness and prudence, order and quiet were restored, and everything which the master wished to take from the Vessel he was at liberty to do so— Capt Moore told me if he had been wrecked on the English coast, the English would have been a thousand times more troublesome than the New Zealanders were— The christian World are not labouring in vain, and spending their strength for nought, when they are labouring to aid these noble race of human beings to free themselves from Want, Ignorance, and superstition; without assistance they never can free themselves, they never can rank with civilized nations nor enjoy the comforts of civil life, nor the blessings which Christianity imparts, but with the divine blessing, and christian benevolence they will become a great people— Their means of living are wonderfully increased since I visited the island 9 years ago. The introduction of tools of agriculture, such as Axes Hoes, Spades &c has encouraged very extensive cultivation in every district, and it is extending more and more every day— A Nation can do nothing without Iron— They had none until the Missionary Society supplied them— To give a man a spade is not like giving him 100 lb of potatoes to supply his immediate wants, but it is furnishing him with the means of raising many hundreds— This is evident in every part of N. Zealand— [Sep 19] Friday 19— This day Rewa a Chief next in command to Shungee returned from Wycotto and some other chiefs with him, where they had been as Ambassadors to make peace with the tribes on that River, Wycotto is a very populous part of New Zealand; several persons belonging to Wycotto returned with them— Shungee was at Mercury Bay [Towrangha] and was not expected for some time. Riva is a married Man with a family of five children. The last War expedition he was upon, he brought home another Wife, which very much distressed his first Wife— She could not bear the idea of Rivas having two Wives— During Rivas absence his second Wife had a Son, his first Wife was pregnant an the same time and was shortly afterwards delivered of a Son also— She was so much [hurt] [1823 Sep 19] at the second Wife having a Son that she murdered her own Infant, and in a little time the second Wife died also— When he arrived this day, and was informed of the above circumstances he was much distressed, and wept greatly. Infant murder is not common in N Zealand particularly of boys— They are very fond of their children, and take great care of them— Rivas Wife murdered her child from mere vexation to be revenged upon her Husband for taking another Wife. It is apprehended that Riva will offer a human sacrifice to relieve his mind— Bushee went yesterday to the funeral of a near relation; on these occasions it is common for all the friends of the dead to cut themselves when they weep and mourn— Bushee abstained from this ceremony, and when he returned he said he would never practise it again and that if his Wife was to die he would not cut himself for her, he disapproved of this barbarous custom; Bushee’s mind is much enlightened, and he laments much the state of his country— He expressed a wish that some soldiers might be sent to N. Zealand to put a stop their Wars— The light of civilization is gradually making its way amongst the higher classes, and in time will produce a happy effect upon them— [Sep 20] Saturday 20 This morning I called upon Tiva— He expressed his regret at the loss of the Ship— and asked me if she was a King’s Ship— I informed him, she belonged to a private gentleman in England, he told me he had heard of my arrival on his way from Wycotto, but not of the wreck of the Ship— many chiefs had returned with him from Wycotto— That peace was established at Wycotto, the River Thames Mercury Bay [Towrangha] and Rotoora, a very populous district in the interior where Shungee had been carrying on the War— In an action at Rotoora Shungee had received a ball against his shoulder, another on his breast, and a ball had lodged in his helmet and had broke it, but he had received no injury. As the whole of that part of the country was now subdued, he expected Shungee would return as soon as the weather would permit— His fleet consisted of 100 Canoes. Riwa furthur told me that it was their intention to take possession of some part of the conquered districts, and settle in them and if they did, some of the Missionaries must go with them— Divine providence may by these public calamities be preparing the way for his Gospel— I informed him that Mr Kendall was going to Port Jackson, and asked him what Shungee would say— Riva replied Shungee would cry much, and be very angry— I told him if Shungee did not wish the Missionaries to remain at his Settlement, I would send a Ship and take them away to Port Jackson— Riva said they must not leave the Settlement That when Shungee & Mr Kendall returned from England, Mr Kendall wished to live at Kiddee Kiddee, and for Mr Butler to go away, that Shungee and he had some warm altercation upon the subject as he would not allow Mr Butler to go away and at length carried his point— It appeared clear that Mr Kendall had arranged with Shungee to live at Kiddee Kiddee, and that Shungees mind was very much prejudiced against Mr Butler, and was determined on his removal— I stated to Riva that Mr Kendall had offended his friends in England by taking two Wives and on that account they would send him no more supplies, and if I should not see Shungee, he must inform him— I think Shungee when he returns will not be much offended, tho’ he will feel for Mr Kendalls situation, and serve him as far as he can— Mr Kemp informs me Riva has just killed a young woman for a sacrifice for the death of his Second Wife— His Son came to call him away when we were conversing together, perhaps to perform the bloody ceremony— When will these cruel rites be abolished & nothing but the Gospel of our blessed Redeemer can free their minds from the tyrany of superstition— How awful is the state of the poor Heathen, who can thus in cool blood sacrifice their fellow creatures. This young Woman was a prisoner of War taken in the last expedition against the River Thames. Riva has just called upon me full-dressed and presented me with two Mats— he tells me he has killed a Young Woman, but has ordered her to be buried and not eaten— There are two charges alledged against the deceased— one is that she had not paid proper attention to her Mistress during her confinement, and the other is that she had performed the funeral rites to her Mistress, and afterwards took the provisions which she eat with her own hands before she was cleansed from her ceremonial uncleanness in consequence of having touched a dead body— This last is considered as a very great crime against their God— For these things it was necessary that she should be made a sacrifice, as an atonement for the dead, and as a safety to the living— No art of persuation, no rewards, no promises, can stop these bloody Rites— The Gospel alone can supply a remedy for these dreadful effects of Superstition— Satan has got fast hold of the conscience of these poor Heathens and leads them captive at his Will— He makes them believe, that if a person serve himself with his own hands with any kind of provision labouring under any ceremonial uncleanness, he commits the greatest Sin, and merits the Wrath of the Deity; and that to sacrifice the offender for so doing is an acceptable service, and an indispensible one— Riva seemed easy in his mind when he [1823 Sep 20] had made this offering— I mentioned to him the former state of the Otaheitans, and what they did now, and I hoped New Zealand would do the same. [Sep 21] 21 Septr This morning I enquired what was done with the Body of the Young Woman that was sacrificed the preceding day, and was informed that it had been dressed and eat by the Natives of Wycotto, tho’ Riva had told me he had given directions that it should be buried— Previous to retiring to rest last evening I heard the Natives dancing and singing near the Spot where the Young Woman was killed— I have no doubt, but they were then preparing to eat the sacrifice— However horrid and revolting this custom is to the Christian mind and nothing can be more so, yet the N Zealander feels himself as much bound by his superstitions to kill and eat human sacrifices, as the Christian does to offer up his sacrifices of prayer and praises to the true God— These bloody rites will never be laid aside by the Natives until the fetters of their Superstition are broken by the sword of the Spirit— No thing short of the power of the divine word can effectually remedy these dreadful customs— While we sang the 72 psalm last evening I could not but contrast the situation of the N Zealanders with our own— we are made of the same blood, have one common father and yet what an infinite distance between the believing Soul and the poor ignorant heathens both as it respects this world and that which is to come— The joys of the one are pure, heavenly divine, and of the others, barbarous, sensual, & devilish— The one has a hope full of immortality, the other is without hope and without God— [Sep 22] Monday 22. As there had been no building erected for a public School at Kiddee Kiddee I informed the Revd J. Butler and Mr Kemp that I was resolved to have one built immediately, that they were now all comfortably provided with houses, and out houses and there was no necessity for delaying the erection of a School any longer— Messrs Kemp and Shepherd most readily offered to assist to build it. I hope in eight weeks ( should I be detained so long) to see the School nearly completed. It is very distressing that a School has not long since been established here— [Sep 23] Sept 23— The Weather has been very stormy and Wet— I remained in the House nearly all the day examining the New Zealand Grammer which appears to be very imperfect— The rules laid down in the Grammer for the Orthography and Pronounciation of the language is not simple enough for the Missionaries to comprehend— They cannot retain in their memory the sound of the vowels as laid down in the rules of the Grammer— and pronounce them as the Natives can understand them— The changing the English pronounciation of the Vowels has created very great confusion amongst the whole. I do not see any good reason for changing the sound of the vowels as the New Zealanders can with so much ease sound all the English Alphabet— If in speaking and writing the N Zealand language the Europeans retain the English pronounciation, the whole difficulty of which they complain, will be removed— I purpose taking an early opportunity of conversing with the Revd T Kendall upon this subject to know if there is any cogent objection to the Missionaries retaining the English sound of the vowels in the N Zealand language— I cannot see any myself, and I am sure I should despair of our being able either to write or speak the N Zealand language according to the rules in the Grammer— [Sep 24] Sept 24— I am very anxious now to return to my family and congregation, but have no prospect, I may be detained for months— This is a very dark dispensation. I know the Lord is too wise to err and too kind to afflict willingly, at the same time I feel an inclination to murmur and complain and like the Israelites of old am discouraged because of the Way— What I know not now I perhaps shall know hereafter— The loss of the Brampton appears to me very mysterious— No Ship was ever lost in the Bay of islands before, the harbours are so commodious and fine— I censure no one for her loss, tho I think and always shall, that it is a very extraordinary circumstance— I know nothing happens by chance and therefore it was the divine will that she should be wrecked for reasons which Man cannot explain— therefore thy will be done— [Sep 25] 25 Septr I wrote this day a circular letter to the Missionaries recommending them to unite cordially in the work of the Mission and to form some regular plan respecting the language— Every one has hitherto followed his own system and all different, which can never answer, and will create nothing but confusion— Some have not ability and others have not learning sufficient to write the language, and should avail themselves of the Superior abilities of their Colleagues— The want of humility has been very great in the Missionaries— The Apostles Advice has been wholly forgotten by them. “In lowliness of mind let each esteem other better than themselvesâ€�— [Sep 26] 26th This morning I left Kiddee Kiddee to pay a visit to the Revd H Williams at Pyhea— On my way [Sep 26] I past by the wreck of the Brampton— It is a very distressing sight to see so fine a Ship knocked to pieces upon the rocks— The Lord in the midst of judgment remembered mercy, or we might have been buried in the great deep— The Vessel could not have been lost upon a more secure place for the safety of our lives and property than she was, and therefore we should be thankful to divine Goodness who commands the stormy winds when they arise.— On my arrival at Pyhea I found all the Europeans well, and comfortably lodged in their new situation— The Natives had behaved very kindly— Tho their Stores and property had been much exposed, no theft had been committed, they had not missed so much as a single nail. The head chief is a very excellent character— he had lived with me at Parramatta, and his Son afterwards died in my house, which attaches him and his Wife very much to my family. He was his only Son, I had given him permission to go with me to the Colony in order to remove his bones to their family sepulchre. The Revd H Williams is settled in a very beautiful, as well as important situation, and has every prospect of being both useful and happy in his work— [Sep 27] 27th = This morning I visited the Revd T Kendall, and conversed with him relative to his grammer. I stated to him the difficulty I found in it with respect to the pronounciation of the Vowels and that the Missionaries met with the same difficulty in following his Rules— Mr Kendall candidly admitted that the difficulty was so great, he could not himself follow the system he had laid down— It appeared to me absurd [1823 Sep 27] to study Mr Kendalls theory, which he himself could not reduce to practice, and conceived that if a vocabulary of the N Zealand language was written in which the pronounciation of the Vowels was retained according to the English the difficulty would be removed— They also spelled proper names different from what they were in the original by which great difficulties were created both in writing and pronouncing the N Zealand language. Mr Kendall gave me no satisfactory reason. I contended that as the N Zealanders were so quick in learning our language, and could pronounce the Vowels so well according to our custom I thought it would be advisable to retain the English pronounciation of the vowels, as this would greatly facilitate the acquirement of the language— The Missionaries would soon then learn to speak and write it, while according to the present system they never could— I also recommended that all the English terms for such things as the native had never seen, should be introduced into the N Zealand language, that a Sheep should be called a Sheep, a Cow a Cow &c 7c &c. If we did not do this the New Zealanders would give them names by comparison, and probably it would require three or more words in some things to express what we do in one— The N Zealand language is also very impure, and that impurity would increase by allowing them to give Names to Animals &c &c but if we retained our own terms, and interwove our language with theirs;— this would tend to make the language more chaste— At present it is very unchaste and offensive— It was at length determined to write a new vocabulary of the N Zealand [Sep 27] language, and to retain the English pronounciation of the Vowels, and the English terms for such things as the natives never saw— I recommended Mr Kendall to set about this important work immediately which he agreed to do— He was not to write this vocabulary on the C M S account as he is no longer a Servant of their— I observed to Mr Kendall the Society was no debtor to him but he was a debtor to the Society, and therefore should do any thing he could to repay them— I promised to furnish him with all the words I could procure from the other missionaries as I knew that they would cordially unite in the plan now adopted.— [Sep 28] Sunday 28 Sept I preached for the Revd Mr Williams this morning in his little thatched Church— about 30 feet long by 15— which has been just built— several of the Natives attended beside the Europeans and behaved well— When once they know the joyful sound, they will become a great people. I never saw finer children, or better behaved than the children of the Natives— In the evening I preached to the Crew of the Brampton on the island of Motooroa about 6 miles distant from Pyhea. I long much to return to my family and people. To worship God on an Island in a savage land is very different from meeting in the assembly of the Saints in Gods Holy temple on Earth— There wants that sacredness, and solemnity, and holy reverence which appears to be attached to the very walls of Gods house, where his people meet to worship him, and which tends so much to excite devout affections in the pious mind— [Sep 29] Monday 29— This morning we observed some large War Canoes across the harbour, and in a little time afterwards I was informed that Shungee had returned from his Expedition— I was very glad to hear this news, as it was apprehended he would have been exceedingly angry if he had on his return found Mr Kendall gone— I am in hopes I shall be able to convince him of the necessity of Mr Kendall’s removal, and also to make some arrangements with him for the good of the mission— His mind was very much prejudiced against me on his return from England in consequence of my opposition to the Missionaries supplying the Natives with muskets and powder— He had also been told that I had written home against him, which made him very angry— He has been expecting Mr Clarke for some time to make him Guns— I have retained Mr Clarke in N S Wales until I have a full explanation with Shungee relative to Mr Clarke’s employment should he come to New Zealand— If Shungee is determined that he shall work as a Gun smith Mr Clarke must not come, if he will allow him to come as a Missionary he may then venture— It is much to be lamented that Shungee is so fond of War, and that from his fire-arms he is so powerful, that no tribe in the island can withstand his force— Great slaughter has been made in this expedition, of the inhabitants to the southward— Shungee has been absent about 8 Months fighting on the east side & in the interior— Another party connected with Shungee was carrying on War at the same time on the West side, at a place called [Sep 29] Terra nakkee said to be very populous situated 200 miles or more from the Bay of Islands — A Man of high rank, a relation of Shungees named Towhawhow has been killed in this expedition— His friends secured his body, and prevented it from falling into the Enemies hands, They cut his head off and have bought it with them. They also cut off all the flesh from the bones, and burnt it to prevent it from being eaten, and brought his bones with them— These they carried a long way over land, and they have arrived this day— There will be great lamentation over these bones— The death of this Chief will cause another expedition against terra nakkee— Whenever a Man of high rank is slain in Battle tho in the common chance of War his surviving relations feel themselves bound to revenge his death whenever they are strong enough to do this—[Sep 30] 30. Last night Mr Kemp came to Pyhia, and this morning I went with him to Mr Kendalls, as Mr Kendall had consented to hand over some books belonging to the Society— I renewed my conversation with Mr Kendall respecting the native language as I wished to gain what information I could on the subject, in order that I might form some opinion on the best mode to be adopted in learning it— I cannot rely upon my own judgment for want of knowing more of the language myself— From every information I can gain it appears best to retain the English pronunciation of the vowels. Following the directions of the Grammer with respect to the vowels burdens the memory [1823 Sep 30] too much, and is more than the Missionaries can accomplish— They read the English language daily and are in the constant habit of pronouncing the vowels according to custom— When they come to the New Zealand language they are at a stand— [Oct 1] October 1st Wednesday. This morning I went to visit Tooi’s tribe, accompanied by the Revd H Williams & Mr Kemp. The distance is about 9 miles by water— We found an immense number of Women & children at home— Tooi and his brother Koro Koro with his Uncle Kipo, and their fighting Men were gone to War— Information had arrived that Kipo had been slain in Battle, and Koro Koro had died a natural death— Kipo was a young Man when Captn Cook visited N Zealand. He was a very fine old Man and a great Warrior. His Widow and daughter were dressed in their mourning dress, and sat very silent and afflicted together— They literally appeared to sorrow as those without hope— The whole tribe were much concerned for the loss of their Chief— They told me Tooi was waiting with his Brothers body, until they could bring it to the Bay of islands, on a small Island not far from the Thames— They requested me to come and see Koro Koros body when it was brought home— One of Tooi’s brothers was there, he told me that Tooi was so much distressed in his mind from the continual Wars, that he was determined to leave New Zealand—Perhaps as Koro Koro is dead, who was so very great a Man for War, Tooi may use his influence [1823 Oct 1] with his people now to abstain from it, as he will be the head of the Tribe— His elder brother who loves peace will I have no doubt second Tooi, if he should be desirous to live a quiet life— The other Chiefs when they cannot prevail upon their neighbouring Friends to join them in their expeditions, they shame them into a compliance, by accusing them of cowardice— They urged me very much to send them a Missionary to live in their district, said they had been long promised one, and contended they had a claim as Koro Koro came first to Parramatta for the Missionaries, and Tooi went afterwards to England— The reason why a Missionary has not resided with them to the present time is it has been considered that as all the fighting parties from the northward, and in the Bay of Islands pass by their Settlement, a Missionary would be much annoyed by them, and liable to be robbed, as the New Zealanders are very much like common Soldiers in War, who delight in plunder, and distruction of property— I hope the day may come when a Missionary may be spared for them, and safely reside with their Tribe, in which the Children are very numerous— Should Tooi return previous to my departure, I shall be able to learn what his future intentions are now his brother is dead— He may yet be useful to his Countrymen— [Oct 2] Octr 2 This morning I left Pyhea with Mr Kemp, I wished to see Shungee and also to get with the School— When we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee Shungee was gone to Wymatteee about 12 miles distant from the Missionary Settlement where the principal part of his cultivation is carried on— He is expected to return in a day or two, what reception he will give me I cannot say— I feel like a person in prison having no prospect of leaving New Zealand. I am afraid of going to the Thames, or any other distant part, lest I should lose an opportunity of getting a passage— I should wish to visit Wycotto, but the distance is too great, unless I was certain a Vessel would not arrive in my absence. [Oct 3] October 3. The Revd Mr Turner, Missionary from Wangaroa belonging to the Wesleyan Mission, paid us a visit to-day— one great object of his journey was, to consult about the Native language— They were all in confusion at their Settlement about it, as they could not follow the Rules laid down in Mr Kendalls Grammer with respect to the pronounciation of the Vowels— I informed Mr Turner what resolutions the Missionaries had come to respecting it, and also what the Revd Mr Kendall said— Mr Turner expressed much satisfaction that an alteration was to be made, that it was his opinion as well as that of his Colleagues that the English pronounciation of the Vowels should be followed— I hope this question will now be at rest, as all are unanimously of opinion that the Vowels should retain the English pronounciation— and that future experience will prove that the mode now adopted is the best— [Oct 4] Octr 4 The Revd T Kendall paid me a visit, he brought me about 500 words for examination and correction, for the intended new Vocabulary— He appeared very much agitated in his mind, and under the Government of a very unchristian like Spirit— He inveighed most bitterly against the Missionaries spoke very disrespectfully of the Parent Committee and at the same time attempted to cast some reflections upon me— I had treated him with great tenderness hitherto, so that he had no cause to complain on any just grounds— He told me he would not leave New Zealand, but was determined to come and live at Kiddee Kiddee— What a dreadful tormentor is an accusing conscience— When Professors [of Religion?] fall into open scandalous Sins, they lose the fear of God— their pride increases continually after their fall until they become a terror to themselves and those connected with them— Mr Kendall appeared to me to be as full of pride, Wrath and bitterness as if he had never known any thing of Christianity— He manifested all the violent passions of an Heathen— When Professors of Religion fall into the snare of the Devil, how dreadfully does the prince of darkness work in their Hearts? He seems to gloryin scourging them in every possible way,— and inflames their pride to the utmost, while at the same time he furnishes them with arguments to vindicate their wicked conduct, either from the example of living, or the departed Saints.— If drunkenness is his Sin, he appeals to the example of Noah— if fornication & adultery are his crimes, he will tell you, the Man after Gods own heart was guilty of the same— The sorrow which a Man in this state may occasionally express for his misconduct, springs more from pride and self-love, than humility— He is sorry that he has injured his reputation, his temporal [1823 Oct 4] interest, and lost his rank in Society but this is only the sorrow of the World— His pride is greater, his haughty spirit is more captious, and he is more vindictive than a Man who has never known any thing of divine things— He seems to be wholly under Satanical influence, and his last state is worse than his first— I recommended Mr Kendall to be cool, and to consider what he was about before he went too far, but it was in vain to reason with him— I was apprehensive that he would create much mischief in the Mission should it be in his power, by his rash and inconsiderate conduct— He contended the Society were bound to pay him his Salary, and to maintain his family while he remained in New Zealand and afterwards to find him a passage to England. I replied if he wanted support for his family untill an opportunity offered for his going to Port Jackson, I would direct his wants to be supplied, but I could only do this on the express condition that he left New Zealand by the first opportunity— He replied with much warmth that he was determined to remain, and would not be driven out of the island— I used every argument in my power to pacify him but to no purpose —While we were talking Shungee walked into the room— I had not seen him before since my arrival, as he had only returned a few days from the War, and had been out at his farm— I was very sorry that our first meeting should have happened at this unfortunate time, as Mr Kendalls countenance and manner betrayed the angry state of his mind— Shungee was very civil, but a little reserved— I was afraid Mr Kendall would say something bitter to vex him & I was very uneasy while he remained, at length he departed, observing to Shungee, that he would see him again, and asked Shungee if he would allow him to come to live at Kiddee Kiddee— Shungee said he would pay him a visit in a little time— I invited Shungee to take Tea with me, which he readily agreed to, and we parted afterwards very friendly— at the same time something appeared to be preying upon his mind— He asked me what had past between me and Mr Kendall, but I did not think it prudent to tell him all— Shungee behaved much more civil than I expected he would have done, as we did not part very cordially at Parramatta in consequence of my difference with Mr Kendall about muskets and gun-powder, and on some other accounts— [Oct 5] October 5— I preached to-day at Kiddee Kiddee, and administered the Holy Sacrament— but I spent the Sabbath very uncomfortably— I could not free my mind from the great anxiety which Mr Kendall’s violent conduct had excited the last Evenin— It is very painful to have any thing to do with professors of Religion who have fallen from their stedfastness, and are under the dominion of unbridled passions— The difficulty is much increased when this happens in a Savage land, where there is no legal authority to protect the good from the designs of the fallen enraged slave of Sin— Mr Kendall’s fall must be considered as a most awful Event, and has been attended with much distress and misery to himself his family, his Colleagues, as well as to all the friends of the Mission— It has been a source of grief to all who love the Gospel, and pity the heathen— [Oct 6] Shungee was invited to breakfast with me this morning; I wished for an opportunity to enter into a full explanation with him. He accepted my invitation, and we met very cordially— After a little conversation he alluded to what had past between us at Port Jackson when he returned from England and reminded me, that he had told me never to come to New Zealand again, but found by my coming that I was not afraid of the New Zealanders, and observed that my anger was only in my mouth; that if it had been in my heart I should have come no more. I told him I had no cause to be under any apprehension, nor was I angry— We conversed upon various subjects, and all prejudice appeared to be removed from his mind— I did not mention to him as yet Mr Clark’s name but intend to do so the first fair opportunity— I know he has been long talking about him, and has been anxious to see him— It will be a nice point to settle Mr Clarks business with Shungee, as he knows he is a Gunsmith— If Shungee will allow him to come as a Schoolmaster and promise that he will not require [Oct 6] him to repair his Guns Mr Clark would be a valuable Man in the Mission— I believe Mr Kemp and Mr Clark would go on well together, Mr Kemp wants a pious compatriot to second him in the work of the Mission— We held a Committee to-day when different subjects came under consideration— I conceived the House which the Committee had agreed for Mr S Butler far too large and expensive— I told the Missionaries that it was out of my power to sanction such unnecessary expenditure of the Societys funds— Mr Butler did not like the alteration as he thought his Son ought to have such a House, as the Committee had agreed to— At length I carried the alteration and the building was reduced to 48 feet by 15 divided into different rooms— This was a building quite large enough and to spare, as Mr Butler has only his Wife and himself— The public business took up the whole day; during which many unpleasant observations past in the Committee which grieved me much— The evils of this Mission have been very great— [Oct 7] Tuesday 7— This day the Committee met again to close the matters under consideration. I was far from being satisfied with all that had been done. The Revd Mr Butler had been very warm and had expressed himself very unguardedly. His Son had also shown a very improper disposition— I was determined to write [1823 Oct 7] to the Revd J Butler and to speak to both him and his Son, and to point out to them what appeared to me so very improper in their Conduct at the Committee— After the meeting closed I went with Shungee accompanied by the Revd J Butler to fix upon a place for a small House for Shungee 20 feet by 10— I have no doubt but a little House will be highly acceptable to him and it is but just that he should have one— I have long wished this to be done for him and I hope it now will— [Oct 8] October 8th— I sent for Mr J Butler this morning and spoke both to him and his Son relative to what passed at the Committee, and also wrote him a public Letter, which I hope will be attended with some good effect— It is painful to have to reprove persons in public situations who ought to conduct themselves so as never to require any thing unpleasant to be said to them. I wrote also to the Revd T Kendall upon his improper conduct on the 4th instant at Kiddee Kiddee— I feel my situation far from being pleasant in such a Society. There are some in the Mission whom I must esteem for their Piety, and Christian behaviour. I would they were all such — Shungee called upon me in the morning and we had much conversation upon different subjects— He told me that he wished to turn his attention to Agriculture if I would send him a Man to teach his people to plough, and furnish him with a Team— He would then make a road Wymattee about 12 miles from the Missionary Settlement, where the land was rich and carry on his cultivation there— I replied if he would give over fighting he should have a Man, and a Team, and told him if he wished to be King of New Zealand he must become a great Farmer first and get plenty of provisions, and when he grew rich in provisions, he would increase his power and influence in New Zealand. However he would not promise to abstain from War, at the same time he expressed a strong desire to cultivate Wheat &c &c. He wants some object of importance to employ his great mind— There is nothing in New Zealand, but War that can meet his active spirit— Agriculture alone offers a substitute, and I think that would have a good effect— I now told him that Mr Clarke was at Port Jackson, teaching the Natives in the Colony, and I wished to know if he would allow him to teach the children at Kiddee Kiddee if I should send him down— He said he might come to Kiddee Kiddee and teach school— Shungee had long been looking for Mr Clark to make muskets for him, and he told me at Port Jackson he was coming for that purpose— I did not mention the Muskets to him at this time, it was too sore a subject to touch upon— I believe Shungee will give up this point at last— I was very much pleased with the whole of his conversation, and particularly with his remarks upon agriculture— He told me he was apprehensive that the English would send Soldiers to New Zealand from Port Jackson, and take the Country from them. I told him we had plenty of land at Port Jackson, more than we wanted, and took a chart, and shewed him what a little spot New Zealand was, compared with New Holland, and that New Zealand was not an object to the English, and therefore he need not be afraid of them. When he saw the Chart, he seemed satisfied. I told him I thought the Chiefs of New Zealand had better make him King, and then he might put an end to their Wars— he replied that the Chiefs would not be persuaded to do this by him; that when he was at War he was feared and respected, but when he returned home, they would not hearken to any thing he might say— I endeavoured to point out to him the evils of civil War, that it must destroy the Country, and therefore ought not to be practised; that if a foreign enemy came to fight them, then they might go to War, but not one with another— He said he had conquered all the Country further than Mercury Bay [Towrangha], as well in the interior as on the Coast, and had made peace with them, and that great numbers had been slain— He shewed me where he had been struck three times with a Ball— His Helmet saved him once and his Coat of Mail once, and a ball had hit his Thigh— After dinner I accompanied the Revd H. Williams to his station where I remained for the night— [Oct 9] 9. This day I spent with the Revd H Williams— I am happy to see him go on so well— He and his family are now comfortably settled, and are happy in their new situation. I think they will prove a great blessing to the Mission— He is a Man of a superior character, and better informed than any who have hitherto been employed in this Mission. I hope he will be able to correct and remedy in time many evils that have existed, and also to set an example to the rest what they as Missionaries should do— [Oct 10] 10. This morning I left the Revd H Williams and proceeded to Monganuee where Mr J Butler is stationed about 14 miles distant— On my arrival there I met with the Revd J Butler & Mr William Hall— We fixed upon the place where the new House is to stand— Most of the materials are on the spot— It is an excellent station in every respect, provided those employed will do their duty— In the Evening I returned to Ranghee Hoo with Mr Hall where we arrived before nine Oclock— I had not visited Rangee Hoo since the Shipwreck— [1823 Oct 10] A School is now begun here, and the Natives are all very quiet, and they live in as much peace as they could in any civilized Country. The Missionaries assured me they have no trouble now whatever with the Natives, and they never would have had much trouble if they could only have agreed amongst themselves. It is not the Natives that have distressed them but they have tormented and distressed one another—[Oct 11] 11th This day I visited the old Chief Rakow, and his family, his Son pressed me much to allow him to go [to] N S Wales— One Native young Woman gave me a very bad account of Mr Kendalls conduct— She made many very proper remarks upon the impropriety of his proceedings— She said she had been told he would not leave New Zealand— I replied if he did not, his friends would not send him any more supplies of Tea Sugar &c &c and he would be in want— She answered he has got plenty of Money, and would purchase what he wanted for himself— After some conversation the young Woman asked me to give her a little print for a Gown. I told her I was afraid, that she went on board a Ship, and did wrong— She assured me that she had never been on board a Ship since I first went with Duaterra to New Zealand and that she never would go— I believe she told me the truth, from the manner in which she spoke, and the reasons she gave me— I was much pleased with the whole of her observations— I told her if I found upon enquiry that what she stated was true I would give her a new gown— While we were talking two other young Women joined us one of them wished to know what was the subject of our conversation— I told her, that I had been informed that the young women went on board a Ship, and I supposed that she was one that did so— She replied if I had been told that she had ever gone on board a Ship for improper purposes I had been told what was false, for she never had— I then charged the third young Woman with doing so, who did not attempt to deny that she had. I was much pleased with the moral virtue of the two first I conversed with— They spoke of such improprieties with more disgust, than I could have conceived of any women in their situation could have possest. I firmly believe they said what was true. They desired me to appeal to the Europeans, or to their own people who would confirm the truth of their assertions— A Brother of one of the young Women, a fine youth died at Parramatta— In the Evening I called upon Wycotto as I could not see him before as he was out at work at his farm— we had a long conversation on the distressed state of N Zealand in consequence of their perpetual Wars— He told me many thousands had been slain since his return from Europe— That at Shungees earnest request, he had accompanied him in one expedition to the River Thames against Enakkee— The scenes of slaughter and Cannibalism at, and after the Battle in which Enakkee was killed were so horrid and offensive to him that he could not eat any thing for four days— He spoke with the greatest abhorence of the Cannibalism of his Countrymen and said he would never go to War again— That Shungee had solicited him to accompany him in his last expedition against Rutoroa, but he had refused to go— He observed, that N Zealanders would never be quiet from War, that he could not live in the Country, and asked me if I would afford him any protection if he and his family came to Port Jackson— I promised him I would— He said he had seen Shungee since his return, who informed him, that it was his intention to form another expedition against Terra-Nakka, as soon as I left New Zealand, but he would not do it until I was gone— He asked me if I had seen Shungee, and whether he was friendly or not; I told him I had, and that we were very friendly. He thought our difference at Port Jackson might have interrupted our friendship, and expressed his satisfaction that we were reconciled. Wycotto observed, that there was no force in New Zealand that could resist the people at the Bay of Islands, they were so powerful from the abundance of Arms and Ammunition which they possest, and lamented that they had such means for continual War, which occasioned such great public calamities Famine and distress every where— [Oct 11] as all their pork and potatoes were destroyed, and their farms neglected— I replied it would be much better for all the Chiefs to assemble and make Shungee King, upon condition that he would not fight but protect them— He asked me if I had mentioned this to Shungee. I informed him I had— Wycotto approved of Shungee having the authority if he would only be quiet, and said he would go see Shungee and talk with him on the subject, but he had little hope that Shungee would abstain from War— As for himself and some others they were ashamed when called upon to join in an expedition, not to go, as they would be considered as Cowards, if they did not— however much averse to War they were— but he was determined to leave New Zealand rather than be compelled to fight – His Wife told me she would give me a Slave on Monday morning, he was a Chiefs Son who had been killed in battle, the Boy had been taken a prisoner of War— I accepted her offer, as this would redeem another poor creature from the sorest bondage and slavery— A Slave has no security for his life— his master kills him, whenever he pleases, and treats him in any way his passions dictate— They are much to be pitied, nothing but the Gospel of our blessed God can effectually provide a remedy for their spiritual and temporal bondage. [Oct 12] 12th I preached to— [1823 Oct 12] day at Ranghee Hoo both morning and Evening— It gives me much pleasure to see a School at length begun— the children are capable of learning any thing that we wish to teach them— It is much to be lamented that they have been so long neglected— it is most distressing to think of the evils which have existed amongst the Europeans, which have impeded all improvement amongst the Natives—[Oct 13] 13th — Early this morning Wycotto brought me the Boy his Wife had made me a present of on Saturday Evening. I found on enquiry that his Father had been killed in Battle a considerable distance to the Southward of the River Thames and he was made a prisoner of War, that he had been taken prisoner a second time and brought to the Bay of Islands— I intend to take him with me to the Colony and give him some useful instruction; so that he may be of advantage to his Country at some distant period should providence open the way— I had much conversation with Warrepork on the state of N Zealand. He is a chief of very considerable influence, and considered one of the bravest Warriors in N Zealand, he wishes for peace, and requested me to speak to Shungee on the subject— If Shungee would give up fighting most of the Chiefs in the Bay of Islands appear anxious to attend to their cultivation, and to their families— Their minds are gradually enlarging, only they want an object, something of importance to exercise their active abilities with— I have recommended to several of them to turn their attention to the [Oct 13] building of a Vessel of about 120 Tons, with which they could keep up a constant communication with Port Jackson, many of them are very anxious to go there— If they would turn their attention to Agriculture and commerce, these would furnish a field sufficient to occupy their minds, they would increase their wants and their means of supplying them. Until something of this kind is adopted, I cannot conceive how their Wars are to be prevented— When they have lost a near Relation in Battle their minds continually dwell upon the death of their friend, having nothing to occupy them— If they are able to revenge the death of their friend they will attempt it as soon as possible, if not they will think on their loss for years, and mourn over it, and if at any future period they can obtain satisfaction during their life they never will lose an opportunity— Their wounded feelings never appear to be healed, and they feel it a sacred duty which they owe to their departed Relations to punish those by whose hands they have fallen, tho’ they were cut off by the common chance of War— It is possible, if they had a regular intercourse with civil society, and objects of importance to occupy their minds, the force of those natural affections and superstitious notions would be gradually weakened and their feelings relieved— It is to be hoped that the rising generation will have different views, and different objects in view as they will be better informed in civil matters, and less instructed in their art of War— In the Evening I went to Pyhea to visit the Revd H Williams, and found all well— [Oct 14] This morning I returned to Kiddee Kiddee with Mrs Kemp who had been on a visit to Mrs Williams— I wished to have some furthur conversation with Shungee relative to the state of N Zealand— On my arrival I learned he was gone to Wyemattee, to superintend the planting of his sweet potatoes— I had a long conversation with Riva the next in command to Shungee. He had heard that his Brother had been killed in Battle and another Chief to the southward— and that if the information was correct, he must go and revenge his death immediately. I pointed out to him the calamities of War, and how much better it would be for them to cultivate the arts of Peace— He replied his heart was so big when he thought of his Brother, that he could not keep it down and satisfaction he must have before he could rest— [Oct 15] 15th— Riva called upon me this morning and we renewed our conversation upon the distressed state of New Zealand on account of their internal Wars— I told him that the chiefs had better make Shungee King and then there might be some prospect of Peace— He replied the Chiefs of New Zealand would never consent to do that, because they would think this would degrade them to have any superior— I told him this would not affect their estates, or their liberty, as Shungee if he was appointed King could not take their lands from them any more than King George could take the lands from the Gentlemen in England— He replied they were in a very different state and asked me if I intended to compare the Chiefs of New Zealand with the chiefs of England? I told him if they could not agree to make Shungee King, I thought the Chiefs of the Bay of Islands might unite, and build a Vessel and if they would do this, I would furnish them with a Shipwright— many of them wished to come to Port Jackson, they might then come when they wished to do so— He replied the Chiefs would never agree together in having a Ship, for each of them would want to have the direction— and observed that they could not agree to allow the Missionaries to live altogether. Every one wants them to reside with their tribes— Those who have not got Missionaries in their district, their hearts are sick, and they are continually coveting them— He made many pointed remarks upon the corruption of Mens hearts, and on the passions that governed them— The New Zealanders are men of great reflection and observation, and they try to find out a motive for every act which a Man does— It is a very common observation with them, that the outside of a Man, may be seen, but the inside cannot and they frequently observe to me after I have been conversing with any of their countrymen “you hear then speak but you do not know what is in their heartsâ€�— If it should ever please God to give them the knowledge of his Grace and love, they will become a very wonderful people— They study human nature with the closest attention, and endeavour to find out every Mans real character from the whole of his conduct— A rude & violent Man is very offensive, amongst themselves they live in great peace and harmony, I have not seen Man Woman or Boy struck [1823 Oct 15] one another since I have been on the Island. [Oct] 22. To-day Temmarangha paid me a visit having just returned from War— He is a man of very high rank and a great Warrior, at the same time humane and a lover of peace— I found him one of the most intelligent Chiefs in new Zealand when I formerly was in the Island. In one journey about three years ago he accompanied me to the west side of New Zealand, Mercury Bay, [Towrangha], and to various other parts— We were about 3 months absent— Shungee and Timmorangha have always been very jealous of each other— They had a difference when I was in N Zealand before, in which Timmorangha had 8 men killed, and some wounded— Timmorangha afterward made an attack upon Shungees settlement where the Missionaries reside, and burnt his War Canoes— That difference has not been finally settled yet— neither Timmorangha nor Shungee appear to have been in such a situation since the above period as to venture to decide their quarrel by force of Arms. It is expected they would do this, when a fair opportunity offers— Ever since Shungees return from England he has had enough to do in carrying on his Wars to the Southward, in order to revenge the death of some of his friends who were cut off in his absence— In these Wars Timmorangha has joined him. Shungee came into my room while Timmorangha was with me— they saluted each other with much politeness— In the course of our conversation, they gave me very particular account of their last expedition to Rootoroa— When they went to War against the tribes of the River Thames, there was a chief there from Rootoroa. He was along with the chief whom Shungee and Timmarangha were going to attack— Timmorangha advised him to return to Rootoroa before the action began, as he might be cut off— They had no difference with him, and Timmorangha did not wish him to risk his life— However the Chief remained with his friend and fell in Battle— Shortly after this action, a trading party went to Rootoroa from the Bay of Islands, and Wangaroa. The inhabitants of Rootoroa having lost one of their chiefs at the Thames, and taking these traders for Spies, they killed fifteen of them, and the rest narrowly escaped. When this information arrived at the Bay of Islands Shungee in conjunction with the other chiefs prepared to revenge the death of their friends upon the people of Rootoroa— A large army was assembled from the different tribes, and Shungee proceeded at their head to Mercury Bay [Towrangha]— The number of War Canoes which met at Mercury Bay [Towrangha] is stated to amount to one hundred— Rootoroa is an Island situated in the middle of a large lake in the interior, and very populous— Shungee had to make roads thro the Woods, and to drag his Canoes to the Lake, which was accomplished in about 12 days— There are two lakes which the army had to cross— The second, and largest is Rootoroa— Two Chiefs Pomare and Showrakkee proceeded before Shungee, and the main body attacked the Inhabitants on the island in the first Lake. They were both defeated, lost part of their Men, and were nearly cut off themselves, and compelled to retreat to Shungee. When Shungee arrived he launched his Canoes, and advanced towards the island which he found fortified all round, very populous, and the Inhabitants prepared to defend themselves Shungee examined the Island for three days before he fixed upon a place to make an attack— All the Chiefs were afraid excepting Shungee, they conceived the place was too strong for them— Their fortifications are very near the edge of the Lake— When Shungee had determined the point where he would begin his operations, he recommended all the Canoes should advance at once in line of Battle— He took the centre, and every Chief had the command of the Men of his own tribe. When he drew near the shore, they heard the Natives in the Fort say, “Shungee is not thereâ€�— One of the Chiefs named Showrakkee had married a Wife from that place— He landed her, and she went into the Fort to request her friends to make their escape or they would be put to death— She told them Shungee was there and pointed him out— The people then cried aloud, “There is the God of New Zealand, we shall be all killedâ€�— As soon as the Chief saw Shungee, he fired at him and the Ball past thro’ the front of his helmet, but did not wound him. The Chief fired two more shots at Shungee one hit his arm, and the other his thigh— Shungee shewed me his Helmet, and where the balls had struck his Arm and thigh— After this the natives rushed out of the fort to oppose Shungees Army in their landing, when a very great slaughter was made— They could not resist the fire Arms of Shungees forces, and fell in great numbers. Shungee told me he had fifteen muskets himself which his Servants loaded for him, as he fired them— The island was soon subdued, and about 500 prisoners of War were taken, Shungee lost some of his people, and had many wounded— In some parts of this lake the water is hot, and full of Sulphur springs. Shungee had his wounded bathed in these warm springs in which they lay all night— He told me he could make the Water any heat he wished, as some of it was always boiling, by making little channels in the mud to carry either the hot or cold water into the baths where his people lay—It cured them also of cutaneous eruptions, and other complaints. After the island was subdued, peace was established, when they returned to Mercury Bay [Towrangha] with their prisoners of War, many of whom had made their escape in the night, Shungees army being so fatigued on their return with dragging their Canoes thro the Woods that they were unable to guard their prisoners of War being overpowered with sleep— Tooi was in this action and had an uncle killed named Kipo— The hunger, Toil and hardship the N Zealanders suffer in these expeditions are very great— They are a very persevering people no privations, or hardships can prevent them from pursuing any object their minds are set upon— I was told that Shungee and Pomarre in this expedition had some difference which Pomare wished to have the matter immediately settled by force of Arms— Shungee objected alledging that while they were in an enemies country, they should unite their forces, and when they returned to the bay of islands, they could then decide their present disputes— Pomare is a very proud Man, he had not returned when I sailed— How their difference will be settled when he arrives is uncertain— I think he will be quiet— [1823 Oct 23] 23. Today I went down to see Captn Walker of the Dragon in order to get a passage if I could to Port Jackson, he demanded a thousand Pounds— In the Evening I proceeded to Pyhea to the Revd H Williams— Mr Kemp and Shungee accompanied me— I had much conversation with Shungee about the state of N Zealand— He said for the first time I had ever heard him, that he had no wish for War but the other Chiefs called upon him to revenge their quarrels— I wished to know whether I might send Mr Clarke to N Zealand or not, and what the thoughts of his heart were on the subject whether he could let Mr Clarke be quiet— He asked Mr Kemp, if he ever troubled him now? Mr Kemp replied “noâ€�,— He would not promise, but intimated I might trust him without his word. I therefore resolved to send him— [Oct 24] 24th This morning I wrote a note to the Revd T Kendall to know whether he intended to go to Port Jackson with me if I took up the Dragon— I called upon Capn Walker in my way to Kiddee Kiddee, he still stood out for £1000. I am very anxious to return home, but must remain unless Mr Walker lowers his terms— I received a letter from Mr Kendall written on the 14th inst— he shewed a very unchristian spirit thro’ the whole—[Oct 25] 25th assisted in the performance of divine Service; but was not comfortable found my mind too much burdened with difficulties that I could not enjoy the Sabbath as I ought— It is very distressing to have to do with unreasonable professors of Religion— I have always found it more easy to deal with unreasonable and wicked Men than such characters— In the Evening I was informed the Revd T Kendall was arrived at Kiddee Kiddee— He did not visit the Missionary Settlement but went to Shungee with whom he remained all night— a strong proof of the state of his mind, when he could prefer on the Sabbath Evening the Company and conversation of Savages to the Society of his countrymen in the very sight of their Houses— I suspected his intention was not good, but to prejudice and inflame Shungee’s mind against myself, and all the Missionaries— [Oct 26] 26 This morning Mr Kemp sent to invite Mr Kendall to breakfast, but he declined coming— I wished Mr Kemp to do this, to soften things as well as we could, knowing the influence he had over Shungee’s mind. Mr Kemp afterwards went over to Mr Kendall to request him to settle his accounts with him, as he was at Kiddee Kiddee, but he refused to come. Shungee was very distant with Mr Kemp & wanted to know why I and all the Missionaries, were angry with Mr Kendall, told Mr Kemp that Mr Butler was a bad man, and should not stay at Kiddee Kiddee, and made many more unfavourable observations. Mr Kendall had promised to build Shungee an House and to come and live with him at Kiddee Kiddee— I saw he had wrought powerfully upon Shungee’s mind. Mr Kemp invited Shungee to dine with me but he declined— at length Mr Kendall went away without calling upon me, or any of the Missionaries. After dinner I called upon Shungee, he was rather distant we had some conversation upon indifferent things, when I returned Home— I was very much hurt to think Mr Kendall should act such an unchristian part as it appeared from Shungee’s conduct he was doing. I had also an unpleasant altercation with the Revd J Butler about his Son’s house— He told me repeatedly he would leave the Mission, he would not remain in N Zealand to be annoyed as he was— There was no cause whatever for him to be angry, and I replied he was at liberty to leave the Mission when he thought proper— His Son in the first place wanted an extravagant House building, far too large and expensive for a Missionary— I had reduced the plan considerably, but still it appeared to me unnecessarily large— His Son was hurt that I had made any alteration, and spoke in a very improper manner. I sent for the Carpenter, and gave him the plan of the House, that I wished to have built at the Tee, and desired him to inform me when he would complete it, and when it was done he was to hand over the key to Mr Butler, and that Mr S Butler was not to interfere with the building but to attend to the duty which he was sent out to perform, the education of the children— at the same time pointed out to the Revd J Butler that his Son had wholly neglected his duty since his arrival in N Zealand, in having no school of any kind which was disgraceful to all concerned— After I had expressed my sentiments to the Revd J Butler relative to his Son’s house, and had shewn him the plan, he left Kiddee Kiddee for Tee where his Son was, and informed him that I made some alterations in the plan of his house, and reduced the dimensions— His Son left the Tee, and arrived in the evening at Kiddee Kiddee to remonstrate with me— I told him the Carpenter had received orders to build an House at Tee containing 4 rooms one for a kitchin— 2 bed rooms, and a dining room, which I considered large enough for any Missionary with a small family; that he was not to interfere with the Carpenter, and when the House was completed, the key would be given to him if he was at that station— In the meantime he was to employ himself in a School immediately— Mr Butler told me in the morning in his anger, that if he was in his Son’s place he would not stay in the Mission— I told him they might both retire when they wished to do so— In that unfortunate Temper he went to the Tee, and I learned he had gone on board the Dragon afterwards which lay about 6 miles distant— he is of a very unhappy temper, and cannot bear any controul— In my last public Letter addressed to the Missionaries, I cautioned all of them not to go on board any of the Vessels in the harbour, for by so doing they would fall into Snares, and be tempted to drink, and expose themselves to contempt and disgrace— This has been one of the principal evils that they have fallen into, and has led to many others— From Mr Kendall’s conduct this day, I believe he has no intention to leave N Zealand— It will not be safe to leave the Revd J Butler and him on the Island— I must take one at least with me, and it would be well for the Mission if both were removed— How difficult is it to know how to act! however I must not hesitate— If I cannot persuade Mr Kendall, who is now out of the Mission to leave N Zealand; I must compel Mr Butler who is still a servant of the Society’s to accompany me— and this will be a painful duty— [1823 Oct 28] Tuesday 28— This morning I accompanied Captn Moore on board the Dragon, when we made a final agreement with Captn Walker for his Vessel to convey us to Port Jackson— I agreed to pay Capn Walker for my share of the freight 1200 Dollars, and Capn Moore 1600. I was much concerned to learn that the Revd Mr Butler had been on board the preceeding evening in a state of inebriety— what insurmountable difficulties has the Mission to contend with— How awful is the consideration, that the two clergymen who ought to have been the stay, and the strength of the Mission, should be the principals in transgression— When I consider the errors and crimes of which the Missionaries have been guilty, I am astonished that it has existed so long— I am convinced, if it had been possible for Men or devils to have overturned the Mission it would have been at an end long ago— I admire the forbearance and patience of the natives on many occasions— In many instances they are an example both in word and deed to the Missionaries— God will bless this Mission in the end, and by some means or other make the wickedness of Men to promote his glory— He will find Men after his own heart in due time to carry on his work— and these heathens shall praise him— After leaving the Dragon, I proceeded to Pyhea and remained all night with the Revd H Williams— [Oct 29] 29th — This morning I requested the Revd H Williams to accompany me to Mr Kendall, as I had some accounts to settle with him on account of the Society— Being aware of his rude and violent conduct I did not think it prudent to go alone— We met him in the Boat coming over the Bay, and returned with him to his House— I settled my business with him as far as related to the timber we had purchased &c. At length he began to break out in the most violent manner, and to cast severe reflections upon me and the Society— The Revd H Williams attempted to point out the impropriety of his conduct, and to pacify his mind— He soon became outrageous with Mr Williams, and extremely rude – while we were in conversation Messrs Moore and Walker came in— I informed Mr Kendall that I had provided a passage for him in the Dragon expecting he would tell me when be ready to embark, but instead of this he continued to pour out his reproaches upon the Society for their injustice to him, and to reflect upon my conduct also— I made very little reply to his bitter language— Mr Williams reasoned with him a little until Mr Kendall jumpt up in a rage, took his Hat, and walked out of the House using some strong language to Mr Williams. I got up and told Mr Williams we had better take our departure— No Man in Bedlam was ever more under the influence of insanity than Mr Kendall is, he appears to be under the influence of a wicked and satanical Spirit— Captn Walker wished to know Mr Kendall’s intentions relative to his embarking, but I could not tell him, for he would not inform me— I am surrounded with very great, and painful difficulties on my side— I can do nothing with Mr Kendall, and what I shall do with the Revd J Butler I cannot tell— His conduct must not be passed over unnoticed— I must call him to account for it, and I am apprehensive he will not be able to justify himself, which will leave me no alternative but either to suspend him or dismiss him altogether, and either will be very painful— I also feel great anxiety lest I should be obliged to leave both the Revd J Butler and T. Kendall in N Zealand— If Mr Kendall puts his threat in execution and goes to live with Shungee his mind must be bent upon evil and it is impossible to foresee what may be the consequences— I have experienced a thousand times more fear & anxiety and vexation from the misconduct of the Europeans than from the whole of the Natives put together— The Natives as a body of heathens have behaved well, and have been much more kind to the Missionaries than some of them have observed— Mr Kendalls family were left under their protection during his absence in England, and they were very attentive to it— There is nothing to prevent their civilization but the want of proper means— good and faithful missionaries— God will never bless [Oct 29] that Man whose heart is full of Lust, pride, & Envy—[Oct 30] 30th— It was my intention to have returned to Kiddee Kiddee to-day, but could not on account of the stormy weather, I therefore spent the day with the Revd H Williams— I am at a loss what to do with the Revd J Butler— He cannot remain in the Mission unless he proves his innocence— I have ever been persuaded, since he landed in N Zealand, that he is a Man totally unqualified for the work— His violent temper carries him beyond the bounds of decency, and not only endangers his own life, but the lives of his Colleagues. He never will alter his conduct, his habits are fixed, and humanly speaking will never be eradicated— How happy shall I be to see the day when the Missionaries here live like brethren, and constrain the Heathens to say “see how these Christians loveâ€�. At present I hear little from the Natives but complaints against the Missionaries for their quarrels and disputes one with another— This has a very bad effect upon their minds, and they repeatedly speak of it to me— [Oct 31] Friday 31st— Today I left Pyhea, and returned to Kiddee Kiddee— when I communicated to the Revd J Butler the information I received relative to his conduct on board the Brig Dragon—He denied the charge— I recommended him if guilty, quietly to retire from the Mission— However he demanded an investigation which I told him should be granted— From the whole of the circumstances as related to me I have no doubt of the extreme [1823 Oct 31] impropriety of his conduct. After much conversation with him upon various circumstances that had occurred, I informed him that he must leave N Zealand, and return with me to N S Wales— that the differences between him, and Mr Kendall and some other circumstances that had taken place between him and the Natives, rendered his removal a matter of necessity— At length he expressed his conviction that it was necessary that he should remove for a time— I recommended also that his Son should accompany him, as it would not be prudent to leave so young a Man situated as he was, with the Natives— It was very painful to have recourse to such measures, and it required the utmost caution in carrying into execution, what existing circumstances demanded to be done— The Natives were all eye, and all ear, watching every look, and every motion— I sent for Shungee and told him, what I had resolved to do— That it was my intention to take Mr Butler & his Son with me to Port Jackson, and stated my reasons for doing so— Shungee approved of my intention, he had expressed his displeasure at Mr Bs conduct before— Swearing is a capital offence in N Zealand and Mr Butler was accused of this Sin— Shungee had said he had heard him swear himself— As a chiefs Wife had told me, previous to Shungees return from the War, that Mr Butler was guilty of swearing, and that Shungee was angry with him for it, and as Shungee mentioned after his return that he had heard him, and it had made a very bad impression upon his mind— I concluded that Mr Butler had been guilty of some unguarded expressions— From the whole of what Shungee said, he would be glad of his removal, and as Shungee and Mr Kendall are such warm friends I am persuaded that it would neither be safe for Mr Butler, or the other Missionaries for him to remain. It was now whispered amongst the Natives that Mr Butler was going & all wished to know the real cause— It was difficult to satisfy their enquiries— I had only one strong argument which they could understand, to advance in favour of his going away viz that he was often angry and that they did not like an angry Man— I was afraid when Mr Butler was angry that some of them would be angry and strike Mr Butler, and then there would be a fight— and that no Missionary must fight— They admitted the force of this argument, as many of them had mentioned to me that Mr Butler was (to use their own words) “too much fightâ€�. I have nothing to apprehend from any opposition the Natives may shew to his departure— There is nothing that they despise more than a passionate Man— they are not accustomed to fight amongst themselves excepting in regular Warfare, and they cannot bear an angry Man— When I have told them that I intended to send them a Missionary they have immediately asked me, what tempered Man he was, and that if he was an angry fighting Man they would beg of me not to send him, but if he was the same as some individual they would name for mildness of temper, they would request he might be sent— I had much conversation with Mr Butler upon the improprieties that had been committed ever since the first establishment of the Mission at Kiddee Kiddee, pointed out to him the serious errors into which he had fallen, how the instruction of the Natives had been lost sight of— That no Schools had been built, while very large and unnecessary buildings had been put up for him, and could not tell how he could account to the Society for these things— Mr B. admitted he had done wrong, but contended that he was now prepared to carry on the work, with effect, and lamented that those adverse circumstances should occur at this particular time— I replied it was now impossible for him to stay, I could not leave him, and Mr Kendall on the island together, as they were both so violent— I told him what Shungee said, and it could not be foreseen what might happen, if he was not removed. While we were talking in the Garden two Chiefs came in, and wished to know, if I was angry with Mr B[utle]r— They also mentioned that they had been told that Shungee had said Mr B should not remain at Kiddee Kiddee. We enquired from whom they had received this information, they immediately told us; from which Mr B was convinced, what impression [Oct 31] had been made upon Shungees mind in his last interview with Mr Kendall— Mr Kendall when he was at Kiddee Kiddee on the 4th ultimo, told me he would bring his family up to the Settlement, and fix them in sight of the Societys Store where they should remain untill they starved to death— This declaration shewed the desperate state of his mind, and how he is governed by unsubdued passions— After many arguments Mr B saw if Mr Kendall came to Kiddee Kiddee that he could not remain, he was greatly agitated, and had many painful reflections, and the charge of late inebriety to answer for, as I told him it was impossible to look over such a charge without an investigation, without committing myself and the interest of the Mission— I recommended him to weigh well the charge, and the probability of his conviction before he attempted to justify his conduct— [Nov 1] Saturday Nov.1— I left Kiddee Kiddee this morning with the Revd J Butler and Mrs Liegh, and proceeded on board the Dragon, in order to see what accommodations could be provided for him and his family as I had fully determined that he should be removed from N Zealand— Mr Butler was very unhappy, he could not but see the great impropriety in his conduct. As the head of the Mission it was his duty to have been an example to all the other Missionaries of Meekness, of Wisdom, and Godliness, he should as their Shepherd have watched over them with pious [1823 Nov 1] care, and conciliated their minds by well timed attentions— on the contrary the Missionaries had no respect for him, he had been violent and very headstrong, which had destroyed all that esteem which they ought to have had for their Master— This was a misfortune much to be lamented— I was fully convinced that the wounds would never be healed in the minds of his Colleagues— The Natives also were very much dissatisfied with his violent temper, which he could not controul, and complained to me on this account— The most rooted hatred appeared to exist between the Revd T Kendall and him— I was very apprehensive if Mr Kendall went to live at Kiddee Kiddee, the differences between them might occasion some very serious quarrels amongst the natives, and might cause some of them to be cut off— From all the existing circumstances, as Mr Kendall would not leave N Zealand, there was no alternative but to take the Revd Mr Butler with me, and therefore told him plainly he must retire to Port Jackson— After leaving the Dragon, Mrs Liegh accompanied me to Pyhea on a visit to Mrs Williams who expected to be confined every day— We arrived in the Evening where we were welcomed by the Revd H Williams and his Lady— I had only left them the day before under a promise to return immediately— I had arranged the plan for Mr Butler to quit— The local situation of Mr Williams’ station is most beautiful, and the Natives are [Nov 1] very well-behaved— They are as quiet and feel themselves as secure, as if they were in any part of England— I have no doubt but they will be blessed in their Work—[Nov 2] Sunday 2. I spent the Sabbath at Pyhea where I preached and administered the Sacrament, and christened a little Boy Born here since we arrived, belonging to the Carpenter Mr Fairburn. Our Congregation of Europeans was but small only 11 besides Natives— yet we found it good to wait upon the Lord— I always feel comfortable at Pyhea— A Church I hope will be raised here against which the Gates of Hell will never prevail— [Nov 3] Novr 3— This morning I purposed to visit Kiddee Kiddee to arrange with the Missionaries for making the enquiry into the charge against Mr Butler— I had to wait until Mr Moore came from Motoroa with the Boat. He arrived about 10 Oclock— From Pyhea we went on board the Dragon, where I unexpectedly met the RevdsKendall & Butler & Mr King— Mr Kendall was very distant— There were two of the Brothers of the young Woman Mr Kendall had cohabited with, on board— One of them appeared very indignant and angry with me. I asked him how he did, he turned with savage disdain from me— I knew the cause of his displeasure— It wholly originates from my discountenance of the conduct of the Revd Mr Kendall, who was present— Riva another Chief from Kiddee Kiddee, who had accompanied the Revd J Butler, a Man of high rank and influence, wished to know the reason why I had ordered Mr Butler to leave N Zealand, and asked me if Shungee had been saying anything to me against Mr Butler— I clearly saw Mr Butler had been imprudently working upon this Chiefs mind, as he spoke to me with some degree of Warmth— I told him Mr Butler was too violent in his temper to remain at N Zealand, reminded him, how he had complained to me of him for striking one of the Natives, and had expressed his displeasure, and furthur told him, that no Missionary who struck a N Zealander should remain in the Country— That the Natives were not to strike the Missionaries, nor the Missionaries the Natives, and that in either case the Europeans should not live in N Zealand— At length he was perfectly satisfied, and approved of this plan, and made no objection to the removal of Mr Butler— I avoided relating to him what Shungee had said to me on the subject as I thought it more prudent for Shungee to explain his sentiments himself, to prevent any misunderstanding between Riva & Shungee. I could not but consider it a very extraordinary circumstance that the two clergymen should appear to be the only persons, who attempted to prejudice the minds of the Chiefs against me, from no other cause, than my public duty, requiring me to express my disapprobation of their conduct— How dangerous are Men who have fallen from their stedfastness? After arranging the births for Mr B & his Son, and fixing the time [Nov 3] for the inquiry into the charges made against him, I returned to Pyhea, and took up my lodging with the Revd H Williams, having settled the business on board which induced me to visit Kiddee Kiddee— I purpose to remain here until Thursday when the investigation will take place at this settlement— I am persuaded Mr B. will find great difficulty in indicating his conduct & in wiping off the stain that has been cast upon his character— [Nov 4] 4th To-day a Whaler arrived in the Bay from England, having had a 4 months passage— It was very gratifying to see a Ship from Europe— I send on board for a few Newspapers, but the Servant returned without them, in consequence of those in command on board being intoxicated— [Nov 5] I wished much to see the public papers, and this morning went on board, but found some difficulty in getting any from the Master, he seemed to be so much given up to Drunkenness I could gain little information from him—[Nov 6] Thursday 6th— This was a very uncomfortable day, the Committee met to investigate the Revd J Butler’s conduct— It was a painful reflection to me, to see a Man in the character of a Minister of the Gospel put himself in the power of those who know not God— I was in hopes Mr B would not have exposed himself by forcing an investigation, as he had in prospect, but of disgrace by doing this— after the enquiry had closed, before the proceedings had been laid before me he demanded to know the result— I could not tell him, as I [1823 Nov 6] did not know. He was very much agitated, and inquired first of one Member, and then of another— When he was informed that he was not acquited, his anger became very hot— He insisted upon a furthur investigation tho’ he had had every opportunity afforded him to justify his conduct, that his colleagues could give— The Revd H Williams applied to me to know what was to be done, as they had closed their proceedings, Mr B having declined to bring forward any furthur evidences in his defence. I replied tho’ it would not be regular in a Court of Law for an accused person after Judgment had been given against him to call upon the Court to examine furthur evidences, yet as Mr was so urgent, I saw no serious objection to the Committee sitting again in order to meet Mr Bs wishes. I was fully persuaded he could never make his case better, and he might make it much worse, and would do so, if other evidences were called against him— However the Committee sat again, when a Man who had been lately a Convict was examined— How degrading to the sacred character to be obliged to call for the testimony of such a Man to vindicate his reputation— When the whole of the proceedings were handed to me I saw Mr B was in a very unfortunate state, and such as I had warned him of before he ventured to call for an enquiry— I consider him a ruined Man— God permits Men to fall into Sin, and covers them with shame to humble their pride, and to subdue their evil passions. Should divine goodness bless this awful event to his Soul, he may become a New Man— I hope Mr B will be the last, who will disgrace the Mission. There has been vast sums of Money expended on, or by the Revd J Butler, which will have not as yet turned to much account— He has laboured hard in his own way, but unfortunately not for the honour and general good of the Mission. His Conduct to his Colleagues have been very discouraging and distressing to them— His removal from N Zealand will be a great relief to the minds of those who are heartily engaged in the Work—[Nov 7] 7th I left Pyhea for Kiddee Kiddee with an intention to return the following morning in order to be ready to embark— On my arrival I found it would be necessary to settle many unpleasant circumstances that had occurred lately, before I took my final leave of Kiddee Kiddee— Shungee and all the Chiefs with most of the Inhabitants were gone to the River Gambier in order to remove the bones of four of their Relatives to the family sepulcher— This is a very great religious Ceremony— The people assemble from all parts on such occasions— The funeral orations are spoken, when all the great deeds the deceased have done, and the virtues they possest are recited— If my time would have permitted I wished much to have seen the funerals— Shungees Mother was one, his Son in law who had been killed in battle, at the River Thames, was a second, a Chief who had fallen in action at Terra Nakkee, and another great chief who had died a natural death at Gambiers River— Shungee had a long conversation with Mr Kemp before he went, about Mr Kendall— He told Mr Kemp that Mr Kendall had purchased the Brampton’s long boat for him to go to War with, that Mr Kendall intended to come to live at Kiddee Kiddee. Shungee said we ought to pardon him now, and supply him with what he wanted from the Society’s Stores, and if we did not he should be very angry, for Mr Kendall was his friend, and had done much for him— Mr Kemp pointed out to Shungee the impropriety of Mr Kendalls conduct, which was the cause of our withdrawing support from him— Shungee said, we acted very different from them, for if one Chief took another Man’s Wife, they had one fight, and there was an end of it, but we continued our anger— Mr Kemp wished to know how he was to act, if Mr Kendall made application for supplies— I directed that if he (Mr Kemp) apprehended any evil consequences would follow from a refusal, he was to comply with Mr Kendalls application, if the Stores would allow of his being supplied on Mr Kendall paying for the articles he obtained— Should Mr Kendall refuse to pay for them, and demand them as a right, and should Shungee interfere Mr Kemp in that case would do right [Nov 7] to let Mr Kendall have them, and report to me and the Society the first opportunity all the circumstances— at the same time remonstrate with Mr Kendall, and inform Shungee that if the Missionaries could not remain quietly in N Zealand they would return to Port Jackson. It is uncertain what Mr Kendall will do in his state of mind, as he appears to have no controul over his passions— At the same time I think Shungee is too just a Man to support any unfair demands which Mr Kendall might make upon the Stores— He feels great regard for Mr Kendall, and under strong obligations to him, for indulging his passion for War— But in all my conversations with him relative to Mr Ks conduct Shungee always condemned his unlawful intercourse with the Native Woman— On the commission of this crime I argued the necessity of Mr Kendalls removal from New Zealand, that he had violated our customs and laws; and made our God angry— Shungee would reply, he has put away the woman now, and our anger should cease— I hope the removal of the Revd J Butler Mr Cowell & their families from N Zealand will have a good effect upon the Natives— It will convince them, that Missionaries must act properly or they will be dismissed, and sent away. [Nov 8] 8th— This morning I had a long conversation with the Revd J Butler on his own unhappy situation— Told him from what had past he never could return again to N Zealand, nor did I think he could remain [1823 Nov 8] in Port Jackson with any comfort to himself. I recommended him to return to Europe when an opportunity offered— The whole of his misconduct would soon spread thro’ the Colony after our arrival which would render his situation painful— He replied he would preach there when he arrived, if it was under an Hedge, and no Man should prevent him— I told him, perhaps he would alter his mind when he got there— As there appeared to be the most rooted hatred in his mind against Mr James Shepherd, and many wicked and infamous reports circulated against this young Man, and Mr B having expressed himself to me in strong language, I told him I was determined to examine into the ground of those infamous reports before I went, in justice to Mr Shepherd, and to prevent any thing from being said at Port Jackson to his prejudice after we arrived there if he was unjustly accused. Mr B said he had no charge against him & blamed Mr Kendall for propagating them — I wished to know the reason if he knew nothing against Mr Shepherd why he had said such evil things of him? As yet I had never hinted to Mr Shepherd that any thing had been said to me to the injury of his reputation as I believed him to be a sterling character and wholly devoted to the Work and that the true reason for charging him with crime was his devotedness to the Mission, his conduct being such a condemning contrast to that of others— I was aware that when we landed in N S Wales the same evil reports would be circulated there against Mr Shepherd, as were propagated here, which would greatly distress his pious Father— I was therefore resolved as far as possible to prevent this scandal— I sent for Mr Shepherd, informed him what I had heard, and called upon him to vindicate his character which he shewed the greatest willingness to do. I went for the Revd J Butler and requested the Revd Samuel Liegh to be present, who happened to be at Kiddee Kiddee, and as many of the Missionaries as I could collect at the time— The investigation ended much to the credit of Mr Shepherd and not less to my satisfaction— It is impossible to conceive to what a painful height the evil of defamation had arisen amongst the Missionaries, which had produced want of Love, of confidence, and of every christian feeling— It is melancholy to reflect, that the greatest part of this scandalous conduct, has originated with those who should have set a very different example to their Colleagues— Mr was greatly agitated, during this investigation and his feelings wounded— I think if any thing can be a warning to him, if any thing can subdue his stubborn pride, it is, what he has lately, and is now suffering, and will have to suffer before his mind recovers a state of quiet and peace— What a dreadful tormentor is a Mans conscience, when it is permitted to operate, united with wounded pride, and merited contempt— When Men are bad themselves and guilty of open Sins, they will magnify the errors of others to the utmost; what a blessed grace is Humility— how happy is the Man who possesses it, who learns of Jesus to be meek and lowly in heart— May the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give me an humble mind, that I may at all times think others better than myself, and act with the meekness of Wisdom at all times, towards all Men— I have never experienced more the want of wisdom and meekness than during the period I have been in N Zealand. I have met with many things to try me, many to cast me down, and many to provoke me to anger— I pray that all I have attempted to do may be attended with the Divine blessing— This whole day, has been a very distressing one, but I hope that such evils will never afflict this Mission in future, which have been examined into this day, but that some of them are cut up by the roots. In the Evening the Chief George from Wangaroa came over to see me, and also Mr Liegh before we sailed— I am rejoiced to find that he is so attentive to the Wesleyan Missionaries. He promised he would be kind to them when I went over to settle their concerns with him— That the Man who about 14 years ago cut off the Crew of the Boyde became a terror to all the Europeans, should now be within the preaching of the Gospel nay that the Missionary House should be built within sight of the very spot where the Crew of the above Ship were all eat by these Cannibals is wonderful— George [1823 Nov 8] is now sitting by me, I told him I have mentioned his name; he begs me to say in writing that he will never injure any of the Europeans more— He has frequently expressed his sorrow for the event— God no doubt had some wise end to answer in permitting such an awful Calamity to happen— The N Zealanders had previously suffered much from our Countrymen— Justice in the common way could not overtake the guilty, the Natives could not bring the Murderer to punishment in any court of Justice, and therefore the Supreme Governor of the World let lo[o]se these ferocious Cannibals upon this Crew, and they devoured them, and their bones now lie scattered upon the ground an awful monument of Divine Vengance— I must now close this days proceedings, it has been full of anxiety, and very unpleasant feelings— I shall now lie down, weary and fatigued under the protection of him who keepeth israel – Tomorrow is the Sabbath— [Nov 9] Sunday 9th— I preached to-day at Kiddee Kiddee. The Revds Butler Liegh & White attended— It was rather a gloomy day in a spiritual sense, arising in a great measure from the recent circumstance that had occurred— Mr. was very low— he was sensible he had not acted correctly— It is a most painful duty to cut off one member from the body, especially a Minister of the Gospel to the Heathen— All human Institutions are imperfect, tho’ under the direction of the wisest and best of Men; Moses was greatly disappointed in the Princes he selected to spy out the land of Canaan, only two of the twelve gave him satisfaction, the other 10 endeavoured to excite Rebellion, and Mutiny in the Congregation of Israel, and the only two [1823 Nov 9] faithful Servants, who gave a true report, all the congregation bade them stone them with stones— The same spirit is still in the world, and will always manifest itself when an opportunity offers— We should not therefore think it strange if we are disappointed in our hopes of men— Time will prove every Man— If Men are not on the Lords side they will fall off in the day of trial, and yield to the lusts of their own hearts— Moses was much distressed when he found his hopes disappointed in those whom he had appointed to spy out the land. So will all good men be at the present day— But the bad conduct of the spies did not prevent the Israelites eventually from taking possession of the land of Canaan, neither shall the misconduct of Missionaries prevent the final success of the Gospel amongst the heathens. It must prevail. [Nov 10] 10th I took my leave of Kiddee Kiddee this morning— I have no doubt but a Church will be raised there to the Honor of the God of Israel— In time this will become a great settlement, it possesses many local advantages, and is one of the best Missionary Stations I have met with for a principal Settlement— Had I to select again I should fix upon this spot— I left it with feelings both pleasing, and painful; pleasing as it respects the future prospect of the Mission, and painful in being constrained to remove the Revd J Butler, after 4 years residence. Samuel the prophet was directed to anoint Saul King over Israel, yet he did not do what was right in the sight of the Lord; at the same time he prepared the way, for the Man after Gods own heart to fill the throne of Israel— God will still find Men who will do his work faithfully when [1823 Nov 10] others do not, are removed— The day was very stormy, we were compelled to put into the Island of Motoroa, as we could not reach the brig— In the Evening I requested Captain Moore to convey me to Pyhia, distant about 7 miles. The Sea ran very high, and broke awfully grand almost across the whole Bay— While I stopt at Motoroa I endeavoured to purchase the island from the Chief, as it is a most excellent station for a Missionary, especially a medical Man— It is situated in the middle of the Harbour in the very centre of the other Missionary stations— When I asked the chief to sell me the Island, he said if I should give him Axes and Hoes or Spades &c &c—for the Island, all these articles would soon be bartered away for mats or Canoes, or any other thing, and then he and his tribe would be no better than they were then; but if I would send them a Missionary to live upon the Island, he would give it to me for nothing, as a Missionary would be a permanent advantage to them— The old Chief made many more very judicious observations— I told him, if it was in my power, I would send them a Missionary at some future time— A young Man observed, when you send us one, do not send us an angry fighting Man— In the dusk of the Evening I arrived safe at Pyhea, and in about an hour after my arrival Mrs Williams was safely delivered of a little Boy— She had a very easy birth; The Lord is good and gracious, a present Help in time of need, and never faileth those that put their trust in him— Mrs Williams is a Woman of strong Faith, and sound Piety, and has no idea of fear and on these accounts she is well suited for her present situation, happy and content at all times. [Nov 11] 11th Have been very busy this day in examining the public accounts, and have also written my last public Letter to the Missionaries, as it is said the Brig will sail tomorrow— I hope when we do sail, we shall be more successful than we were in the Brampton— God has some wise ends to answer in the loss of that Ship, many changes have taken place since that Event which I cannot doubt will turn out to the furthurance of the Gospel— When the Brampton was wrecked I had not seen Shungee, and many other Chiefs— they had not returned from the War— Since then every necessary arrangement has been made with them to my satisfaction— I should have left the Revd J Butler in the Mission, and I do not believe he would have altered his Conduct, which might have ended in some things very serious— Tho’ I have spent a very anxious time in N Zealand, yet I leave it with full confidence that the Mission will prosper— I have no doubt but the removal of those who accompany me will be attended with the greatest good— When Missionaries will not do their duty, it is the wisest way to remove them at once. They weaken the hands of those that are faithful continually, throw difficulties in their way, and set a bad example to the heathens—[Nov 12] 12. Spent this day (as the Dragon did not sail) in various arrangements with the Revd H Williams for conducting the Mission— Messrs Willm Hall & King came on a visit to Pyhea— I had a long conversation with them relative to the affairs of the [1823 Nov 12] Mission, and their own past conduct— I contended that Mr King ought to have taught some of the Native Youths to have made a pr of Shoes, before this period for the comfort of his Colleagues & their families, as they had made many complaints to me for the want of Shoes— they had neither any one to mend or make them any Shoes— and that Mr Hall also ought to have taught some of the Natives to do a little Carpenters work— We could not agree in our views. They have now began a School, but I am afraid they will not do their duty faithfully— They have followed their own way too long, and despised all the orders that have been given to them by their Superiors— I was so much vexed with Mr Kings observations, that I wrote to him on the impropriety of his Conduct, before I left N Zealand— When Men once get wrong, it is very difficult to persuade them that they are so— Pride or Avarice, or obstinancy or some besetting Sin opposes their return to the discharge of their duty— [Nov 13] 13th I went on board the Dragon, as we expected to sail— I was obliged to leave the Chiefs behind that had embarked with me in the Brampton as there was no room for them. 6 Native youths would not leave the Dragon, I told them there was no place for them, and therefore they could not go— They intreated to be allowed to lay upon Deck, if we would give them this indulgence, they wished no more, which was granted— [Nov 14] 14th At Day light we weighed anchor, and stood out to Sea. There was very little wind, towards Evening the Breeze freshed and we stood for the north cape. [Nov 15] 15th This Morning the wind was against us, we were opposite doubtful Bay, and endeavoured by tacking, to work round the North Cape, but gained little ground all day. [Nov 16] 16th— We found ourselves nearly in the same situation we were last night, and tried all day to weather the Cape, but in vain, towards Evening it blew a strong Gale, we were compelled to bear away to the Northward, and Eastward, and from that time untill our arrival at Port Jackson on the 31st we met with generally very stormy Weather, and a very high Sea — which they had searched, and told Moses that they were not able to go up and take the land. Ten of the twelve Rulers Princes joined in this report, but Caleb and Joshua said, “We are able to go up at once and possess it— As long as a Caleb and a Joshua remain in New Zealand the Land will be taken— Tho it cannot be said to be the promised Land, a Land flowing with milk and honey, yet it is the Land of promise— I have no doubt but I shall find some on my arrival faithful to the cause, tho’ others who once ran well have turned aside from the path of duty and brought an evil report upon the Mission— How mysterious are the ways of God— He permits men to engage in his work who labour for a time with honor to themselves and to the cause in which they are employed, and at length they are taken in the snare of the Devil, fall from their steadfastness, bring guilt upon their own consciences, pierce themselves thro’ with the bitterest sorrows and go mourning all their future days; what warnings ought there to be to all the followers of Christ— [Aug 1st 1823] Friday August 1. This Evening we made the three Kings off the north Cape of New Zealand and ran between the Islands and the main land. The Sea ran mountains high and the Gale was very heavy— we had met with nothing material during our passage excepting rough stormy weather part of the way— On Saturday ^This morning we found ourselves to the Southward of the Cape, and before 12 OClock saw the north head of the Bay of Islands, but the wind was ^unfavourable against us — In the evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour but could not work in as the wind was directly against us— We observed the brig Queen Charlotte a few miles to leeward of the Brampton working up— Both Vessels lay on and off during the night— At day light this morning the Queen Charlotte was about three miles to wind=ward, working up into the Harbour with a contrary wind— The Brampton being light she did not hold her wind. In working up we had stood in, on ^one tack pretty far over to the South side of the Harbour when the Ship was put about she struck upon a Rock, but received no injury— In the Evening at dusk we came to anchor in Korarareka Bay about nine miles from the Missionary Settlement Rangeehoo none went on shore this Evening— It being the Sabbath I administered the Sacrament in my Cabin in the Morning, and in the Evening we had Divine service between Decks— We had preached every Evening when the weather would permit to the Ships Company from our leaving port Jackson and had found it profitable to ourselves and may thro the Divine blessing prove profitable to them that heard us— This morning I went on shore at Rangeehoo saw Messrs Hall King and Cowell— They and their Families were all well— I learned that the Revd Liegh and White were settled at Wangaroa and that Mr Shepherd was with them. It was Mr Lieghs original intention to have settled to the southward of the Bay of islands either at Wangaree or in some other station nearer the River Thames— He had been to the Southward and found that the Inhabit=ants were either killed or driven from their homes by the late wars that have taken place along the Coast, since I was there three years ago. He and his Colleagues had steered their course to the northward about 50 miles from the Bay of Islands— There is a very considerable Population in the Harbour of Wangaroa where the Boyd was cut off about 16 years ago— It was my intention to have fixed the Revd H Williams in that station when we left Port Jackson and purposed that Mr Shepherd should accompany him, as he had acquired considerable knowledge of the language, and had written to Mr Shepherd on the subject— I was informed that the Revd S Liegh was very ill and that it would be necessary to recall Mr & Mrs Shepherd again to the Bay of Islands, as the tribe to whom he had been originally sent required his return. The station Revd S Liegh has fixed upon is a very important one, and I hope the Mission may succeed in that very spot where so many of our Countrymen were sacrificed and eat by the Natives— The Revd Mr Turner and Mr Hobbs set off as soon as they could to Wangaroa by Land taking with them a Native Guide — I none determined to settle the Rev.d H Wiilliams at a new Station in the Bay of Islands on the South side of the Harbour in order to see their Colleagues and to consult measures for the removal of themselves and Baggage to their intended station. It appeared very providential that the Revd S Liegh had fixed upon this place for their Missionary labours as they might keep a communication with the Missionaries of the C M S by Land and be of mutual advantage to each other — I now determined to settle the Revd H Williams on the South side of the Bay of Islands about 16 Miles from Kiddee Kiddee & 12. from Rangeehoo— at Wytanghee or Pyhea— [Page in disrepair] [After spending] the Day with Mr Hall I went returned on board the Brampton in the Evening— [August 5. The Revd] Tuesday 5. The Revd H Williams and myself went to Wytangee to see if we could fix upon a situation for a new Settlement— The land is very good and the Situation beautiful— We had some conversation with the inhabitants on the subject and told them what our intentions were, but could come to no arrangement with them, as the principal Chiefs were absent at the wars— We crossed the Whytanghee River and examined the ground upon the opposite side which appeared very good also— There is a large population at both of these places and a number of very fine children who continually surrounded us— The Head Chief of this place was also gone to the Wars, so that we could not come to any final determination this day, and therefore returned on Board in the Evening— Wed. 6th. I this day called a full Committee of all the Missionaries at Kiddee Kiddee with the exception of the Revd H. Williams when the resolutions of the Parent Committee transmitted to me from London were read and considered until a very late hour in the Evening— The evils censured in these resolutions could not be denied— The concerns of the Mission had been for a very long time in a very deranged state thro’ the improper conduct of some in the Mission— Great immoralities had been committed and all unity and christian love appeared to have been entirely extinguished, and pride and envy & a worldly spirit had gained the dominion over them as a body— I was astonished that the Mission had not been annihalated entirely by the private animosities that existed and the scandalous Sins into which some of them had fallen— The natives generally behaved well and would not interfere in their differences. The Missionaries had met with comparatively few difficulties from the Natives, and if they had acted as Christian Men their difficulties would have been less— The Missionaries admitted also that there could be no doubt, but that the Mission would finally succeed, if things were conducted properly amongst themselves, that the evils originated in their body— They expressed their regret for their past misconduct and a determination to act in a different manner in future. Some I have no doubt will be more correct and will labour to retrace their steps but I have not the same confidence in all— many men express sorrow for their Sins but their sorrow is not of nature to cure them— Temptations to evil recur again and they fall— I wish this may not be the case with some in the Mission— In reading the resolutions of the Parent Committee I endeavoured to impress their minds with the importance of the different subjects [page in disrepair] they contained and cautioned them against the consequences of their departing from their public duty in future— At a very late hour we closed our deliberations for that time, and deferred the furthur consideration of the resolutions to another opportunity— Thur. 7th This Morning I left Kiddee Kiddee in company with the Revd H Williams and proceeded to Pyheea in order to fix upon a new station for him about 16 miles from the above Settlement, we examined the ground and determined upon Mr Williams taking up his residence there. The land is situated on the banks of the Cowa Cowa River— The Head Chief was gone to War— He had lived with me at Parramatta and I knew him to be a very worthy Man and would make to no objection to Mr Williams living there when he returned. It was therefore resolved to begin immediately to prepare a place for lodging the Stores and a temporary building for Mr Williams & family— The Natives belonging to the Place Village were directed to collect the materials for a thatched building and to erect it with all possible dispatch as the Master of the Brampton was urgent to land the stores from the Vessel— The Day was very stormy and wet— we were not able to return to the Brampton which lay about 8 miles off. With some difficulty we reached the Queen Charlotte after dark very cold and wet, where we remained all night— We had the misfortune to have [our boat swampt] along side the brig and lost our Oars— Fri. 8.th This morning I visited the [Revd] T. Kendall & had some conversation with him relative to his unhappy situation. I thought it proper to prepare his mind a little before I delivered to him the Society’s Letter and the resolution containing the order for his dismission— He was considerably agitated at our first meeting. I felt much both for him and his Family— He appears to have been wholly under the dominion of ungovernable Lusts pride and passion with all their attendent Evils— I am convinced that he never will recover himself out of the snare of the Devil while he remains in New Zealand but will be lost to himself his family & Society and that there is no safety or comfort for him; or his family but in his removal from the Island.— At present he seems determined not to leave New Zealand he told me he had the means of living within himself and he was resolved to remain— I did not think it prudent to argue much with him on the subject at this time as I should have other opportunities to speak to him when he would be more cool. I therefore left him and returned on board the Brampton with Mr Williams. On my arrival I found the Revd Mr Turner had returned from Wangaroa— He brought me a Letter written by the desire of the Revd S Liegh who was so unwell that he could not write himself— Mr Liegh requested me to go over and see him, and arrange with the Chief (commonly called George) for the land they wished to settle upon as they could not come to any terms with him— From the account Mr Turner gave me of Mr Lieghs health I was satisfied that he was totally unfit for his situation at Wangaroa— that he could not bear the privations and anxiety inseperably connected with a Missionary situation in a new station in an heathen land and I determined if possible to visit him before my return to Port Jackson and see if any thing could be done to administer to his comfort and relief— Mr Turner pressed me much on the subject as he thought Mr Liegh was so ill that he was not likely ever to recover — I remained on board all the day to arrange the necessary measures for landing the stores &c &c. Mrs Williams and her children went to Kiddee Kiddee & Mrs Turner, her little Girl and maid servant were taken to Ranghee Ho untill some opportunity offered for Mr Turner and family joining their Mission at Wangaroa— Sun. 10.th— This day I preached at Rangee Hoo and administered the Holy sacrament in the morning. The Revd Mr Williams preached in the evening we had a quiet and comfortable day— The Natives were ^catechized by Mr Willm Hall; and sang some Hymns and repeated some prayers in their own language which wasere exceedingly gratifying to my mind.— I observed with much pleasure that the Natives in every place were much improved in their Appearance and manners since I last visited them— that notwithstanding the misconduct of the Europeans the work was gradually going on and the way preparing for the blessing of the Gospel to be imparted unto them. I have no doubt but the greatest difficulties are now over and God will either incline the Hearts of those who are now in New Zealand to devote themselves to the instruction of the Natives or he will find other instruments to do his work— The present Missionaries tho some of them have erred greatly from the right way yet they all have had their trials their fears and their troubles— some allowance must be made for their peculiar situation, their want of Christian Society, and the public ordinances of Religion, such privileges as are enjoyed by the Church of God in England— I have a lofty tree upon one of my Estates In N S Wales - It stands upon the summit of a high hill, when I first got possession of the land, this tree was surrounded with many with many more— It appeared from its strength and stateliness that it would stand uninjured for ages— I removed all the rest and left it to stand alone as a conspicuous ornament when it soon withered and died— It still remains in its former situation a dead leafless object and has furnished me with many reflections at different times— Remove a Christian from London, who is having the fair fruits of righteousness like a tree planted by the water side, into the barren deserts of New Zealand and I apprehend he would in a short time put on a faded appearance and his leaves droop and wither— If Missionaries in heathen lands lose their spiritual strength which they are very liable to do— It would be happy for them if they could be removed for a time into Christian Society again until their strength is recruted recruited and they are prepared for their work again— This Morning I left Rangee Hoo and went on board Brampton where most of the Missionaries assembled in order to send off all the stores we could to Kiddee Kiddee before the Ship left her present anchorage. It was the intention of the Master to take the Ship this day to the South side of the Harbour about nine miles from where we lay— After the goods were sent off I accompanied the Revds J Butler & H Williams to the head of Tarria’s River, about six miles from the Vessel, in order to fix upon a another new station. After we had met the Chief and his people and determined upon the ground where the settlement was to be formed we gave directions to Natives to erect a temporary building for Mr S Butler and his Wife and they should immediately come and live among them as soon as it was ready— We afterwards returned to Rangheehoo about 12 miles distant where we arrived about sunset— In the Evening I called a special ^Committee meeting, when all the Missionaries were present, excepting Mr Willm Hall who was absent on some other duty— We did not did not close our proceedings until about midnight— At this Committee the Resolutions of the Society were brought under consideration a second time and the respective Salaries were arranged and some other concerns connected with the Mission when the Committee was adjourned to another day— This Morning we procured what boards and other sawed timber we could from Mr Willm Hall for the purpose of erecting a temporary Building for the reception of the Revd H Williams and his baggage & stores at Pyheea in order that all his goods might be landed as soon as possible from the Brampton. We hired a large War Canoe to take the boards &c to Mr Williams’s station about nine miles distant on the South side of the Harbour. We then proceeded on Board the Brampton accompanied by the Revd J. Butler & Messrs Kemp & King in order that they might render what assistance they could to the Revd H Williams in the Landing his Stores, and securing them on Shore— After all these matters were settled I paid a second visit to the Revd T Kendall and delivered him my public Letter in which I had enclosed the Revd J Pratts public letter and the resolution of the Parent Committee containing his dismission from the Service of the Society— When I handed him my Letter, and communicated to him its contents, he said he would not open it— he was determined to send it home to his friends just as it was. I replied he would act in that respect as he thought proper— [crossed out] that as I had acquainted him verbally in what relation he now stood to the Society it was a matter of little consequence whether he opened my Letter or not— His conduct had compelled the society to withdraw its countenance and patronage from him and there was now an end of their connexion— I informed him that I was authorized to find him and his Family a passage to Engl N S Wales and that he and his Family would return with me in the Brampton— He still persisted in his determination to remain in New Zealand— I recommended him to consider the subject well, to consider his own situation in the island, the situation of his large family, the distressing prospect of his children had before them some of them were now growing up Men and Women, and what were they [to] do amongst the Heathen, they could not Marry amongst the Natives, and how where were they to be settled in Life? After advancing such reasons as I thought might weigh with Mr Kendall to induce him to leave N Zealand in his cooler moments I dropt the subject. I think he will alter his determination in a few days when his present feelings subside— Since my arrival I had not lost any moment in examining the Natives relative to their Wars, their religion, Customs & Manners and, wishing to correct any Errors I might have fallen into for want of a more perfect knowledge of their language I entered into conversation with Mr Kendall upon these subjects. I told him what inquiries I had made, and what information I had gained, and requested him to correct any mistake I might have committed. I found Mr Kendall at considerable loss to find English words and to arrange his ideas and to clothe them with such terms so as to enable me to conceive what he wished me to understand. His reasoning upon the different subjects is so subtle and metaphysical that when he attempted to explain them I could not with the utmost exertion of my mental powers often comprehend what his ment meaning was— I am satisfied he has acquired a great knowledge of the Natives language and also of their customs and manners and Religion but whether he will ever be able to arrange these matters in a proper manner in inoffensive language so as to be of general benefit to those employed in the Mission is a matter of some doubt— By prying into the obscene customs and notions of the Natives with a viciated curiosity his own mind is become so poluted that it will be very difficult for him to purify his ideas so far as to render what he writes acceptable to the public eye, and ^to make himself at the same time understood— The character and History of the N Zealanders would be very interesting, if it could be purely written— They are a noble race of Men— they are very religious in their way, and they a are Men of the first capacity of mind Men of great perseverance and enterprize; & who never lose sight of an object that they set their mind upon until they obtain it— They are powerful reasoners upon every subject that has come within their knowledge possess a quick conception and are well acquainted with human nature. At present there is nothing in New Zealand but War to exercise their active minds. Should the arts of peace in time open to them the field of commerce to find employment they will then have less inclination to War— Upon all these subjects as well as ^on the general concerns of the Mission I spent several hours conversation with Mr Kendall this day and after dark returned on Board the Brampton. During the time I had been on shore the Snapper a small cutter had arrived from Port Jackson bound to the Society Islands. It was resolved this morning to take up the Snapper to convey the Revd Mr & Mrs Turner, and the Societys stores to Whangaroa to join the Revds Liegh & White as there was no prospect of their getting to their Station by any other conveyance. As the Revd S Liegh was so very ill and could not settle with the Natives about the Land and so earnestly solicited me to visit their station I determined to embark in the Snapper and it was arranged for her to sail in the Afternoon. The Weather became very stormy before all the Stores were on board, so that our Sailing was put off until the following Morning. I expected to return before all the Stores were landed from the Brampton so as to complete my other business before she was ready for Sea— At daylight this Morning I embarked on board the Snapper a very small Vessel carrying about 30 tons. The wind was very fresh and against us, when we got out to Sea the Cutter Cutter jumped about much. We had to work up against the wind the distance between the two Harbours is between forty and fifty miles— Late in the Evening we arrived opposite the mouth of the Harbour of Wangaroa, but could not get in. We therefore lay off until day Light. — The Wind was against us getting in; we got the Boat a head and several Canoes came out and towed us into the Harbour— About twelve we came to Anchor— Shortly afterwards George the Chief, and several more with him came on board- I requested George to take Charge of the Vessel until I and the Master returned from visiting Mr Liegh who resided about eight miles higher up the River— The Revd. Mr. & Mrs. Turner, also accompanied us to the Missionary Settlement where we found Mr Liegh very ill— The Master returned that in the evening to the Vessel, but I remained all night with Mr Liegh- many whom I had seen before came to visit me, and rejoiced that I had come again to see them. As soon as I saw the State Mr Leigh was in I recommended him to return with me to Port Jackson— He wanted more Care, more Comforts, and Medical Advice— These were not to be procured in Wangaroa. I felt much for Mrs Turner a young Woman who would now be left without any Female companion but a young Girl she had taken from Port Jackson— Mrs Turner has one young Child at the Breast. It was the opinion of Mr Lieghs colleagues as well as my own, that his weak state of Health required his speedy Removal as well as my own – The Revds White & Turner are both young men – they have a very trying Situation; as they must want Experience- I hope they will do well; and conduct themselves ^with Patience and Perseverance – young Men are apt to be too soon angry and if they fall into this Error they will often be very uneasy— They will have much to bear with, from the heathens around them, until become better acquainted with their Customs and manners. Early this morning Messrs. White & Turner went down to the Snapper after the Stores & Baggage. I remained with Mr Liegh as George had not yet returned- we took a walk to view the land they wished to purchase in order that an arrangement might be made for it as soon as George arrived— While we were in the Field we heard down the River we heard a regular discharge of Muskets which was kept up for some time- I was very much alarmed at their Report, fearing that some of the Sailors had insulted some of the Natives, and that a serious quarrel had been the Consequence. I was very anxious to go down to the Vessel as soon as possible to learn the cause of the Guns being fired –and immediately returned and went down to the River side in order to get a Canoe— The tide was down, and I could not go until the Return of the tide— Georges Brother Tippahee saw I was alarmed, and wished to know the cause— I told him that several Muskets had been fired down the Harbour, and I was afraid some difference had taken place between the natives and the Europeans- He told me I need not be under any apprehension for if any injury was done to the Europeans Shunghee would will kill a number of them— While we were standing upon the Banks of the River some natives arrived, and informed us that a Party had returned from the War and the Guns we had heard had been fired on the occasion, which removed all our fears – In about an Hour afterwards Messrs. White & Turner returned from the Vessel, and told me the master wished me to go down, that he was very uneasy in consequence of such numbers of Natives assembled about the Snapper. I determined to go down ^comply with his request in order to prevent any difference. Before I set off George returned, we examined the Land fixed the Boundaries and made an agree-ment with him, ^for it which he signed on his way and he received Payment, and the business was finally settled— I told George I was going down to the Cutter – he came to the Boat with me, in order to accompany me. When we got to the Wharf we found Mr Turner had very imprudently Mr Hobbs Tool Chest in the Boat without any Person to take Care of it— It had been broken open, and several things carried off. George threw off all his Matts apparently in a dreadful Rage, and said he would put the Thief to instant Death – A number of his People were about him, he demanded to know who had committed the theft and was total that one of his brothers Slaves had done it – and was had run off with the property— He took a Spear and ran up the Bank of the River, and in about ten minutes returned with some of the Articles and said he had speared the thief, but I do not believe he did— As we went down in the Boat, he expressed his indignation against a thief – and how determined he was to punish all thieves with death— I believe this was all a mere pretence. We talked over the business of the Boyde. He told me how he had been despised, and insulted for cutting off the Boyde by the different tribes, and what trouble it had given him, as they would not be reconciled to him on that Account – He said he should wish to visit Port Jackson again but he was afraid that he would ^be hung there if he went— He thought he might now venture, as he had got some Europeans at his Settlements, they would be [pages missing] offended his friends – They admitted he had done wrong; but contended that he was not living with the young woman now, his misconduct should be forgotten — I have been fully engaged this day in the different concerns of the Mission— Messrs Butler Hall & Kendall were all on board - had much conversation with the Revd T. Kendall upon the Concerns of the Mission, and his own unhappy Situation— I am inclined to think that he will consent in time to leave N. Zealand— His mind has been greatly poluted by studying the abominations of the Heathen and his ideas are very Heathen=ish. No change will ever be produced in his sentiments & feelings while he remains here. He never will recover from his fall; as he is now as a Man without Strength and in the most awful State as it respects his Soul. “Strangers have hath devoured his strength and he knoweth it not” I remained on Board in Consequence of the stormy weather- I was informed that when Mr Cowell left Rangeehoo the natives would pull down the House he had lived in, where Mr Kendall formerly resided – I knew that some of the natives were very angry at that Settlement on account of Mr Kendalls dismission, yet I could not believe that they would proceed to do such an act of Violence, I spoke to two of the Chiefs who happened to be on Board on the subject and told them what I had heard; they replied, that it was a mere wicked Report – that I might be assured that nothing of that kind would happen— I spent much of the day in conversation with the Natives respecting their wars, their Religion, and their Country which was very interesting. Some of the Chiefs had travelled much into the interior- and described many places where the land was level for several days journey, and the Soil good— They described high lands covered with Snow, and internal Lakes, and hot springs situated to the Southward, and a great Population. All their fine mats and carvings are done at the Southward which as yet remains unknown to the Europeans— This Morning I went on Shore to see the Revd H Williams— I found all things going on well; the Natives had been very attentive, and had rendered every Assistance in their power— [in pencil – Superintendcy theisms 2 [?]] The public Store was nearly completed, and all the stores were safely lodged in it, with=out the loss of a Nail— Three temporary buildings will soon be completed; the Store, the Houses for the Mr ^Sirs Williams & Fairburn the carpenter. I remained with Mr Williams a good part of the day - and before I returned on board we agreed to visit the upper part of the Cowa - Cowa River the following Morn=ing – The situation Mr Williams occupies is a very important one as he may have a very large school in a short time of young Children— The inhabitants generally are orderly and well behaved- Natives from very remote parts are in the constant habit of visiting this Station either as Prisoners of War, or to see their Friends— Early this morning I set off to the upper part of the River Cowa-Cowa, accompanied by the master of the Brampton – On our way I visited several Natives on the Banks – Very considerable Cultivation was going on upon the Banks of the River, where no Culture had been attempted before, when I visited this district — The Revd H. Williams had agreed to go with me, but he was detained at his new Station for some time and about 2. O’Clock P.M. he came up to us.— I returned with him a little before dark on Board the Brampton with an Intention to go on Shore with him for the night, in order that we might set off early the next morning for Kiddee Kiddee; but I found myself so unwell from fatigue & want of rest that I declined going with Mr Williams and he returned on Shore alone— After Mr Williams was gone several chiefs came on Board— One named Towa, the Son of the late Tippahee a very fine young Man who had resided with me at Parramatta more than twelve months, addressed me, and said, Mr Kendall had informed him that day that he was going to leave New Zealand; and they wished to know if Mr Kendall had been dismissed as a Missionary, for selling Muskets and Gun-powder to the New Zealanders— To this I replied, that Mr Kendall was directed by the gentlemen in England who had sent him out as a Missionary not to sell Muskets & Powder— That it was not the Custom in England for Clergymen to sell Muskets and Powder, and that no Missionary could be allowed to sell them in New Zealand— As several of the Chiefs who were present had been at Port Jackson, I observed that the Clergymen there did not sell Muskets & Powder— Powder – They knew that I had not one musket in my House, and that they had never seen any when they were with me— They replied they knew / what I said was true – I further added we did not interfere with the Government of New Zealand; they did what they pleased, and that the Missionaries ought to be allowed to do what they pleased – Towa said, that was but just – and observed, we are at present in the same State as the Otaheitans were some time back— The Otaheitans wanted only Muskets and Powder, and would have nothing else; and now as they know better, they wanted none; and that the New Zealanders would care nothing about them when they knew better, which they would in time, but time must be allowed them to learn better, that he had gone to War some time ago, but he never would go again — All the Chiefs acquiesced in the observations Towa made— I was happy to find, that their minds were so enlarged, and that they had begun to take such proper views of the subject_ I said Towa’s Remarks upon the conduct of the Otaheitans were very just – and told them that the Queen Charlotte Brig which had sailed from the Bay the preceeding Day, belonged to the young King Pomarre; that the Otaheitans had sent oil and various other Articles to Port Jackson for which they had received in return Tea Sugar Flour and such cloathing as they wanted; and that the New Zealanders might in time have a Ship of their own to procure Sperm Oil, Spars &c &c which they could sell at Port Jackson, and that many of them were able to kill the Whales having been employed on board the Whalers— When they got a vessel, of their own, they would soon be equal to the Otaheiteans, and give over their cruel Wars – They expressed much Pleasure in the Idea of having a Vessel of their own, to enable them to procure what they want— After we had closed our Conversation upon these Subjects I called their Attention to Mr Kendalls Conduct in another respect. I told them that the Gentlemen who had sent Mr Kendall to New Zealand were not only angry with him for selling Muskets and Powder but for having two Wives – that in England a man was only allowed to have one Wife— that King George himself could only have one Wife, that the Governor at Port Jackson had only one; that Mr Kendall had violated our Laws and our Religion; and that for being guilty of so great an offence, he had been dismissed from the Service of the Society and he was at liberty now to act as he thought proper; but that it would be better for him to leave New Zealand— Towhee a Chief was present, for whom the young woman Mr Kendall had taken to live with him; and he said Mr Kendall ought to leave New Zealand— I told them he should go along with me in the Brampton— The Chiefs were satisfied that Mr Kendall had violated our Laws & Customs and had brought all his distress upon himself— Tho’ Mr Kendall had not informed me as yet of his intention to leave N. Zealand, I was happy to find that the Chiefs were willing that he should return to Port Jackson; with the Exception of one Family, the Father and friends of the young woman with whom he had cohabited; and they were not yet reconciled, and had taken care to keep very much out of my way— Early this morning I left the Brampton in order to accompany the Revd H. Williams to Kiddee Kiddee 16. miles distant— we purposed to be up to Morning Service, but did not arrive in time— In the Evening we attended the chatiser catechizing ^of the Natives – They sang several Hymns in their own Language, and repeated some Prayers— I was much gratified with the Progress they had made since my last visit, and the Prospect this afforded of their future Welfare – There can be no doubt of the success of this Mission if those employed in it will only do their duty— The children are as fine subjects to work upon as any in the known World – After we had heard the Natives perform their Service, I expounded a Portion of the Scriptures, and the evening was concluded with our united worship of that God who has made of one Blood all nations that dwell upon the face of all the Earth. The Voice of Joy and Gladness shall yet be heard in the barren deserts of N. Zealand. The divine Promises must be fulfilled, which assure us, that in that great multitude which no man can number, there shall be same of every nation, Kindred, Tongue and People— I had summoned a full Committee to meet at Kiddee Kiddee to day; and early this morning prepared the different Subjects which I wished to bring under Consideration relative to the Expenditure of the public Stores, the Public Buildings, Schools &c &c. The Committee met at the appointed time, and we did not close our deliberations deliberations till after 12. O’Clock in the Evening. A mass of evils required close Investigation and many of the Subjects were very painful to consider— I trust the Regulations & Resolutions which I proposed, and which were adopted will restrain many evils, if not cure them— When Men have got a great way out of the right Path, they do not like to return again to the place from whence they erred. This is the Situation with some in the Mission— It is awful to think how they have fallen, & how much Advantage Satan has gained over them— I much fear some will never benefit the Mission; their minds and Habits are not calculated for the work they have engaged in— There is no Consideration can induce a man to do habitually; what he has an Habitual aversion to do— Missionary work is very ^hard work unless the Heart is fully engaged in it— A Sin will always be in that mans way, who cannot bend his mind to the Instruction of the Natives— The sooner such a one leaves the work, the better it will be for himself & the Mission— This morning we met again for further deliveration, and continued until after mid-day when most of the Subjects under Consideration were finally closed, so that I enjoyed a little quiet in the evening. I had been very much harassed since I arrived,— I was apprehensive the Brampton would be ready for Sea before I had completed the object of my visit to New Zealand; and the Captain informed me he would Sail immediately the Ship was ready— I entered this morning into the Consideration of the Salaries allowed the Revd J Butler and his Son, Mr Butler wished me to confirm the Bills he had drawn upon England and to allow him the same Salary for him=self and Son for the last year which he had drawn for the former year— At this rate their Salaries for two years from the 1st. of Octr. 1821. to 1st. of Octr. 1823 would have amounted to £600 sterlg. This I objected to— I had considerable difficulty in settling his Account, and never could close it to my own satisfaction— About one O.’Clock I left Kiddee Kiddee to fix upon a new station for Mr Shepherd— On my way down the River I went up the River Wypoppa which falls into the Kiddee Kiddee to see if I could find a fall of water convenient for a Water Mill at some future Period— I met with a very suitable Situation for the Purpose very central for all the Missionary Stations— A Boat may go up at all times to the very foot of the fall where the Mill may be erected— There is a natural dam of Rock across the River over which the River falls between 10- & 12 feet above the level of the water below – I then proceeded to Rangeehoo and arrived in the Evening— I was now determined to see the Chief, with whose daughter Mr Kendall had cohabited. I had sent to her Brother before, and he sent me word that he was ashamed to see me— The chief informed Mrs Hall that he also was ashamed to see me— I went into the Villiage, and called upon the old Chief— He was at Home, and his Sons Daughters and Wife with him— They seemed much embarrassed at first— At length the young woman’s Sister-in-law said she understood that I would not allow Mr Kendall to have any more Sugar Tea, Axes Hoes Spades &c. or any Provisions— The Conversation relative to the young woman and Mr Kendall became general— The young woman was sitting by me— They admitted Mr Kendall had lived with her as his wife, but that he was not living with her now, and that as he had left the young woman, his Conduct should not be noticed now— They also said the other missionaries did not like Mr Kendall, and that they were as bad as he was— This I denied, and mentioned the names of five Missionaries and asked them if they were bad, they said no; but they mentioned others— I told them what our Laws were with respect to marriage, and that Mr Kendall had broken those laws, and on that account his friends in England were angry with him. One of young =woman’s Sisters who is married, admitted that it was best for one man and one woman to live together as man and wife, but she was of opinion that Mr Kendall should not be punished any more as he was not now living with her Sister— She said when Shunghee returned from the Wars he would be very angry if Mr. Kendall was gone away, and that he would not allow the Mission=aries to live at Kiddee Kiddee— I replied if Shunghee did not wish the Missionaries to live at his Place, I would send a Ship and take them to Port Jackson, and that the Missionaries did not come to New Zealand for any thing that they had to give them— for they had plenty of Provisions and Cloths in their own Country— I appealed to her Husband & Brother who ^both had lived with me, if we had not plenty of every thing in Port Jackson, and did not want any thing from them— which they admitted— That the Missionaries came only for their good and when they wished them to leave New Zealand; they should— I told her, I did not believe that Shunghee would be angry, when he returned for he had no Cause— This old Chief and his family could not bear the Idea of Mr Kendall leaving the Island, because he had been the chief Support of the whole of them, and they were sensible of the loss they would sustain when he went— Before I left them I promised the old Chief a few Presents, and his Sons, and we parted mutual Friends— Early this morning I sent for Warriepork— one of Shunghee’s Principal Officers in the late War between him and Enakkee, Chief of the Revd. Thames, in order that I might learn the origin and event of the War – when he gave me the following Account— Several years ago a Vessel from Port Jackson took a young woman from Wangaree, a Chiefs Sister named Tammoran=go, and carried her along with them by force to the Southward, where they sold her to another Chief for some mats. The Chief who purchased her, took her for his wife; but she did not like him, in Consequence of which the Chief put her to Death— Sometime afterwards the Ship King George belonging to Port Jackson, was at or near the East Cape when a native came in her to the Bay of Islands from whom Tammoranga heard the fate of his Sister— Tammoranga according to their Laws was bound to revenge her death,— About three years ago when the Coromandel lay in the Thames taking in Timber Tammoranga determined to send an Expedition against the Chief & and at the Southward; and gave directions accordingly— His tribe assembled; and on their way they stopt at the River Thames in Ennakkees district— Enakkee & Tammoranga were both on board the Coromandel at the time— Tammoranga’s People while they lay there robbed Enakkees Potatoe Grounds; and were seen by Enakkees People to carry them away— About a week afterwards Enakkees Slaves fell in with a near Relation of Tammorangas, a chief named Towakka and killed him— Tammoranga was very much enraged, but he was not able to revenge his death at that time— When the Coromandel sailed for Port Jackson Enakkee went to see the Colony in her; when Towhee a Chief belonging to Timmoranga’s tribe determined to Revenge the Death of Towakka— In about a month he set off from the Bay of islands to the Thames— When Towhee arrived, he made an Attack upon ^Showpa’s Howpa’s Tribe, who were at Amity with Enakkee’s and killed one Chief, and five common People, when he returned Home— Shortly afterwards Showpas Son came to Wangaree to revenge the death of their Chief whom Towhee had killed, upon Towhee’s tribe; and killed a Chief belonging to Shunghee— Shunghee was not yet returned from England— while Ennakkee was at Port Jackson, Shungee arrived there. Ennakkee informed him of the difference that had taken place between him & Temmaranga in Consequence of Tawakka being killed by Enakkee’s Slaves— Shunghee asked Ennakkee what he intended to do, whether on his Return he would go to War, or he would be quiet— Enakkee was inclined for War— Shungee recom=mended him to give over fighting. Enakkee asked Shungee to give him a Bill-hook which he had brought from England, which he did— Shungee gave him also a pair of Pistols, and a red Shawl, and Enakkee agreed to give Shungee on their return to New Zealand a War Canoe— These mutual Presents were Tokens of mutual Friendship – When Shungee arrived in New Zealand, he made enquiry after different Chiefs his former friends, and was informed that the Chief of Tootookakka had been killed by Showpa’s People who were in alliance with Enakkee— Shunghee was very much enraged when he heard that his Friend had been killed, and determined to go down to the Thames to see Enakkee, to demand satisfaction — He assembled his forces, and took with him sixty War Canoes which formed a powerful Army ament— As soon as Shunghee and his army arrived within sight of Enakkees Settlement, he looked thro his Glass and saw Enakkees Colours flying. He called his Officers and asked them if they saw Enakkees Colours, they answered they did – Enakkee also blew his Trumpet, and Shunghee observed him drest in his Regimentals amongst his People— Shunghee then told his Officers that Enakkee was determined to give them Battle- Shunghee then put on his Coat of Mail, his sword, Helmet and red Coat— Wycatto put on his Regimentals also, and they walked in the front of the Army— Shunghee blew his Trumpet, and watched thro’ his Glass Ennakees movements— Shunghee was a little afraid of Enakkee, his Army was very strong— Shunghee then called his oldest Son Charles, a youth about 16. or 17. years of Age; and desired him to take a long Spear, and tie an Handkerchief at the End of it, and take a Chief and a few men with him, and bear it as a Flag of Truce towards Enakkees Army; as Shunghee wished to have a Parley with Enakkee before any Action took place— When Enakkee observed Shunghee’s Son, with the Flag, advancing towards his camp, he sent out his eldest Son Rupee with a spear in one Hand, and a toma-hawk in the other, to shew that he would come to no Parley— When Charles & the Chief came within Gun shot Enakkee Enakkee fired and shot the Chief thro the Head, when he fell— Charles, and his little Party now turned and ran to their own Camp— Shunghee was looking thro’ his Glass and saw the Chief fall— Shungee’s Son cried much, and the whole Army sat down, and mourned for the death of the Chief until afternoon— In the Evening Shunghee walked about to see if he could meet with Enakkee, but could not fall in with him. Both Armies continued in their Stations for three Days— On the morning of the fourth day, with two or three Chiefs Shung=hee advanced towards Enakkees Army in the Sight of both Armie – Enakkee came forward to meet him— Shungee had his Coat of Mail on, and his sword, but no Gun— his helmet also and regimental Coat— Shunhgee put both his Arms under his Coat of mail to show Enakkee that he came peaceably, and that he wished to come to some terms of Reconciliation with him— Enakkee was dressed in English Regimentals. When Shungee advanced he took off his helmet, made a Bow & saluted Enakkee— Enakkee turned turned on one side, and spurned his Compliment— Shungee said he did not wish to fight; Enakkee said he was determined to fight— Shunghee said “I have seen King George as you may see by my War mat (a coat of mail) my Sword Sword, and Helmet.” Enakkee replied – “I have seen General Macquarie.” Shunghee said, he was very strong; Enakkee replied he was not afraid to meet him ^for he was strong too – Shunghee then proposed to deliver up his eldest Son as an Hostage to Enakkee, if Enakkee would deliver up his Son to him, and that this should be the Condition of their Reconciliation, but Enakkee would hearken to no terms of accommodation. Shunghee then took off his Helmet, and covered his face and said to Enakkee “Do you see my face” Enakkee answered “Yes”. Shunghee replied, “You shall see my face no more until we meet in Battle; and then ^bowed & returned to his own Army and told them what had past— He desired his Men to get their dinners and to prepare for Battle as soon as they could, for he was determined to fight that day – The Men threw off their common mats, put on all their war mats and prepared for Action – When they were ready, Shunghee marched before them— When they came near Enakkees Army Shunghee ^wished would to speak to Enakkee again, who appeared like a mad Man. His Officers advised him against it, lest Enakkee should Shoot him— However he advanced, and fired his Musket into the Air— Enakkee fired, and hit Shunghee on the side, tho some of the Links were broken, when the ball was turned off by Shunghee’s Coat of Mail— When one of Enakkee’s people rushed forward and struck Shunghee behind the Head with one of their Marees, or stone weapons of war, and knocked Shunghee down— Shunghee Warriepork was near Shunghee – He called aloud for him to succour him, when the man who knocked Shunghee down was instantly killed ^by a shot from Shunghee when on the Ground— Enakkee also fired a Pistol at Shunghee, one of them which Shunghee had given him at Port Jackson, but without effect— Enakkee then rushed forward with his Bayonet fixed, to stab Shunghee while on the Ground, when two of Shunghee’s officers Riva & Eve that instant fired and shot Enakkee, when he fell— Warreepork was speared at the same time thro’ the Arm by one of Enakkee’s men— Shunghee when as soon as he recovered orderd from the Blow he had received ordered the Village to be immediately set on fire which was crouded with Enakkees people— The Battle then became general— In the midst of the Contest Warreepork, was anxious to save as many of the Children of the Chief as he possibly could, and carried 25 off the field to a Place of Safety tho’ he himself was speared – ne of Ten ^10 of these he restored to their Friends before he left the Thames, and 15. he brought with him to the Bay of Islands as Prisoners of War, but has since returned them all— As soon as the Battle became general, Shunghee, and he was sure of Victory, & he ^he ordered all Enakkees Auxiliaries to lay down their Arms, and fly into the woods, as he only wished to destroy the strength of Enakkees tribe— Many saved themselves by flight— Such Children of the common people killed in the whose Mothers were killed in the action were put to death, and such children whose Mothers were killed in the Action, were put to death; and such Children whose mothers were alive to take care of them, were saved alive, and both made Prisoners of War— Warreepork appears to have acted a very kind and humane Part both in the time of action and since— He has given up his prisoners of War, and returned them to their friends— many of them have gone Home since I arrived— He lived with me, some time at Parramatta— He is a very brave, active, and well disposed young man— From the whole of the Account given me by Warreepork, Shunghee appears either from fear or inclination, to have had no wish for War, but to have come to some friendly terms with Enakkee— It was also kind in Shunghee to spare Enakkees Friends and to save the lives of the Children of the Chiefs— I have seen ^at the Bay of islands several Chiefs from the River Thames who had not returned since the War, who informed me that Shunghee behaved well when he was there—* When Shungee returned from the War he confirmed what Warree pork had stated— I had no sooner taken down the above account of Warreepork in Mr Hall’s House than I observed thro’ the Window the Brampton under weight – about six miles off— The Captain had been informed by the natives that there was some fine Spars about thirty miles to the Southward Southward, at a place called Tootookakka, he therefore had determined to go there and take some in if there was an Harbour for the Ship to lay safe – when I was in New Zealand before, I had observed the spars at a distance when at Sea, but had not examined them on Shore- I determined to go down in the Vessel, and immediately got a Boat and went on board- We had three Chiefs with us who were interested in the Timber— An American Vessel called the Cossack had been lately wrecked in coming out of the Gambier River on the west side of New Zealand, commonly called by the Natives Shukee-Hangha— The loss of the Vessel has been a Subject of much con=versation amongst the New Zealanders— The Chiefs gave me the following Reasons for the loss— There are two Rocks on the South side of the Entrance of the Harbour, which they considered Sacred being the Residence of the God of the winds and waves— The sailors belonging to the Cossack paid no respect to these Rocks, but struck them with Hammers— The Natives cautioned them against doing so, and intreated them not to touch them, for if they did, their God would be angry— The Sailors paid no attention to what the Natives said— When the Cossack got out of the Harbour upon the Bar, the God of the Rocks got under her Bottom, and in great Anger, danced under her, and threw her up and down like a Ball—The Master let go his Anchors to hold her; but the angry God, cut the Anchors (not the cables) at the Bottom of the Sea, and threw the Vessel up until he dashed her to Pieces. The Cossack would have met with no Accident, if the Sailors had not provoked the God of the Winds and Waves by striking the sacred Rocks— This is universally believed by the New Zealanders – When I visited ^at the that River and ^when I came near these Rocks they begged I would not touch them lest I ^should died— Such is the present Superstition of these people— I had seen some Sailors who were on Board the Cossack when she was lost, who gave me the following account of her Wreck— The wind had been blowing hard from the South west which had caused a very great surff upon the Bar— They left the Harbour with a light Breeze— The master thought the wind was sufficient to carry the Vessel thro the surff; but when they got out upon the Bar the wind failed them, and the surff overpowered the Vessel – and she became a perfect wreck— no Property was saved, and no lives were lost— The Natives were very kind to them when they got on Shore— This morning we were off the Harbour of Tootookakka— The Boat was hoisted out and Captain Moore went to examine the Entrance— He returned in about three Hours and reported that there were plenty of Spars, but not sufficient Water for a large Ship in the Harbour, and that the Entrance was very narrow— He now determined to return to the Bay of Islands, for which we immediately made Sail with a fine Breeze, and arrived at the Mouth of the Harbour at the close of the evening – The Wind being now against us we lay off and on all night— This morning was very fine, we had made little Progress during the night; and the wind still continued against us— About eleven O’Clock A.M. we observed a Boat making towards the Ship when she came along side, we found she was from Wangaroa with the Revd Mr White who was going to Kiddee Kiddee— I immediately left the Brampton with Mr White – we called on our way at Rangheehoo; and then proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived in the Evening.— The Revd S. Liegh & Mrs Liegh had left the Brampton when she sailed to Tootookakka, as he was very weak & poorly, and had taken up their Lodging with the Revd J. Butler— we found all the other Brethren well— This day the Revd J. Butler read Prayers, & I preached when we administered the Holy Sacrament – Present the Rev.ds. Liegh & White, Mrs. Liegh, Mrs Butler Mrs Kemp Mrss Shepherd Mrss Pickey, & Messrs Kemp Shepherd & Puckey— How thankful should Christians be for the Sabbaths and Ordinances of Religion— What Comfort and Support do they administer to the pious soul! Without the divine ordinances, how feeble and how languid would be best of Christians be— We never can be sufficiently thankful for these Privileges— The Psalmist loved, God’s House, the Place, where his Honor dwelleth; and so does every Christian— How much more delightful is it to meet in the great Congregation in God’s holy Temple, than in any of the dwellings of Jacob; in any private House whatever— There is some=thing so solemn, so sacred in God’s House where his Saints meet to pray, and to praise him; that the pious Soul relishes Religion better here than in any other Place: because God hath put his name there; and has promised to meet his People there at all times— This morning I drew up some Regulations for the future Government of the Mission; and wrote a public Letter to the Missionaries relative to their past and future Conduct; exhorting them to repent of what they had done amiss; and warning them of the Consequences of sinning in time to come— When I reflect upon the dreadful evils that have crept in amongst the missionaries, I am astonished that the Mission has not been completely annihilated. That it should ever have existed amongst in the midst of so much wickedness, so much Contention, so much unfaithfulness in the Servants of the Mission affords a Strong Proof in my Judgment; that God will carry on the work, and that the wickedness of Man shall not prevent him— Amongst those who have been employed in the Mission, and set apart for the work work – some have been weak and lead astray; Some have been wicked & have fallen from their steadfastness- and wounded the Cause; others have been idle and unfaithful; others have been worldly minded, and have lost Sight of the Interest of the Mission by paying too great attention to their own welfare— The Mission has not only suffered for the want of Support from those whom the Christian World supported; but from powerful secular Enemies and Infidels who have strove to overthrow it altoga altogether. But blessed be God, it still maintains its Ground— Some have been faithful like Caleb and Joshua; and these will take the Land as certain as ever Joshua and Caleb put the Israelites in full Possession of the Land of Canaan— Difficulties of every kind must be fairly met and opposed, and the Christian World must be determined to plant the Gospel Standard upon the strong-holds and fortifications of the Prince of Darkness, and his Kingdom will finally fall— Known unto God are all his works from the Beginning; and he will accomplish his divine Purposes whatever Instruments are employed in the work. He appointed Saul King over Israel, as well as David the Man after his own Heart, and accomplished his divine will by them both— About one O’Clock I left Kiddee Kiddee in order to hold a Committee at the Station of the Revd H. Williams in the Cowa Cowa where I had summoned all the Missionaries to attend— We set upon public business until a late Hour and afterward we all remained in his Hut for the night— This Morning we closed the Business we entered upon last night- I now considered all the public Concerns arranged as far as I could— After Breakfast I went on Board the Brampton, and agreed with the master for the Passage of the following Persons to Port Jackson— The Revd. M.r & M.rs Liegh, the Revd. T. Kendall & family, and M.r Cowell & family, being 15. Persons in the whole— I afterwards called upon M.r Kendall to arrange with him for the delivering up of all the public Stores in his Possession; and purchased his sawed timber towards building the Revd Mr Williams House &c &c. and afterwards crossed the Harbour to inform M.r Williams what I had done, in order that he might take immediate steps to remove the Stores, Timber &c. &c. to prevent any disputes with the Natives afterwards, when M.r Kendall was gone— and then proceeded to Kiddee Kiddee where I arrived after dark extremely cold having been several Hours upon the water— Today I took my leave of Kiddee Kiddee with an intention to return no more this Voyage— I went to visit M.r Samuel Butler’s Station about 14 miles from Kiddee- The Revds John Butler & White accompanied me we had a very rough Passage, the wind was strong and the Sea high; but arrived safe in the Afternoon. The Natives had built a comfortable temporary House for M.r S. Butler, and were all very busy in different kinds of labour— This is a very important Station if attention is only paid to the Native Children— the Inhabitants are numerous, and well-behaved. The head Chief is one of the tallest and stoutest men I have seen in New Zealand, a Relation of Shunghee’s— I made the Natives a few presents of such Articles as I had, and in the evening returned with the Revd. Mr. White to Rangheehoo, who was on his way to Wangaroa— We arrived in the Cove just at dark and took up our Lodgings for the night with Mr. William Hall— at whose House we held a Prayer meeting— I had some Conversation with Miss.rs Hall & King relative to the Instruction of the Children. They promised to begin immediately M.r Cowell embarked— This morning I sent for the old Chief Rakow, the Father of the young woman M.r Kendall had co-habited with, in order to see if I could pacify him & his family to Mr Kendalls departure— when he came he was greatly agitated— He laid hold of me with both his Hands; and squeezed me as if I had been in a Vice, and said I would give M.r Kendall no more Hoes, Axes, Spades &c. &c, and remonstrated with me in strong terms against Mr. Kendall’s departure – He represented the other missionaries as inimical to Mr Kendall, and contended that Mr Kendall ought not to leave New Zealand, but be supported After the old man had given vent to his feelings he became a little more cool – I made him a present of a Blanket and a few edge Tools which reconciled him a little— while we were talking several Natives came in, and amongst the number Wycotto, whom I had not seen before – The whole of Rakows family and friends were much ashamed to see me on Account of Mr Kendalls Conduct— Wycotto said he was ashamed – They all manifested much Propriety of of feeling – I told them, Mr Kendall was the person who was to blame, that I had no Cause to be angry with them, nor was I angry with them— that Mr Kendall had offended the Gentlemen who had sent him out and supported him by acting contrary to their Instructions and our Laws, and that they could not any longer be his friends— After much Conversation upon these Subjects, they all seemed more satisfied and easy— I asked Wycotto to accompany me on Board the Brampton, and I would make him a few presents; he replied, he was ashamed to ask me for any thing, but he would go with me— As it was the last time I intended to be at Rangheehoo I thought it prudent to invite Rakows Son, Warreepork whom I have already mentioned, to go with me to Parramatta, as it would tend to quiet the old Chief and his family— When all these matters were arranged I took Takes his leave of Mess Hall & King my my leave of Messrs King & Hall & their is families, and the Natives of Rangheehoo— Wycotto accompanied me on board – I was very happy to learn that he behaved well to the Missionaries since his Return from England— we had much Conversation upon the State of New Zealand— He told me he had accompanied Shunghee once in his Wars since his arrival from England against Ennakkee in which Enakkee was killed— and that many fell on both sides, but he was determined never to go to War again – Shunghee pressed him to go with him in his present Expedition, but he had refused— He said he wished the English would come, and take Possession of the Country as he was sure there would be no end to their public Calamities until there was a Power sufficient to prevent those evils of War— I have heard many Chiefs express the same wish— Wycotto attends now to the Cultivation of his Farm, and to his Wife and Children of whom he is very fond— On our arrival on Board the Brampton I presented him with a Spade, and a few edge tools for which he was very thankful – I assured him, if he did not go to War, he should have the present of a Blanket every year, or some other article of Value— that I should make Enquiry after his Conduct, and if I found that he attended to Agriculture I would remember him— Wycotto returned on Shore much gratified with our interview and much relieved in his mind. Since his return from Europe, he has had time to reflect upon what he saw, and heard, and he appears to me much improved and softened— I was much gratified with many of his observations— He said, he was very desirous that a Missionary should be sent to the River Thames, and that if one was sent he would go and live there. I told him this could not be done at present, but at some future time it perhaps might— This morning a war Canoe returned from the Southward, and came along side the Ship. I observed a Dead man in the Stern wrapt up in Mats— She was full of people—Tooroo Tootooroo one of the Chiefs of Wycaddee was in her— He seemed worn down with fatigue and Privations – He had been with me formerly at Parramatta— He was much affected when he saw me; but did not come out of the Canoe, but sat in a mourning posture— What Hardships do these poor Heathens suffer under the dominion of the Prince of darkness— In the Afternoon I went on Shore to pay a visit to the Rev.d H. Williams and to purchase a Canoe to take with me to Port Jackson for the accommodation of the natives who were going along with me— while we were walking on the Beech another War Canoe arrived, in which I understood there were two dead Chiefs— When they came within a short distance of the Land, they all sat silent in the Canoe crying; and the women on Shore began to cry also and to make great Lamentations— These poor Creations sorrow as those without Hope— They have none of the Consolations of Religion to support their minds, no Hope full of Immortality— what infinite Blessings will the Gospel impart unto them when once they receive it with Joy— After I had purchased the Canoe I went on board for the night— I remained the whole of this day on Board, prepar-ing for Sea, as the Captain had determined to sail the next morning I was very busy in securing the different useful Plants I had procured for New South Wales – and settling my little Accounts with the Natives – The Rev.d M.r Williams and several of the Brethren came to take their leave, and some of them remained till late in the Evening— Warreepork thought it was not right to sail on our Sabbath day, and asked me if I should not be angry – He was informed I had no controul over the Master of the Ship, and that he would do as he pleased— The New Zealanders in their way are very particular in observing all their religious Ceremonies, as they believe their Happiness and Life itself depends upon their doing this— I had now got all my Business settled, as well as I could, and in some degree to my Satisfaction considering the deranged State the Affairs of the Mission had been in for so long a time — The Revd T. Kendall and family, M.r Cowell and family were all on board without any unpleasant differences with the natives— I now felt much Pleasure in the Prospect of a speedy return to my Family and People, and being very weary with various Toils and Anxieties both of Body and mind I longed for a little Rest, and I retired to my Cabin with much thankfulness and comfort— I had Cause to be thankful for contin=ued good Health, during the Period I had been in N. Zealand, as I had not lost one day.— I was not well when I left N. S. Wales, but I found myself better, and able to undergo much fatigue – I also was happy to see that there was every prospect of Success in the Mission, and felt confident that the Revd. H. Williams, either by Precept or Example or by both, would be able to rectify many evils when I was gone— The removal of the Revd Mr Kendall and Mr Cowell will also Prove a great Benefit to the mission and I doubt not but God will prosper the work yet and raise up a Seed in this benighted Land to serve him— “For many shall come from the South as well as the North, and shall sit down with Abraham Isaac and Jacob in the Kingdom of God” – This morning the Captain gave orders to weigh the Anchors, and proceed to Sea – I went into the Rev.d S. Liegh’s Cabin, and read the 1st Chapter of Romans, making a few Remarks upon it, and observed that it was my Intention to read with him the whole Epistle on our Passage to Port Jackson, we had a comfortable little meeting while the Sailors were preparing for Sea— The Weather was very threatening and stormy – The wind blew very strong from the East directly into the mouth of the Harbour— We lay in Korarrika Bay on the South side of the Harbour, and had to sail along a Lee rocky Shore in working out with the wind dead on the Land— The Ship being light and high out of the water she would not answer her Helm, and twice missed Stays— The Lead was kept continually sounding, and we soon found ourselves a little more than three fathoms water with a rocky Bottom, and a Shoal of Rocks on our Lee; and it was then near high water— When the Captain found the Situation we were in, he immediately ordered to let go the Anchor which was done. When the tide began to turn the Ship began to strike— The Gale increased, and the Sea with it— I was convinced the Ship would be wrecked; there appeared to me no possible way to prevent it— The Rev.d S. Leigh was very ill and unable to bear the noise & anxiety occasioned by such an awful occurrence and Mrs Leigh was also much alarmed I requested the Captain to lend me the Boat to take M.r & M.rs Leigh to the nearest Island which he kindly granted— The wind was high and the Sea very rough, but I did not apprehend much danger in going on shore, as the Island was only about two miles distant, and the nearer we approached it the smoother the water would be as we should be more sheltered from the Wind and Sea— we arrived safe, tho’ very wet with the Rain, and ^the Sea washing over the sides of the Boat— we found a few poor natives on the Point of the Island, called Mootooroa, where we landed. It rained very heavy— The natives expressed much concern for us; made a fire, and prepared the best Hut they had, which was made of Bull=rushes, for our Reception— I requested them to send a Canoe to Ranghee hoo to inform Mr. William Hall of the Loss of the Ship, and to bring his Boat to assist to Land the People, and at the sametime desired that they would tell the natives to bring a large war Canoe— The natives for sometime objected to go, on Account of the Storm and the high Sea, alledging that their Canoe would be dashed to Pieces by the waves— At length I prevailed upon them— They had between five and six miles to go thro a very rough Sea— About three O’Clock P.M. Mess.rs Hall, King and Hansen arrived in Mr. Halls Boat, and a large War Canoe with natives. They immediately proceeded to the Ship and we had the Satisfaction to see them arrive safe, and waited until dark with the greatest anxiety for their return; but neither of them came— The Rain fell in Torrents and the Gale had increased— we lay down in our little Hut full of fear and Alarm for the safety of all on Board— The night appeared very long, dark and dreary as we could not rest, and we most anxiously wished for the morning Light in Hopes of receiving some Account from the Vessel— When the day returned we had the Happiness to see the Vessel still upright, but driven nearer on Shore— No Boat came from her, or Canoe & the Gale still continued— About midday we saw the Foremast go overboard— the Natives on the Island shrieked aloud when the mast fell— I concluded they had cut away the Mast to relieve the Vessel – We spent the whole of this day in great Suspense; as we could not conjecture why all the Passengers should remain on Board in the State the Ship was in— At dark Mr William Hall returned, and informed us that the Bottom of the Vessel was beat out and that both her Chain, and best Bower Cables were broke, and that she beat with such violence upon the Rocks when the Tide was in that it was now impossible to stand upon her decks – at the sametime he was not apprehensive that the People on board were in any danger of losing their lives, as he did not think that the ship would go to Pieces, as she stood firm upon the Rocks when the Tide was out.— I wished to know why the Women and Children remained on Board— He said, it had not been determined what they would do, or where land as yet, and they wished to wait until the Gale abated – We were much relieved by the information Mr. Hall gave us— As it was now dark, the Sea rough and the wind high we could not leave the Island, and therefore took up our Lodging in our little Hut. The Natives kindly gave us a few Potatoes and a little fish, the best they had to bestow – My pleasing Prospect of returning to Port Jackson was now at an End for some time at least. A great Change had been made in my Views and feelings, from what they were on Sunday morning. The Scene was then apparently bright and clear, but now a thick ^dark Cloud of darkness rested upon all around me – I was exceedingly concerned for the Loss of so fine a Ship on many Accounts, as Individuals who are interested in her must suffer, as well as the Passengers on Board and perhaps more than they – An Hour before this melancholy Accident happened, the object of my visit to New Zealand appeared to be accomplished— All the Europeans 16. in number, with 12 natives were embarked— we had Part of the Principal Chiefs in every Part of the Bay of Islands with mutual Satisfaction; and with every Prospect of Success to the mission, But now an unexpected Storm seemed to have rendered abortive all that had been done. done. I spent the night ruminating upon the difficulties with which I was surrounded;— while the stormy wind and Rain still continued, and the raging Sea to dash against the Shores— At the Return of Day, we observed the Ship still upright, but appeared to be driven higher up upon the Reef— I now determined to return to Kiddee Kiddee in Mr. Halls Boat, with Mr. & Mrs. Leigh— We had suffered two dreary and stormy days and nights under the most painful Anxiety for the Safety of those in the Ship— we now left the Island as soon as we could for the missionary Settlement, where we arrived about 9. O’clock—. Our friends had not heard of the Loss of the Ship until our arrival, as there had been no Communication between the different Settlements in Consequence of the severe weather – we were very kindly received by the Brethren – I took up my lodgings with Mr. Kemp, and Mr. & Mrs. Leigh with the Revd. Mr. Butler— I informed the Brethren in what Situation we had left the Ship, and requested that every Assistance might be given to land the Passengers and Baggage— The Wreck was about 12 or 14 miles from the Settlement – Four Boats were immediately sent off – Mr. Halls Boat took the Women and children the same evening to Ranghee hoo, and two of the Boats returned with Part of our Baggage – and one went to the Station of the Revd. Mr. Williams— All the Brethren rendered every aid in their Power to provide for our Comfort, and to secure our Baggage, for which we are their debtors— when the boats returned they brought the welcome news that all were well on Board – It was a great mercy that the Revd. Mr. Leigh appeared not to have suffered much injury from the Wet and Cold while we were confined on the Island tho in so weak a State; and Mrs. Leigh bore our dangers and Privations with much Patience and Resignation. Divine wisdom no doubt has some good ends to answer in all that has befallen us— The word of God expressly says “All ^things shall work together for good to them that love God”, and the Scriptures cannot be broken— We cannot see thro’ this dark and mysterious dispensation at the Present time – The why, and the wherefore we must leave to him, who ordereth all things according to the Counsel of his own will— As ^the Gale continued with increasing violence, if we had ^got out to Sea, we might have been cast on Shore under more dangerous & distressing Circumstances — Our Shipwreck has been a most merciful one, as no Lives have been lost, nor any thing but the Ship— The Natives have also behaved exceedingly well ^yet and respected our Property— We should not have been so Kindly treated in this Respect if we had been wrecked on our native Shores. This morning Mr. Kemp informed me that the Captain purposed to land from the Wreck what Provisions and Stores he could from on the Island of Mootooroa, and wished me to go down as he was apprehensive there might be some disputes with the Natives, as a Report had been circulated, that a large Party of Natives were coming from Shokeehanga to plunder the Wreck— I did not believe that Report, as the People upon the Banks of that River, and in the different Settlements are all quiet and well disposed as a Body— The day continued Stormy, and not being very well for want of Rest; I remained at the Missionary Settlement, with a determination to go down on Thursday morning agreeable to the Request of the Captain as I did not apprehend any danger from the Natives, several well-disposed Chiefs being on Board— About 4. O’Clock the Rev.d T. Kendall’s Son arrived at Kiddee Kiddee with a Letter from his Father requesting Assistance to land his Baggage and other Property— Mr Kendall considered the Situation of the Vessel very precarious, a very heavy Ground swell having set in— I sent back his Son immediately with a Letter to his Father, authorising him to hire some Canoes, to land his Property, and I would pay the Expense of them— Afterwards I went to the island of Mootooroa, taking the Rev.d J. Butler with me. When we arrived I found a considerable quantity of Stores and Provisions had been landed from the wreck— I remained on the Island conversing with the natives, and requesting them to protect the Property and People— They assured me they would watch both night and day so that I might be assured certain nothing would be lost. I requested the Rev.d J. Butler to proceed on to the Wreck, and to render what assistance he could to Mr. Kendall with the Boat— In a few hours M.r Butler returned ^& informed me that Part of Mr Kendalls Baggage was gone on shore; and that M.r Kendall was well satisfied with; and thankful for the arrangements I had made to save his Effects from the Wreck— M.r Butler informed me also, that there had been some Altercation amongst the natives themselves at the wreck, but that King George and the Chiefs on Board had settled the difference, and all was perfectly quiet— I was very happy to receive this Account; and to see that a Savage Nation, so poor and so distressed as they are, many of them not worth a nail, should abstain from Plunder, under such strong temptations to gratify the natural Avarice of the human mind; in the midst of the Wreck of so much Property— I apprehend no stronger Proof need be adduced in testimony of the Advances these poor Heathens have made [several pages missing] hurt at the second Wife having a Son that she murdered her own Infant- and in a little time the second Wife died also— When he arrived this day, and was informed of the above Circumstances he was much distressed, and wept greatly – Infant murder is not common in New Zealand, and particularly of boys— They are very fond of their Children, and take great Care of them— Riva’s Wife murdered her Child from mere vexation to be revenged upon her Husband for taking another Wife. It is apprehended that Riva will offer a human sacrifice to relieve his mind— Bushee went yesterday to the funeral of a near relation; on these Occasions it is common for all the friends of the dead to cut themselves when they weep and mourn— Bushee abstained from this Ceremony, and when he returned he said he would never practise it again – and that if his Wife was to die he would not cut himself for her – He disapproved of this barbarous Custom – Bushee’s mind is much enlightened, and he laments much the State of his Country— He expressed a wish that some Soldiers might be sent to New Zealand to put a stop to their Wars— The Light of Civilization is gradually making its way amongst the higher Classes, and in time will produce a happy Effect upon them. This morning I called upon Riva— He expressed his Regret at the Loss of the Ship; asked me [page missing] Riva has just called upon me full dressed, and presented me with two mats. he tells me he has killed a young woman, but has ordered her to be buried and not eaten— There are two Charges alledged against the deceased— one is that she had not paid proper attention to Riva wife during her Confinement, and the other is that she had ^not performed the funeral Rites to her Mistress, and afterwards took the Provisions which she eat with her own Hands before she was cleansed from her ceremonial uncleanness in Consequence of having touched a dead Body— This last is considered as a very great Crime against their God. For these things it was necessary that she should be made a Sacrifice, as an atonement for the dead, and as a Safety to the living— no Art of Persuation, no Rewards, no Promises, can stop these bloody Rites— The Gospel alone can supply a Remedy for these dreadful Effects of Superstition— Satan has got fast hold of the Consciences of these poor Heathens and leads them captive at his Will— He makes them believe, that if a Person serve himself with his own Hands with any kind of Provisions, when labouring under any ceremonial uncleanness; he commits the greatest Sin, and merits the Wrath of the Deity; and that to sacrifice the offender for so doing is an acceptable Service – and an indispensible one— Riva seemed easy in his mind when he had made this offering— I mentioned to him the former State of the Otaheitans, and what they did now, and I hoped New Zealand would do the same— This morning I enquired what was done with the Body of the young woman that was sacrificed the preceding day, and was informed that it had been dressed and eat by the Natives of Wycotto, tho’ Riva had told me he had given directions that it should be buried— Previous to retiring to rest last evening I heard the Natives singing and dancing near the Spot where the young woman was killed— I have no doubt, but they were then preparing to eat the sacrifice— However horrid and revolting ^this custom is to the Christian’s mind, and nothing can be more so, yet the New Zealander feels himself as much bound by his Superstition to kill and eat human Sacrifices, as the Christian does to offer up his Sacrifices of Prayer and Praises to the true God— These bloody Rites will never be laid aside by the Natives, until the fetters of their Superstition are broken by the Sword of the Spirit— nothing short of the Power of the divine word can effectually remedy these dreadful Customs— While we sang the 72. Psalm last evening I could not but contrast the Situation of the New Zealanders with our own— we are made of the same Blood – have one common father; and yet what an infinite distance between the believing Soul and the poor ignorant Heathens, both as it respects this world, and that which is to come— The joys of the one are pure, heavenly & divine; and of the other barbarous, sensual & devilish: The one has a Hope full of Immortality, the other is without hope and without God— As there had been no Building erected for a public School at Kiddee Kiddee I informed the Revd J Butler & Mr Kemp that I was resolved to have one built immediately; that they were now all comfortably provided with Houses, and out Houses, and there was no necessity for delaying the erection of a School any longer— Mess.rs Kemp & Shepherd most readily offered to assist to build it – I hope in eight weeks should I be detained so long to see the School nearly completed – It is very distressing that a School has not long since been established here— The Weather has been very stormy and Wet— I remained in the House nearly all the day exam=ining the New Zealand Grammar, which appears to be very imperfect— The rules laid down in the Grammar for the Orthography and Pronounced as of the Language is ^are not simple enough for the Missionaries to comprehend— They cannot retain in their memory the Sound of the vowels as laid down in the Rules of the Grammar, and ^consequently the pronouncians them as the natives can understand them. The changing the English Pronounciation of the Vowels has created very great Confusion amongst the whole-I do not see any good reason for changing the Sound of the vowels, as the New Zealanders can with so much ease sound all the English Alphabet— If in speaking and writing the New Zealand Language the Europeans retain the English Pronounciation, the whole difficulty of which they complain, will be removed— I purpose taking an early opportunity of conversing with the Revd T. Kendall upon this Subject, to know if there is any cogent objection to the Missionaries retaining the English Sound of the vowels in the New Zealand language— I cannot see any myself; and I am sure I should despair of our being able either to write or speak the N. Zealand Language according to the Rules in the Grammar— I am very anxious now to return to my family and Congregation, but have no Prospect - I may be detained for months— This is a very dark dispensation. I know the Lord is too wise to err, and too kind to afflict willingly – at the same time I feel an inclination to murmur and complain – and like the Israelites of old, am discouraged because of the way— what I know not now, I perhaps shall know hereafter— The loss of the Brampton appears to me very myster=ious— no Ship was ever lost in the Bay of Islands before, the Harbours are so commodious and fine— I censure no one, for her loss; tho’ I think and always shall, that it is a very extraordinary Circumstance— I know nothing happens by Chance, and therefore it was the divine will that she should be wrecked for Reasons which man cannot explain— therefore thy will be done— I wrote this day a circular Letter to the Missionaries recommending them to unite cordially in the work of the Mission and to form some regular plan respecting the language— Every one has hitherto followed his own System, and all different, which can never answer – and will create nothing but Confusion— Some have not ability and others have not Learning sufficient to write the Language, and should avail them[selves] of the superior Abilities of their Colleagues— The want of Humility has been very great in the Missionaries— The Apostles advice has been wholly forgotten by them “In lowliness of mind, let each esteem other better than themselves”— This morning I left Kiddee Kiddee to pay a visit to the Revd H. Williams at Pyhea— On my way I past by the wreck of the Brampton— It is a very distressing sight to see so fine a Ship knocked to Pieces upon the rocks— The Lord in the midst of Judgment remembered mercy or we might have been buried in the great deep. The Vessel could not have been lost upon a more secure Place for the Safety of our Lives and Property than she was, and therefore we should be thankful to divine Goodness who com=mands the stormy winds when they arise.— On my arrival at Pyhea I found all the Europeans well, and comfortably lodged in their new Situation— The Natives had behaved very kindly— Tho their Stores and property had been much exposed, no theft had been committed, they had not missed so much as a single nail – The Head Chief is a very excellent Character— he had lived with me at Parramatta, and his Son afterwards died in my House, which attacked him and his Wife very much to my family – He was his only Son, I had given him Permission to go with me to the Colony in order to remove his Bones to their family Sepulchre. The Revd H. Williams is settled in a very beautiful, as well as important Situation, and has every Prospect of being both useful, and happy in his work— This morning I visited the Revd T. Kendall, and conversed with him relative to his Grammar – I stated to him the difficulty I found in it, with respect to the Pronunciation of the Vowels; and that the Missionar=ies met with the same difficulty in following his Rules— Mr Kendall candidly admitted that the difficulty was so great, he could not himself follow the system he had laid down— It appeared to me absurd to study M.r Kendalls Theory, which he himself could not reduce to Practice, and conceived that if a Vocabulary of the N. Zealand language was written, in which the Pronunciation of the Vowels was retained according to the English, the difficulty would be removed— and also spelled Proper names different from what they were in the Original by which great difficulties were created both in Writing and Pronouncing the New Zealand language. Mr. Kendall gave me no satisfactory Reason- I contended that as the New Zealanders were so quick in Learning our Language, and could pronounce the Vowels so well according to our Custom I thought it would be advisable to retain the English Sound of the vowels Pronunciation of the Vowels, as this would greatly facilitate the Acquirement of the Language— The Missionaries would soon then learn to speak and write it while according to the present System they never could— I also recommended that all the English terms for such things as the natives had never seen should be relarned introduced into the New Zealand Language, that a Sheep should be called a Sheep, a Cow a Cow &c &c &c. If we did not do this the New Zealanders would give them names by Comparison – and probably it would require three or more words in some things to express what we do in one— The N. Zealand Language is also very impure, and that impurity would increase by allowing them to give names ^to Animals &c &c &c. but if we retained our own terms, and interwove our Language into theirs, this would tend to make the Language more chaste— at present it is very unchaste and offensive— It was at length determined to write a new vocabulary of the New Zealand Language, and to retain the English Pronunci=ation of the Vowels, and the English terms for such things as the natives never saw— I recommended Mr. Kendall all to set about this important work immediately which he agreed to do— He was not to write this vocabulary on the C. M. S. Account as he is no longer a Servant of theirs— I observed to M.r Kendall the Society was no debtor to him, but he was a debtor to the Society, and therefore should do any thing he could to repay them— I promised to furnish him with all the words I could procure from the other missionaries ^as – I knew that they would cordially unite in the plan now adopted. I preached for the Revd Mr Williams this morning in his little thatched Church— about 30 feet long by 15. which has been just built— Several natives attended besides the Europeans – and behaved well— When once they know the joyful sound, they will become a great People- I never saw finer Children, or better behaved than the children of the Natives— In the evening I preached to the Crew of the Brampton on the Island of Motooroa about 6 miles distant from Pyhea – I long much to return to my family and People – To worship God on an Island in a savage Land is so ^very very different from meeting in the Assembly of the Saints in Gods Holy Temple on Earth— There wants that Sacredness, and Solemnity, and holy Reverence which appears to be attached to the very walls of Gods House where his people meet to worship him, and which tends so much to excite devout affections in the pious mind— Shunghees return 21th This morning we observed some large War Canoes across the Harbour – and in a little time afterwards I was informed that Shunghee had arrived returned from his Expedition— I was very glad to hear this news, as it was apprehended he would ^have been very exceedingly angry if he had on his return found M.r Kendall gone— I am in hopes I shall be able to convince him of the necessity of M.r Kendall’s Removal, and also to make some arrangements with him for the good of the mission— His mind was very much poisoned prejudiced against me on his Return from England, in Consequence of my opposition to the Missionaries supplying the Natives with muskets and Powder— He had also been told that I had written Home against him, which made him very angry— He has been expecting M.r Clarke for some=time to make him Guns— I have retained M.r Clarke in the Colony N. S. Wales until I have a full Expl=anation with Shunghee relative to M.r Clarkes Employ=ment should he come to New Zealand— If Shunghee is determined that he shall work as a Gun Smith Mr Clarke must not come, if he will allow him to come as a Missionary he may then venture— It is much to be lamented that Shunghee is so fond of War, and that from his Fire Arms he is so powerful, that no tribe in the Island can withstand his Force— Great Slaughter has been made in this Expedition, of the Inhabitants to the southward— Shunghee has been absent about 8. Months fighting on the east side & in the interior— Another Party connected with Shunghee was carrying on ^War at the sametime a war on the West side, at a Place called Terra-nakkee said to be very populous – about situated 200 miles or more from the Bay of Islands — A man of high Rank a relation of Shunghee’s ^named Towkowhow has been killed in this Expedition— His friends secured his Body, and prevented it from falling into the Enemies hands – They cut his Head off, and have brought it with them –They also cut off all the Flesh from the Bones, and burnt it, to prevent it from being eaten – and brought his bones with them— These they carried a long way over land, and they have arrived to day— There will be great lamentation over these bones— The death of this Chief will cause another Expedition against Terra nakkee— Whenever a Man of high Rank is slain in Battle, tho’ in the common Chance of War, his surviving Relations feel themselves bound to revenge his death, whenever they are strong enough to do this— Last night M.r Kemp came to Pyhea, and this morn=ing I went with him to M.r Kendall’s, as he ^Mr Kendall had consented to hand over some Books belonging to the Society— I had a good deal off Conversation with Mr. K. about the native Language, renewed my conversation with Mr. K. respecting the native Language; as I wished to gain what Information I could on the Subject, in order that I might form some opinion on the best mode of lea to be adopted in learning it— I can not rely upon my own Judgment, for want of knowing more of the Language myself— From every Information I can gain it appears best to retain the English Pronunciation of the Vowels – Following the directions of the Grammar ^with respect to the vowels burdens the memory too much, and is more than the missionaries can accomplish— They read the English Language daily, and are in the constant Habit of pronouncing the vowels according to Custom— When they come to the New Zealand Language they are at a Stand— This morning I went to visit Tooi’s tribe, accompany-ied by the Rev.d H. Williams & M.r Kemp – The distance is about 9 miles by water— We found an immense number of Women & Children at At Home— Tooi, & his Brother Koro Koro with his Uncle Kipo, and their fighting Men were gone to War— Inform=ation had arrived that Kipo had been slain in Battle, & Koro-Koro had died, a natural death— Kipo was a young Man when Captain Cook visited New Zealand – He was a very fine old Man; and a great Warrior – His Widow & daughter were dressed in their mourning dress, and sat very silent & afflicted to=gether— They literally appeared to sorrow as those without Hope— The whole Tribe were much concerned for the Loss of their Chief— They told me, Tooi was waiting with his Brothers Body until they could bring it to the Bay of islands, on a small Island not far from the Thames— They requested me to come and see Koro Koro when his Boay ^Body was brought Home— One of Tooi’s Brothers was there,- he told me that Tooi was so much distressed in his mind, from the continual wars, that he was determined to leave New Zealand—Perhaps as Koro-Koro is dead, who was so very great a Man for War, Tooi may use his influence with his People now to abstain from it, as he will be the Head of the Tribe— His elder Brother, who loves Peace will I have no doubt second Tooi if he should be desirous to live a quiet life. The other Chiefs when they cannot prevail with their neighbouring Friends to join them in their Expeditions, they shame them into a Compliance, by accusing them of Cowardice— They urged me very much to send them a missionary to live in their district, said they had been long promised one, and contended they had a Claim as Koro-Koro came first to Parramatta for the Missionaries, and Tooi * afterwards went to England— The Reason why a missionary has not resided with them to the present time it has been considered that as all the fighting Parties from the northward, and in the Bay of Islands pass by their Settlement, a Missionary would be much annoyed by them, and liable to be robbed, as the New Zealanders are very much like common Soldiers in War, who delight in plunder, and destruction of Property— I hope the day may come when a Missionary may be spared for them, and safely reside with their Tribe, in which the Children are very numerous. Should Tooi return previous to my departure, I shall be able to learn what his future Intentions are now his Brother is dead— He may yet be useful to his Countrymen— This morning I left Pyhea with Mr Kemp, as I wished to see Shunghee;; and also to get on with the School— When we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee Shunghee was gone to Wymattee about 12. miles distant from the missionary Settlement where the principal part of his Cultivation is carried on— He is expected to return in a day or two, what Reception he will give me I cannot say— I feel like a Person in Prison, having no Prospect of leaving New Zealand. I am afraid of going to the Thames, or any other distant Part, lest I should lose an opportunity of getting a Passage— I should wish to visit Wycotto, but the distance is too great, unless I was certain a Vessel would not arrive in my absence – The Revd Mr Turner, missionary from Wangaroa belonging to the Wesleyan Mission paid us a visit to day— one great object of his journey was, to consult about the Native Language— They were all in Confusion at their Settlement about it, as they could not follow the Rules laid down in M.r Kendalls Grammar with respect to the Pronun=ciation of the Vowels— I informed Mr Turner what Resolutions the missionaries had come to respecting it, and also what the Rev.d M.r Kendall said. M.r Turner expressed much Satisfaction that an Alteration was to be made, that it was his opinion as well as that of his Colleagues that the English Pronunciation of the Vowels should be followed— The Rev.d S. Leigh coincided in the same opinion – I hope this Question will now be at rest, as all are unanimously of opinion that the Vowels should retain the english Pronun=ciation— and that future Experience will prove that the mode now adopted is the best— The Revd T Kendall paid me a visit, he brought me about 500 words for Examination and Correction, for the intended new Vocabulary— He appeared very much agitated in his mind, and under the Government of a very unchristianlike Spirit— He inveighed most bitterly against the Missionaries; and spoke very disrespectfully of the Parent Committee and at the sametime attempted to cast some Reflections upon me— I had treated him with great tenderness hitherto, so that he had no Cause to complain on any just Grounds— He told me he would not leave New Zealand, but was determined but was determined to come and live at Kiddee Kiddee— What a Dreadful Tormentor is an accusing Conscience. When Professors fall into open scandalous Sins, [crossed out word] they lose the fear of God,.. their pride increases continually after their fall until they become a Terror to themselves and those connected with them. Mr Kendall appeared to me to be as full of Pride, Wrath and Bitterness; as if he had never known any thing of Christianity. He manifested all the Violent Passions of an Heathen. When Professiors of Religion fall into the Snare of the Devil, how dreadfully does the Prince of Darkness work in their Hearts? He seems to glory in scourging them in every possible way, and inflames their Pride to the utmost, while at the same time he furnishes them with Arguments to vindicate their wicked Conduct, either from the Example of living, or the departed Saints— If drunkenness is his Sin, he appeals to the Example of Noah; if Fornication & Adultery, are his Crimes; he will tell you the man after God’s own Heart was guilty of the same. The Sorrow which a man in this State may occasionally express for his misconduct, springs more from Pride, and self-love than humility— He is sorry that he has injured his Reputation, his temporal Interest, and lost his Rank in Society, but this is only the Sorrow of the World— His Pride is greater, his his haughty Spirit is more captious; and he is more vindictive than a man who has never known any thing of Divine things— He seems to be wholly under Satanical Influence, and his last state is worse than his first— I recommended him M.r. Kendall to be cool, and to consider what he was about before he went too far, but it was in vain to reason with him— I was apprehensive that he would create much mischief in the Mission, should it be in his Power, by his rash and inconsiderate Conduct— He contended the Society were bound to pay him his Salary, and to maintain his family while he remained in New Zealand, and afterwards to find him a Passage to England – I replied if he wanted Support for his family, until an oppor=tunity ^offered for his going to Port Jackson I would direct his wants to be supplied; but I could only do this on the express Condition that he left New Zealand by the first opportunity— He replied with much warmth, that he was determined to remain, and would not be driven out of the Island— I used every Argument in my Power to pacify him, but to no Purpose —While we were talking Shunghee walked into the Room— I had not seen him before since my arrival, as he had only returned a few days from the War and had ^been out at his farm— I was very sorry that our first meeting should have happened at this unfortunate time; as M.r Kendalls Countenance and manner, betrayed the angry State of his mind— Shunghee was very civil, but a little reserved— I was afraid M.r Kendall would say something bitter to him, to vex him, & I was very uneasy while he remained; at length he departed, observing to Shunghee, that he would see him again, and asked Shunghee if he would allow him to come to live at Kiddee Kiddee— Shunghee said he would pay him a visit in a little time— I invited Shunghee to take Tea with me, which he readily agreed to, and we parted afterwards very friendly at the sametime, something appeared to be preying upon his mind— He asked me what had past between me and Mr Kendall; but I did not think it prudent to tell him the whole— Shunghee behaved much more civil than I expected he would have done; as we did not part very cordially at Parramatta, in Consequence of my difference with Mr Kendall about muskets and Gunpowder and on some other Accounts— I preached to-day at Kiddee Kiddee; and administered the Holy Sacrament— but I spent the Sabbath very uncomfortably— I could not free my mind from the great anxiety which Mr Kendall’s violent conduct had excited the last evening. It is very painful to have any thing to do with Professors of Religion who have fallen from their Steadfastness, and are under the dominion of unbridled Passions— The difficulty is much increased, when this happens in a savage Land, where there is no legal Authority to protect the good from the designs of the fallen enraged Slave of Sin. Mr Kendall’s fall must be considered as a most awful Event, and has been attended with much distress and misery to himself, his family, and his Colleagues, as well as to all the Friends of the Mission— It has been a source of Grief to all who love the Gospel, and pity the Heathen— Shunghee was invited to Breakfast with me this morning. I wished for an opportunity to enter into a full Explanation with him. He accepted my invitation, and we met very cordially— After a little Conversation, he alluded to what had past between us at Port Jackson when he returned from England and reminded me, that he had told me never to come to New Zealand again, he found by my coming that I was not afraid of the New Zealanders, and observed that my Anger was only in my mouth; that if it had been in my Heart, I should have come no more – I told him I had no Cause to be under any Apprehensions, nor was I angry— We conversed upon various Subjects, and all Prejudice appeared to be removed from his mind— I did not mention to him as yet M.r Clark’s name but intend to do so the first fair opportunity— I know he has been long talking for for ^about him, and has been anxious to see him— It will be a nice Point to settle Mr Clarks Business with Shunghee, as he knows he is a Gunsmith. If Shunghee will allow him to come as a Schoolmaster, and promise that he will not require him to repair his Guns Mr Clark would be a valuable man in the mission— I believe M.r Kemp and Mr Clark would go on well together – M.r Kemp wants a pious Companion to second him in the work of the Mission— Difficulties & unsutus [?] with early missions King & Kendall We held a Committee to day, when different Subjects came under Consideration— I conceived the House which the Committee had agreed for Mr. S. Butler far too large and Expensive— I told the Missionaries that it was out of my power to sanction such unnecessary Expenditure of the Societys funds. M.r Butler did not like the Alteration as he thoug. his Son ought to have such a House, as the Committee had agreed to— At length I carried the Alteration and the Building was reduced to 48 feet by 15, divided into different Rooms— This was a Building quite large enough, ^and to share as M.r Butler has only his Wife and himself— The public Business took up the whole day; during which many unpleasant observations past in the Committee which grieved me much— The evils of this Mission have been very great— This day the Committee met again to close the matters under consideration, I was far from being satisfied with all that had been done. The Rev.d J. Butler had been very warm and had expressed himself very unguardedly- His Son had also shown a very improper disposition— I was determined to write to the Revd J Butler and to speak to both him and his Son, and to point out to them what appeared to me so very improper in their Conduct at the Committee— After the ^Committee meeting closed I went with Shungee accompanied by the Revd J Butler to fix upon a place for a small House for Shunghee 20 feet by 10— I have do no doubt but a little House will be highly acceptable to him, and it is but just that he should have one— I have long wished this to be done for him, and I hope it now will. I sent for Mr J. Butler this morning and spoke both to him, and his Son relative to what passed at the Committee, and also wrote him a public Letter, which I hope will be attended with some good Effect— It is painful to have to reprove Persons in public Situations, who ought to conduct them selves so, as never to require any thing unpleasant to be said to them- I wrote also a Letter to the Revd Tho Kindall upon his improper Conduct on the 4th instant at Kiddee Kiddee— I feel my Situation far from being pleasant in such a Society – There are some in the Mission whom I must esteem for their Piety, and Christian Behaviour. I would they were all such — Shunghee called upon me in the morning and we had much Conversation upon different Subjects— He told me that he wished to turn his Attention to Agriculture, if I would send him a Man to teach his People to plough, and furnish him with a Team— He would then make a Road into the Interior if Wymattee about 12 miles from the Missionary Settlement, where the land was rich and carry on his Cultivation there— I replied, if he would give over fighting he should have a Man, and a Team - and told him if he wished to be King of New Zealand, he must become a great Farmer first, and get plenty of Provisions; and when he grew rich in Provisions, he would increase his Power and Influence in New Zealand – However he would not promise to abstain from War, at the same time he expressed a strong desire to cultivate Wheat &c &c. He wants some object of importance to employ his great mind. There is nothing in New Zealand, but War that can meet his Active ^Spirit mind— Agriculture alone offers a Substitute, and I think that would have a good effect— I now told him that M.r Clark was at Port Jackson; teaching the Natives in the Colony- and I wished to know if he would allow him to teach the Children at Kiddee Kiddee if I should send him down. He said he might come to Kiddee Kiddee and teach School— Shunhgee had long been looking for Mr Clark to make muskets for him, and he told me at Port Jackson he was coming for that Purpose— I did not mention the Muskets to him at this time, it was too sore a subject to touch upon. I believe Shunghee will give up this Point at last— I was very much pleased with the whole of his Conversation; and particularly with his remarks upon Agriculture— He told me, he was apprehens=ive that the English would send Soldiers to New Zealand from Port Jackson, and take the Country from them. I told him we had plenty of land at Port Jackson, more than we wanted, and took a Chart, and shewed him what a little spot New Zealand was, compared with New Holland, and that New Zealand was not an object to the English, and therefore he need not be afraid of them. When he saw the Chart, he seemed satisfied – I told him I thought the Chiefs of New Zealand had better make him King, and then he might put an end to their Wars— he replied that the Chiefs would not be persuaded to do this by him – that when he was at War, he was feared and respected, but when he returned Home, they would not hearken to any thing he might say— I endeavoured to point out to him the evils of civil War, that it must destroy the Country, and therefore ought not to be practised; that if a foreign Enemy came to fight them, then they might go to War, but not one with another— He said, he had conquered all the Country further than Mercury Bay [Towrangha], as well in the interior, as on the Coast, and had made peace with them; and that great numbers had been cut off— He shewed me where he had been struck three times with a Ball— His Helmet saved him once, and his Coat of Mail once, and a ball had hit his Thigh— After dinner I accompanied the Revd H. Williams to his Station where I remained for the night— This day I spent with the Revd H. Williams— I am happy to see him go on so well— He and his family are now comfortably settled; and are happy in their new Situation – I think they will prove a great blessing to the Mission— He is a Man of a Superior Character, and better informed than any who have hitherto been employed in this Mission- I hope he will be able to correct and remedy, in time many evils that have existed, and also to set an Example to the rest what they as Missionaries should do— This morning I left the Revd M.r Williams, and proceeded to Monganuee, where Mr J. Butler is stationed about 14 miles distant— On my Arrival there I met with the Revd J. Butler & Mr William Hall. We fixed upon the Place where the new School House is to stand— Most of the materials are on the Spot— It is an excellent station in every respect provided those employed will do their best. In the evening In the evening I returned to Rangheehoo with Mr Hall, where we arrived before nine O’clock— I had not visited Rangeehoo since the Shipwreck. A School is now begun here, and I hope it will go on well under the Care of Messrs Hall & King— The Natives are all very quiet; and they live in as much Peace as they could in any civilized Country. The Missionaries never would have much trouble if they could only have agreed amongst themselves— It is not the natives that have distressed them; but they have trouble and distressed one another— This day I visited the old Chief Rawkow, and his family, his Son pressed me much to allow him to go to N. S. Wales— One native young woman gave me a very bad account of Mr Kendall’s Conduct— She made many very proper remarks upon the impropriety of his Proceedings— She said, she had been told he would not leave New Zealand— I replied, if he did not, his friends would not send him any more Supplies of Tea Sugar &c. and he would be in want— She answered he has got plenty of money, and would purchase what he wanted for himself— After some Conversation the young woman asked me to give her a little Print for a Gown. I told her I was afraid, that she went on Board a Ship, and did wrong— She assured me that she had never been on board a Ship since I first went with Duaterra to New Zealand, and that she never would go— I believe she told me the truth, from the manner in which she spoke, and the Reasons she gave me— I was much pleased with the whole of her observations— I told her if I found upon Enquiry that what she stated was true I would give her a new Gown— While we were talking two other young women joined us one of them wished to know what was the Subject of our Conversation— I told her, that I had been informed that the young women went on Board a Ship; and I supposed that she was one that did so— She replied if I had been told that she had ever gone on Board a Ship for improper Purposes, I had been told what was false, for she never had. I then charged the third young woman, with doing so, who did not attempt to deny that she had— I was much pleased with the moral Virtue of the two first I conversed with— They spoke of such Improprieties with more disgust, than I could have conceived of any women in their Situation could have possest— I firmly believe they said what was true— They desired me to appeal to the Europeans, or to their own People who would confirm the Truth of their Assertions— A Brother of one of the young women, a fine youth died at Parramatta— In the Evening I called upon Wycotto, as I could not see him before as he was out at work at his farm— we had a long conversation on the distressed State of Nw Zealand, in Consequence of their perpetual Wars— He told me many thousands had been slain since his return from Europe that at Shunghee’s earnest Request he had accompanied him in one Expedition to the River Thames, against Enakkee— [page missing] Famine and distress every where—as all their Porke and Potatoes were destroyed, and their farms neglected. I replied, it would be much better for all the Chiefs to assemble and make Shunghee King upon Condition that he would not fight, but protect them— He asked me if I had mentioned this to Shunghee, I informed him I had— Wycotto approv=ed of this Shungee having the authority if he would only be quiet; and said he would go see see Shunghee, and talk with him on the Subject. but he had little Hope that Shunghee would abstain from war— As for himself, and some others they were ashamed when called upon to join in an Expedition, not to go; as they would be considered as Cowards if they did not, however much averse to war they were. But he was determined to leave New Zealand rather than be compelled to fight – His Wife told me she would give me a Slave on Monday morning – he was a Chiefs Son who had been killed in Battle, the Boy had been taken a Prisoner of war— I accepted her offer, as this would redeem another poor Creature from the sorest Bondage and Alavery— A Slave has no Security for his life— his master kills him, whenever he pleases, and treats him in any way his Passions dictate— They are much to be pitied— nothing but the Gospel of our blessed God can effectually provide a Remedy for their spiritual and temporal Bondage. *Melissa transcribes a page missing (page 86 in pdf)* The Scenes of Slaughter and Cannibalism at and after the Battle in which Enakkee was killed were so horrid, and offensive to him, that he could not eat any thing for four days— He spoke with the greatest Abhorrence of the Cannibalism of this Countrymen, and said he would never go to war again— That Shunghee had [asked]? him to accompany him in his last Expedition against Rutoroa, but he had refused to go—He observed the New Zealanders would never be quiet from war—that he could not live in the Country, and asked me if I would afford any Protection if he and his Family came to Port Jackson— I promised him I would – He said, he had seen Shunghee since his return, who informed him, that it was his Intention to form another Expedition against Terranekka [?] as soon as I left N. Zealand, but he would not do it until I was gone — He asked me if I had seen Shunghee, and whether he was friendly or not – I told him I had, and that we were very friendly — He thought our difference at Port Jackson might have interrupted our Friendship; and expressed his Satisfaction that we were recon [ciled] Wycotto observed, there was no Force in New Zealand, that could resist the People at the Bay of Islands, they were so powerful from the abundance of Arms and Ammunition which they possest, and lamented that they had such means for continual war, which occasioned such great public Calamities. I preached to day at Rangheehoo both morning and Evening— It gives me much Pleasure to see a School at length begun— the Children are capable of learning any thing that we wish to teach them— It is much to be lamented that they have been so long neglected— It is most distressing to think of the evils which have existed amongst the Europeans, which have impeded all Improvement amongst the Natives— Early this morning Wycotto brought me the Boy his Wife had made me a present of on Saturday evening – I found on enquiry that his Father had been killed in Battle a considerable distance to the Southward of the River Thames, and he was made a Prisoner of war at the time— that he had been taken Prisoner a second time, and brought to the Bay of Islands— I intend to take him with me to the Colony, and give him some useful Instruction so that he may be of advantage to his Country at some distant Period, should providence open the way— I had much Conversation with Warreepork on the State of New Zealand— He is a Chief of very considerable influence, and considered one of the bravest Warriors in New Zealand – he wishes for Peace, and requested me to speak to Shunghee on the Subject— If Shunghee would give up fighting most of the Chiefs in the Bay of Islands appear anxious to attend to their Cultivation, and to their families— Their minds are gradually enlarging, only they want an object, some thing of importance to exercise their active Abilities with— I have recommended to several of them to turn their attention to the building of a Vessel of about 120 Tons, with which they could keep up a constant Communication with Port Jackson, many of them are very anxious to go there— If they would turn their attention to Agriculture and Commerce, these would furnish a field sufficient to occupy their minds, they would increase their wants, and their means of supplying them — until something of this kind is adopted, I cannot conceive how their Wars are to be prevented— When they have lost a near relation in Battle their minds continually dwell upon the death of their Friend, having nothing nothing to occupy them. If they are able to revenge the death of their Friend, they will attempt it as soon as possible; if not they will think on their loss for years, and mourn over it; and if at any future Period they can obtain Satisfaction during their Life, they never will lose an opportunity— Their wounded feelings never appear to be healed, and they feel it a sacred duty which they owe to their departed Friends Relations to punish those by whose hands they have fallen, tho’ they were cut off by the common Chance of war— It is possible, if they had a regular intercourse with civil society, and objects of importance to occupy their minds, the force of those natural Affections and superstitious notions would be gradually weaker and their feelings relieved— It is to be hoped that the rising Generation will have different views, and different objects in view as they will be better informed ^in civil matters and less instructed in their art of war— In the Evening I went to Pyhea to visit the Revd H Williams, and found all well— This morning I returned to Kiddee Kiddee with Mrs Kemp who had been on a visit to Mrs Williams— I wished to have some furthur conversa=tion with Shunghee relative to the State of New Zealand— On my arrival I learned he was gone to Wyemattee – to superintend the planting of his sweet potatoes— I had a long Conversation with Riva the next in Command to Shunghee. He had heard that his Brother had been killed in Battle and another Chief to the Southward; and that if the Information ^was correct, he must go and revenge his death immediately –I pointed out to him the Calamities of war, and how much better it would be for them to cultivate the arts of Peace;— He replied his Heart was so big when he thought of his Brother, that he could not keep it down- and satisfaction he must have before he could rest— Riva called upon me this morning, and we renewed our Conversation upon the distressed State of New Zealand on account of their internal wars— I told him, that the chiefs had better make Shunghee King, and then there might be some Prospect of Peace— He replied the Chiefs of New Zealand would never consent to do that, because they would think this would degrade them, to have any Superior— I told him this would not affect their Estates, or their liberty, as Shunghee if he was appointed King, he could not take their lands from them any more than King George could take the lands from the Gentlemen in ^England New Zealand He replied they were in a very different State, and asked me if I intended to compare the Chiefs of New Zealand with the chiefs in England? I told him if they could not agree to make Shunghee King, I thought the Chiefs of the Bay of Islands might unite, and build a Vessel and if they would do this I would furnish them with a Ship=wright— many of them wished to come to Port Jackson, they might then come when they wished to do so— He replied the Chiefs would never agree together in having a Ship, for each of them would want to have the direction— and observed, that they could not agree to allow the Missionaries to live altogether. Every one wants them to reside with their Tribes— Those who have not got Missionaries in their district, their Hearts are sick, and they are continually coveting them. He made many pointed Remarks upon the Corruption of mens Hearts, and on the Passions that governed them. The New Zealanders are men of great Reflection and observation, and they try to find out a motive for every act which a Man does— It is a very common observation with them; that the outside of a man may be seen, but the inside cannot, and they frequently observe to me, after I have been conversing with any of their Country men, “you hear then speak but you do not know what is in their Hearts.” If it should ever please God to give them the Knowledge of his Grace and love, they will become a very wonderful People— They study human nature with the closest attention, and endeavour to find out every man’s real Character from the whole of his Conduct—. A rude & violent man is very offensive to them Amongst themselves they live in great Peace, and Harmony— I have have not seen either man woman or Boy struck by one another since I have been on the Island. [in pencil – The above is from the 4th visit to N.Z. This is in Revd Marsden’s handwriting SUB [?]] To-day Temmarangha paid me a visit having just returned from War— He is a man of very high Rank, and a great warrior, at the sametime humane; and a lover of Peace. I found him one of the most intelligent Chiefs in new Zealand when I formerly was in the Island— In one journey about three years ago he accompanied me to the west side of New Zealand, Mercury Bay, [Towrangha], and to various other parts— We were about three months absent— Shungee and Timmorangha have always been very jealous of each other— They had a difference when I was in New Zealand before, in which Timmorangha had eight men killed and some wounded— Timmorangha afterward made an Attack upon Shungee’s Settlement where the Missionaries reside, and burnt his War Canoes— That difference has not been finally settled yet— neither Timmorangha nor Shunghee appear to have been in such a Situation since the above Period, as to venture to decide their Quarrel by force of Arms— It is expected they will do this, when a fair opportunity offers— Ever since Shunghee’s return from England he has had enough to do in carrying on his wars to the Southward, in order to revenge the death of some of his friends who were cut off in his Absence. In these Wars Timmorangha has joined him— Shunghee came into my room while Timmorangha was with me— they saluted each other with much Politeness. In the Course of our Conversation, they gave me very particular Account of their last Expedition to Rootoroa— When they went to War against the Tribes of the River Thames, there was a chief there from Rootoroa. He was along with the Chief whom Shunghee and Timmarangha were going to attack— Timmorangha advised him to return to Rootoroa, before the Action began, as he might be cut off— They had no difference with him and Timmorangha did not wish him to Risk his Life— However the Chief remained with his Friend, and fell in Battle— Shortly after this Action, a trading Party went to Rutoroa from the Bay of Islands, and Wangaroa— The Inhabitants of Rutoroa, having lost one of their chiefs at the Thames, and taking these Traders for Spies, they killed fifteen of them, and the rest narrowly escape^d. When this Information arrived at the Bay of Islands Shunghee in Conjunction with the other Chiefs prepared to revenge the death of their Friends upon the People of Rutoroa— A large Army was assembled from the different Tribes, and Shunghee proceeded at their Head to the Mercury Bay [Towrangha]— The number of War Canoes which met at Mercury Bay [Towrangha] is stated to amount to one Hundred. Rutoroa is an Island situated in the middle of a large Lake in the Interior— and very populous— Shunghee had to make Roads thro’ the woods, and to drag his Canoes to the Lake, which was accomplished in about 12 days— There are two lakes which the Army had to cross— The second, and largest is Rutoroa— Two Chiefs Pomare, and Showrakkee proceeded before Shunghee, and the main Body, and attacked the Inhabitants on the Island in the first Lake – They were both defeated, lost part of their men, and were nearly cut off themselves, and compelled to retreat to Shunghee – When Shunghee arrived at the large Lake, he launched his Canoes, and advanced towards the Island, which he found fortified all round, very populous, and the Inhabitants prepared to defend themselves — Shunghee examined the Island for three days before he fixed upon a Place to make an attack. All the Chiefs were afraid excepting Shunghee, they conceived the Place was too strong for them— Their fortifications are ^were very near the edge of the Lake— When Shunghee had determined the Point, where he would begin his Operations; he recommended that all the Canoes shd. advance at once in Line of Battle— He took the Centre; and every Chief had the Command of the men of his own tribe— when he drew near the Shore, they heard the Natives in the Fort say, “Shunghee is not there”— One of the Chiefs named Showrakkee had married a Wife from that place— He landed her, and she went into the Fort to request her Friends to make their escape or they would be put to death— She told them Shunghee was there and pointed him out— The People then cried aloud, “There is the God of New Zealand, we shall be all killed”— As soon as the Chief saw Shunghee, he fired at him, and the Ball past thro’ the front of his Helmet, but did not wound him. The Chief fired two more shots at Shunghee one hit his Arm, and the other his Thigh— After this the natives rushed out of the Fort to oppose Shunghees Army in their landing, when a very great Slaughter was made. They could not resist the Fire Arms of Shung=hees forces, and fell in great numbers— Shunghee told me he had fifteen muskets himself which his Servants loaded for him, as he fired them— The island was soon subdued- and about five hund=red Prisoners of war were taken— Shunghee lost some of his People, and had many wounded— In some Parts of this Lake the water is hot, and full of Sulphur Springs— Shunghee had his wounded bathed in these warm Springs in which they lay all night— He told me, he could make the Water any heat he wished, as some of it was always boiling, by making little Channels in the mud, to convey either the hot or cold water into the baths where his people lay—It cured them also of cutaneous Eruptions, and other Complaints— After the Island was subdued, Peace was established; when they returned to Mercury Bay [Towrangha] with their Prisoners of war, many of whom had made their Escape in the nights, Shunghees Army on their Return were so fatigued in dragging their Canoes thro’ the woods that they were unable to guard their Prisoners of war being overpowered with Sleep— Tooi was in this Action and had an uncle Killed named Kipo, who was a young man when Captain Cooke first visted the Bay of Islands and has been a great warrior ever since — The Hunger, Toil and Hardship the New Zealanders suffer in these expeditions; are very great. They are a very persevering People no Privations, or Hardships can prevent them from pursuing any object their minds are set upon. I was told, that Shunghee, and Pomarre in this Expedition had some difference which Pomare wished to have the matter immediately settled by force of Arms— Shunghee objected; alledging that while they were in an enemies Country, they should unite their forces, and when they returned to the Bay of Islands, they could then decide their present disputes— Pomare is a very proud man – he had not returned when I sailed. How their difference will be settled when he arrives is uncertain— I think he will be quiet— Today I went down to see Captn Walker of the Dragon – in order to get a passage if I could to Port Jackson, he demanded a thousand Pounds— In the Evening I proceeded to Pyhea – to the Rev.d H. William’s Station — M.r Kemp & Shunghee accompanied me— I had much Conversation with Shunghee about the state of New Zealand— He said for the first time I had ever heard him, that he had no wish for war – but the other Chiefs called upon him to revenge their Quarrels— I wished to know if whether I might send M.r Clarke to New Zealand or not, and what the thoughts of his Heart were on the Subject – whether he could let M.r Clarke be quiet— He asked Mr Kemp, if he ever troubled him now? Mr Kemp replied no — He would not promise, but intimated I might trust him without his word – I therefore resolved to send him— I wante This morning I wrote a note to the Revd T. Kendall to know whether he intended to go to Port Jackson with me if I took up the Dragon— I called upon Captain Walker in my way to Kiddee Kiddee, he still stood out for £1000. I am very anxious to return Home, but must remain unless M.r Walker lowers his terms— I received a letter from M.r Kendall written on the 14.th inst— he shews a very unchristian Spirit thro’ the whole— Was imployed the building of the School all this day – Assisted in the performance of divine Service — but was not comfortable found my mind too much burdened with difficulties that I could not enjoy the Sabbath as I ought— It is very distressing to have to do with unreasonable Professors of Religion— I have always found it more easy to Deal with unreasonable & [crossed out word] wicked Men than such Characters— In the Evening I was informed the Rev.d T. Kendall was arrived at Kiddee Kiddee— He did not visit the Missionary Settlement but went to Shunghee, with whom he remained all night— A strong Proof of the State of his mind, when he could prefer on the Sabbath evening the Company and Conversation of Savages to the Society of his Country men in the very sight of their Houses— I suspected his Intention was evil – not good, but to prejudice and inflame Shunghee’s mind against myself, and all the Missionaries— This morning Mr Kemp sent to invite Mr Kendall to breakfast, but he declined coming— I wished M.r Kemp to do this, to soften things as well as we could, knowing the Influence Shunghee he had over Shunghee’s mind – Mr Kemp afterwards went over to M.r Kendall to request him to settle his Accounts with him as he was at Kiddee Kid. but he refused ^to come. Shunghee was hees very distant with M.r Kemp & wanted to know why I was & ^all the Missionaries were angry with Mr Kendall, and all the other missionaries – and Shunghee told M.r Kemp that M.r Butler was a bad man, and should not s^tay at Kiddee Kiddee and made many more unfavourable observations. M.r Kendall had promised to build him Shunghee an House and to come to and live with him at Kiddee Kiddee. I saw he had wrought powerfully upon Shunghee’s mind- Mr Kemp invited Shunghee to dine with me but he would not come declined— at length Mr Kendall went away without calling upon me, or any of the Missionaries – After dinner I called upon Shunghee he received rather he was rather distant — we had some Conversation upon ^indifferent different things, when I returned Home— I was very much hurt to think M.r Kendall should act such an unchristian Part as it appeared from Shunghee’s Conduct he was doing. [page missing] enough for any Missionary with a small family; that he was not to interfere with the Carpenter, and when the House was completed, the Key would be given to him if he was at that Station— In the meantime he was to employ himself in a School immediately— M.r Butler told me in the morning in his Anger, that if he was in his Son’s Situation he would not stay in the Mission— I told him they might both retire when they wished to do so— In that unfortunate Temper he went to the Tee – and I learned he had gone afterwards on Board the Dragon which lay about six miles distant— he is of a very unhappy temper, and cannot bear any Controul— In my last public Letter addressed to the Missionaries, I cautioned all of them not to go on Board any of the Vessels in the Harbour, for by so doing they would fall into Snares, and be tempted to drink, and expose themselves to Contempt and Disgrace— This has been one of the principal Evils that they have fallen into, and has led to many others. From M.r Kendall’s Conduct this day, I believe he has no Intention to leave New Zealand— It will not be safe to leave the Rev.d J. Butler and him on the Island— I must take one at least with me – and it would be well for the mission if both were removed— How difficult is it to know how to act! however I must not hesitate— If I cannot persuade M.r Kendall, who is now out of the Mission to leave New Zealand; I must compel M.r Butler who is still a Servant of the Society’s to accompany me— and this will be a painful duty— I had also an unpleasant altercation with the Revd J Butler about his Son’s house— He told me repeatedly he would leave the mission, he would not remain in New Zealand unless he could b to be annoyed as he was— There was no Cause whatever for him to be angry – and I replied he was at Liberty to leave the Mission when he thought proper— His Son in the first place wanted an extravagant House building, far too large and expensive for a Missionary. I had reduced the Plan considerably, but still it appeared to me unnecessarily large— neither his His Son was hurt that I had made any alterations, and spoke in a very improper manner – I sent for the Carpenter, and gave him the Plan of the House, that I wished to have built at Tee, and desired him when it to inform me when he would complete it, and when it was done he was to hand over the Key to M.r Butler – and that M.r S. Butler was not to interfere with the Building, but ^to attend to the duty which he was sent out to perform, the Education of the Children— at the same time pointed out to the Rev.d J. Butler that his Son had been 4 years wholly neglected his duty since his arrival in New Zealand – in having no School of any Kind which was very disgraceful to all concerned— After I had expressed my Sentiments to the Rev.d J. Butler relative to his Son’s House, and had shewn him the Plan, he left Kiddee Kiddee for Tee where his Son was, and informed him that ^I made some Alterations in the Plan of his House, and reduced the dimensions. His Son left the Tee, and arrived in the Evening at Kiddee Kiddee to remonstrate with me— I told him, the Carpenter had received orders to build an House, at Tee containing 4 4 Rooms – one for a Kitchin 2 Bed Rooms and, a Dining Room which I considered large 29 This morning I accompanied Capt.n Moore on Board the Dragon, when we made a final Agreement with Captain Walker for his Vessel to convey us to Port Jackson— I agreed to pay Captain Walker for my share of the freight 1200 Dollars, and Cap.n Moore 1600. I was much concerned to learn that the Rev.d M.r Butler had been on Board the proceeding evening in a State of Inebriety— what insurmountable difficulties has the mission to contend with— How awful is the Consideration, that the two Clergy men who ought to have been the Stay, and the Strength of the mission, should be the Principals in the Transgression— When I consider the Errors and Crimes of which the Missionaries have been guilty, I am astonished that it has existed so long— I am convinced, if it had been possible for men or devils to have overturned the Mission it would have been at an End long ago— I admire the Forbearance, & Patience of the natives on many occasions instances— In many instances they are an Example both in word and deed to the Missionaries— God will bless this Mission in the End – and by some means or other make the wickedness of men to promote his Glory— He will find Men after his own Heart in Due time to carry on his work— and these Heathens shall praise him after leaving the Dragon I proceeded to Pyhea and remained all night with the Rev.d H. Williams— This morning I requested the Rev.d H. Williams to accompany me to M.r Kendall, as I had some Accounts to settle with him on Account of the Society— Being aware of his rude and violent Conduct, I did not think it prudent to go alone— we met him in the Boat coming over the Bay, and returned with him to his House. we I settled my Business with him, as far as related to the Timber we had purchased &c. At length he began to break out in the most violent manner, and to cast severe Reflections upon me and the Society— The Rev.d H. Williams attempted to point out the Impropriety of his Conduct, and to pacify his mind— He soon became outrageous with Mr Williams, and extremely rude – while we were in Conversation Capn Mess.rs Moore & Walker came in— I wished to know if I asked Mr. Kendall to inform me whether he intended to go to Port I informed M.r Kendall that I had provided a Passage for him in the Dragon – and wished to expecting he would [crossed out word] be ready to embark – but in stead of this he continued to pour out his above Reproaches upon the Society for their Injustice to him, and to reflect upon my do Conduct also. I made very little reply to all his bitter Language; Mr Williams reasoned with him a little until he Mr Kendall jumpt up in a Rage and took his Hat, and walked out of the House using some strong Language to M.r Williams — I got up and told Mr Williams we had better take our departure. A No man in Bedlam was ever more under the influence of insanity than Mr Kendall is, he appears to be under the Influence of Insanity, than Mr Kendall is, ^appears to be under the Influence of a wicked and satanical Spirit— Captain Walker wished to know M.r Kendall’s intentions relative to his Embarking, but I could not tell him, for he would not inform me— I am surrounded with very great and painful difficulties on my side— I can do nothing with M.r Kendall – and what I shall do with the Rev.d J. B. I cannot tell— His Conduct must not be past over unnoticed. I must call him to account for it, and I am apprehensive he will not be able to justify him self, which will leave me no alternative but either to Suspend him or dismiss him altogether, and Either will be very painful— I also feel great Anxiety lest I should be obliged to leave both Mr the Rev.d J. B. & T. Kendall in N. Zealand— If M.r Kendall puts his threat in Execution and to goes and to live with Shunghee his mind must be bent upon evil- and it is impossible to foresee what may be the Consequences— I have, experienced a thousand times more fear Anxiety and vexation from the misconduct of the Europeans than from the whole of the Natives put together— The Natives as a Body of Heathens have behaved well – and have been kind much more kind to the Missionaries than some of them have deserved— Mr K’s family were left under their Protection during his Absence in England, and were they were very attentive to it— There is nothing to prevent their Civilization, but the want of proper means— good and faithful missionaries— God will never bless that Man whose Heart is full of Lust and Pride, and envy It was my Intention to have returned to Kiddee Kiddee to day, but could not on Account of the stormy weather. I therefore spent the day with the Rev.d H. Williams— I am at a loss what to do with the Rev.d J. Butler— He cannot remain in the Mission unless he proves his innocence— I have ever been persuaded, since he landed in N. Zealand, that he is a Man totally unqualified for the work— His Violent Temper carries him beyond the Bounds of Decency, and not only endangers his own life, but the Lives of his Colleagues- He never will alter his Conduct – His Habits are have become fixed, and can not humanly speaking will even be eradicated— How happy shall I be to see the day when the Missionaries here live like Brethren, and constrain the Heathens to say see how these Christians love- At present I hear little from the Natives but Complaints against the Missionaries for their Quarrels & disputes one with another. This has a very bad effect upon their minds, and they repeatedly speak of it to me— To day I left Pyhea, and returned to Kiddee Kiddee, when I communicated to the Rev.d J. Butler the inform=ation I received relative to his Conduct on Board the Brig Dragon—He denied the Charge— I recommended him if guilty, quietly to retire from the Mission. However he demanded an Investigation, which I told him should be granted— From the whole of the Circumstances, as related to me I have no doubt of the extreme Impropriety of his Conduct. After much Conversation with ^him Mr B upon various Circumstances that had occurred, I informed him that he must leave New Zealand; and return with me to N. S. Wales, that the differences between him, and Mr Kendall and some other Circumstances that had taken Place between him and the Natives, rendered his Removal a matter of necessity— At length he expressed his Conviction that it was necessary that he should remove for a time. I recommended also that his Son should accompany him, as it would not be prudent to leave so young a Man situated as he was with the Natives— It was very painful to have Recourse to such measures; and it required the utmost Caution in carrying into Execution, what ^existing Circumstances demanded to be done— The Natives were all Eye and all Ear, watch-ing every Look and every motion— I sent for Shunghee, and told him, what I had resolved to do— That it was my intention to take Mr Butler & his Son with me to Port Jackson, and stated my reasons for doing so— Shunghee approved of my ^intention, he had expressed his displeasure at M.r B. Conducts before— Swearing is a Capital offence in New Zealand and Mr Butler was accused of this Sin— Shunghee had said he had heard him swear himself— As a Chiefs Wife had told me, previous to Shunghee’s return from the War, that M.r Butler was guilty of swearing, and that Shunghee was angry with him for it, as Shunghee mentioned after his Return that he had heard him, and it had made a very bad Impression upon his mind. I concluded that M.r B. had been guilty of some unguarded Expressions. For the whole From the whole of what Shunghee said, he would be glad of his Removal. As Shunghee and M.r Kendall are such warm Friends I was persuaded that it would neither be safe for Mr Butler, nor the other Missionaries for him to remain — [Crossed out sentence] – It was now whispered amongst the Natives that M.r Butler was going- all wished to know the real Cause— It was difficult to satisfy their Enquiries— I had only one strong Argument which they could understand to advance in favour of his going away, viz. that he was often angry, and that they did not like an angry man. I was afraid when Mr Butler was angry, that some of them would be angry, and strike M.r Butler, and then there would be a fight, and that no Missionary must fight— They admitted the force of this Argum=ent as many of them had mentioned to me that M.r Butler was (to use their own words) “too much fight”. I have nothing to apprehend from any opposition the Natives may shew to his departure— There is nothing that they despise more than a passionate Man. They are not accustomed to fight amongst themselves excepting in regular warfare, and they cannot bear an angry man— When I have told them, that I intended to send them a missionary they have immediately asked me, what tempered man he was, and that if he was an angry fighting man they would beg of me not to send him, If he was the same as some individual they would name for mildness of Temper, they would request he might be sent— I had much conversation with M.r Butler upon the Improprieties that had been committed ever since the first Establishment of the Mission at Kiddee Kiddee –pointed out to him the serious Errors into which he had fallen –how the Instruction of the Natives had been lost sight of— That no Schools had been built, while very large and unnecessary Buildings had been put up for him – and could not tell how he could account to the Society for these things— M.r B. had admitted admitted he had done wrong, but contended that he was now prepared to carry on the work with Effect – and lamented that those adverse Circumstances should occur at this particular time— I replied it was now impossible for him to say stay. I could not leave him; and M.r Kendall in the island together, as they were both so violent— I told him what Shunghee said, and it could not be foreseen what might happen, if he was not removed. While we were talking in the Garden two Chiefs came in, and wished to know, if I was angry with M.r B. They also mentioned that they had been told that Shunghee had said M.r B should not remain at Kiddee Kiddee – We enquired from whom they had received their Information, they immediately told us; from which M.r B. was convinced, what im=pression had been made upon Shunghees mind in his last Interview with M.r Kendall— M.r Kendall when he was at Kiddee Kiddee on the 4th untimo, told me he would bring his family up to the Settlement, and fix them in Sight of the Society’s Store, where they should remain until they starved to death— This declaration shewed the desperate State of his mind; and how he is governed by unsubdued Passions— After many arguments M.r B. saw if Mr Kendall came to Kiddee Kiddee, that he could not remain. Mr. B. was greatly agitated – and had many painful Reflections; and the Charge of late Inebriety to answer for, as I told him it was impossible for me to look over ^such a charge without an Investigation, without committing myself and the Interest of the Mission— I recommended him to weigh well, the Charge, and the probability of his Conviction before he attempted to justify his Conduct— I left Kiddee Kiddee this morning with the Rev.d J. Butler and Mrs Liegh, and proceeded on Board the Dragon in order to see what accommodations could be provided for him and his family, as I had fully determin=ined that he ^should be removed from New Zealand— M.r Butler was very unhappy – he could not ^but see the great Impropriety in his Conduct, as the head of the Mission. It was his duty to have been an Example to all the other missionaries of meekness, of wisdom, and Godliness – he should as their Shepherd have watched over them with pious Care, and conciliated their minds by well=timed attentions— on the contrary the missionaries had no respect for him- he had been Violent and very headstrong, which had destroyed all that esteem which they ought to have had for their Master. This was a misfortune much to be lamented— I was fully convin=ced that the wounds would never be healed in the minds of his Colleagues. The Natives also were very much dissatisfied with his violent Temper, which he could not controul, and complained to me on this Account— The most rooted Hatred appeared to exist between the Rev.d T. Kendall, and him. I was very apprehensive, if M.r Kendall went to live at Kiddee Kiddee, the differences between them might occasion some very serious Quarrels amongst the natives, and might cause some of them to be cut off. From all the existing Circumstances, as M.r Kendall would not leave New Zealand, there was no Alternative but to take the Rev.d M.r Butler with me, and therefore told him plainly he must retire to Port Jackson— After leaving the Brig Dragon Mrs Liegh, accompanied me to Pyhea on a visit to Mrs Williams, who expected to be confined every day— We arrived in the Evening, where we were welcomed by the Rev.d H. Williams and his Lady— I had only left them the day before under a Promise to return immediately I had arranged the Plan for the Rev.d J. Butler to quit return — The local Situation of M.r Williams’ Station is most beautiful; and the Natives very well-behaved— They are as quiet, and feel themselves as secure, as if they were in any Part of England— I have no doubt ,but they will be blessed in their Work— I spent the Sabbath with Comfort at Pyhea, where I preached & administered the Sacrament – and Christened a little Boy born here since we arrived, belonging to the Carpenter M.r Fairburn – Our Congregation of Europeans was but small only eleven besides Natives— yet we found it good to wait upon the Lord. I always feel comfortable at Pyhea— A Church I hope will be raised here against which the Gates of Hell will never prevail— This morning I purposed to visit Kiddee Kiddee to arrange with the missionaries for making the Enquiry into the Charge against the Revd. J. Butler— I had to wait until M.r Moore came from Motoroa with the Boat – He arrived about 10 O’clock. From Pyhea we went on Board the Dragon, where I unexpectedly met the Revds Kendall & Butler, and Mr King— M.r Kendall was very distant— There were two of the Brothers of the young woman on Board, with whom Mr Kendall had cohabited— One of them appeared very indignant and angry with me – I asked him how he did- he turned with savage disdain from me— I knew the Cause of his displeasure. It wholly originates from my discountenance of the Conduct of the Rev.d T. Kendall who was present. Riva another Chief from Kiddee Kiddee, who had accompanied the Rev.d J. Butler, a man of high Rank and Influence, wished to know the Reason why I had ordered M.r Butler to leave New Zealand, and asked me if Shunghee had been saying any thing to me against M.r Butler— I clearly saw M.r Butler had been imprudently working upon this Chiefs mind, as he spoke to me with some degree of warmth— I told him M.r Butler was too violent in his Temper to remain at New Zealand – reminded him, how he had complained to me of him, for striking one of the Natives, and had expressed his displeasure, and further told him, that no Missionary who struck a New Zealander should remain in the Country. That the Natives were not to strike the Missionaries, nor the Mission=aries the Natives, and that in either Case the Europeans should not live in N Zealand. At length he was perfectly satisfied, and approved of this Plan, and made no objection to the Removal of M.r Butler— I avoided relating to him, what Shunghee had said to me on the Subject, as I thought it more prudent for Shunghee to explain his Sentiments himself, to prevent any misunderstanding between Riva & Shunghee – I could not, but consider it a very extraordinary Circumstance that the two Clergymen should appear to be the only Persons, who attempted to prejudice the minds of the Chiefs against me, from no other Cause, than my public duty requiring me to express my Disapprobation of their Conduct— How dangerous are Men who have fallen from their Steadfastness? After arranging for the Births for M.r B. & his Son, and fixing the time for the Enquiry into the Charges made against him, I returned to Pyhea, and took up my Lodgings with the Rev.d H. Williams, having settled the Business on Board which induced me to visit Kiddee Kiddee— I purpose to remain here until Thursday when the Investigation will take Place at this Settlement— I am persuaded M.r B. will find great difficulty in vindicating his Conduct, and in wiping off the Stain that has been cast upon its his Character. To-day a Whaler arrived in the Bay from England, having had a 4 months Passage— It was very gratifying to see a Ship from Europe. I sent on Board for a few Papers news Papers – but the Servant returned without them, in Consequence of those in Command on Board being intoxicated— Intoxicated I wished much to see the public Papers and this morning went on Board, but found some difficulty in getting any from the Master from his drinking – he seemed to be so much given up to Drunkenness — I could gain little information from him— This was a very uncomfortable day – the Committee met to investigate the Rev.d J. Butler’s Conduct— It was a painful reflection to me, to see a man in the Character of a minister of the Gospel, put himself in the Power of those who know not God— I was in Hopes M.r B. would not have exposed himself himself by forcing an Investigation, [as] he had no Prospect, but of disgrace by doing this. After the Enquiry had closed, before the Proceedings had been laid before me he demanded to know the Result— I could not tell him, as I did not know – He was very much agitated, and enquired first of one member, and then of another, when he was informed that he was not acquitted; his anger became very hot— He insisted upon a furthur Investig=ation tho’ he had had every opportunity afforded him to justify his Conduct, that his Colleagues could give him. The Rev.d H Williams applied to me, to know what was to be done, as they had closed their Proceedings. Mr B. having declined to bring forward any further Evidences in his defence. I replied tho’ it [would not] be regular in a Court of Law for an accused Person after Judgment had been given against him to call upon the Court to examine further Evidences, yet as M.r B. was so urgent I saw no serious objection to for the Committee to sit^ting again, in order to meet M.r B.s wishes – I was fully persuaded he could never make his Case better, and he might make it much worse, and would do so, if other evidences were called against him— However the Committee sat again, when a man who had been lately a Convict was examined— How degrading to the sacred Character, to be obliged to call for the Testimony of such a man, to vindicate his Reputation— when the whole of the Proceedings were handed over to me, I saw M.r B. was in a very unfortunate State, and such as I had warned him of before he ventured to call for an Enquiry— I consider him a ruined man— God permits men to fall into Sin, and covers them with Shame to humble their Pride, and to subdue their evil Passions – Should divine Goodness bless this awful event to his Soul, he may become a new man— I hopeed M.r B. will be the last, who will disgrace the Mission – There has been vast sums expended of Money expended on, or by the Rev.d J. B. which have have not as yet turned to much account— He has laboured hard, in his own way; but unfortunately not for the Honour, and general Good of the Mission. His Conduct towards his Colleagues have been very [discoura]ging and distressing to them— His removal from New Zealand will be a great Relief to the minds of those who are heartily engaged in the Work— I left Pyhea for Kiddee Kiddee, with an Intention to return the following morning in order to be ready to embark— On my arrival I found it would be necessary to settle many unpleasant Circumstances that had occurred lately, before I took my final leave of Kiddee Kiddee— Shunghee and all the Chiefs with most of the Inhabitants were gone to the River Gambier, in order to remove the Bones of four of their Relatives to the Family Sepulcher. This is a very great religious Ceremony— The People assemble from all Parts on such occasions. The funeral orations are spoken when all the great deeds the deceased have done, and the Virtues they possest are recited— If my time would have permitted I wished much to [have seen the] funerals— Shunghees Mother was one, [his Son in] Law who had been killed in Battle at the R[iver] Thames, was a second, a Chief who had fallen in action at Terranakkee and, another great Chief who had died a natural death at Gambiers River— Shunghee had a long Conversation with M.r Kemp before he went, about M.r Kendall— he told M.r Kemp that M.r K. had purchased the Brampton’s long Boat for him to go to war with, that M.r Kendall intended to come to live at Kiddee Kiddee. Shunghee said we ought to pardon him now, and supply him with what he wanted from from the Society’s Stores, and if we did not he should be very angry, for M.r Kendall was his Friend, and had done much for him— M.r Kemp pointed out to Shunghee the impropriety of M.r Kendalls Conduct, which was the Cause of our withdrawing Support from him— Shunghee said, we acted very different from them; for if one Chief took anothers Wife; they had one fight, and there was an end of it, but we continued our anger— M.r Kemp wished to know how he was to act, if M.r Kendall made application for Supplies. ^I directed that if he (M.r Kemp) apprehended any evil Consequences would follow from a Refusal, he was to comply with M.r Kendalls application, if the Stores would allow of his being supplied on M.r Kendall paying for the Articles he obtained— Should M.r Kendall refuse to pay [for them, and de]mand them as a Right, ^and should [Shung]hee in terfere, M.r Kemp in that Case would do right to let M.r K have them; and report to me and the Society the first opportunity all the Circumstances;— at the sametime to remonstrate with, M.r Kendall, and inform Shunghee that if the Missionaries could not remain in N. Zealand quietly they would return to Port Jackson – It is uncertain what M.r Kendall will do, in his State of mind, as he appears to have no Controul over his Passions— at the sametime I think Shunghee is too just a man to support any unfair demands which Mr Kendall might make upon the Stores— He feels great Regard for M.r Kendall, and under strong obligations to him, for indulging his Passion for war— But in all my Conversations with him, relative to M.r K.s Conduct, Shunghee always condemned his unlawful Intercourse with the native woman— on ^the Commission of this Crime I argued the necessity of M.r Kendall’s removal from N. Zealand – That he had violated our Customs and Laws; and made our God angry— Shunghee would reply, he has put away the woman now; and our anger should cease— I hope the Removal of the Rev.d J. Butler & M.r Cowell, & their families from New Zealand will have a good Effect upon the Natives— It will convince them, that Missionaries must act properly or they will be dismissed, and sent away— [crossed out sentence] I preached to-day at Kiddee Kiddee. The Revds John Butler, Samuel Leigh & Wm. White attended. It was rather a gloomy Day in a spiritual Sense arising in a great measure from the recent Circumstance that had occurred. Mr B was very low. He was [page in disrepair] acted correctly. It is a most painful duty to [page in disrepair] from the Body especially a Minister of the Gos to the Heathens Gospel to the Heathens. All human Institutions are im=perfect, tho’ under the direction of the wisest & best of Men. Moses was greatly disappointed in the Pr[inces] he selected to spy out the land of Canaan, only two of the twelve gave him satisfaction- the other ten endeavoured to excite Rebellion, and Mutiny in the Congregation of Israel; and the only two faithful Servants, who gave a true Report. All the Congregation bade ^them stone them with Stones. The same Spirit is still in the world, and will always manifest itself when an opportunity offers— We should not therefore think it strange if we are disappointed in our Hopes of men— Time [will] Prove every man. If men are not on the Lords side they will fall off in the day of Trial – and yield to the Lusts of their own Hearts— Moses was much distressed when he found his hopes disappointed in those whom [he] had appointed chosen to spy out the Land. So will all [good men] be at the present day— But the bad conduct [of the spies] did not prevent the Israelites eventually from [taking] Possession of the land of Canaan, neither shall [the] misconduct of Missionaries prevent the final success of the Gospel amongst the Heathens. It must prevail – I took my Leave this morning of Kiddee Kiddee. I have no doubt, but a Church will be raised there to the Honor of the God of Israel— In time this will become a great Settlement, it possesses many local local advantages, and is one of the best missionary Stations I have met with for a principal Settlement. Had I to select again I should fix upon this Spot. I left it with feelings [both] pleasing, and painful; pleasing as it respects the [future prospect] of the Mission; and painful in being [constrained to remove] the Rev.d J. Butler after four years [residence. Samuel] the prophet was [directed] to anoint Saul [King over] Israel, yet he did not do what was right in the [sight of] the Lord; at the sametime he prepared the way [for the Man] after Gods own Heart to fill the Throne of [Isr]ael. God will still find Men who will do his work faithfully, when others do not are removed— The day was very stormy- we were compelled to put into the Island of Motoroa, as we could not reach the Brig— In the Evening I requested Captain Moore to convey me to Pyhea, distant about seven miles – The Sea ran very high, and broke awfully grand almost across the whole Bay— While I stopt at Motoroa I endeavoured to purchase the island from the Chief, as it is a most excellent Station for a Missionary, especially a medical man— ^where It is situated in the middle of the Harbour, in the very Centre of the other missionary Stations. When I asked the Chief to sell me the Island, he said if I should [give him Axes] or Hoes or Spades &c. &c. for the Island, all [these] articles would soon be bartered away for mats [or Cano]es, or any other thing, and then he and his [tribe] would be no better than they were then; but [if I] would send them a Missionary to live upon [the] Island, he would give it to me for nothing, as a Missionary would be a permanent advantage to them— The old Chief made many more very judicious observations— I told him, if it was in my Power I would send them a Missionary at some future time— a young man observed, when you send us one, do not send us an angry fighting man— In the dusk of the evening I arrived safe at Pyhea – and in about an hour after my arrival M.rs Williams was safely delivered of a little Boy— She had a very easy birth – The Lord is good and gracious, a present help in time of need, and never [faileth those] that put their trust in him. [Mrs Williams is a] woman of strong Faith, and [sound Piety, and has] no idea of fear and on these accounts [she is well suited] for her present Situation – happy and content at [all times.] Have been very busy this day in examining the public [accounts,] and have also written my last public Letter to [the] Missionaries as it is said the Brig will sail to morrow— I hope when we do sail, we shall be more successful than we were in the Brampton— God has some wise Ends to answer in the loss of that Ship – many Changes have taken Place since that event, which I cannot doubt, will turn out to the furtherance of [the] Gospel— When the Brampton was wrecked I had not seen Shunghee, and many other Chiefs— they had not returned from the war— Since then every necessary arrangement has been made with them to my Satisfaction— I should have left the Rev.d J. Butler in the Mission, and I do not believe he would have altered his Conduct, which might have ended in something very serious— Tho’ I have spent a very anxious time in New Zealand, yet I leave it with full confidence that the mission will prosper – I have no doubt but the Rem[oval] of those who accompany me attended will [be with the] greatest Good— When Missionaries will not [do their] duty, it is the wisest way to remove them [at once.] They weaken the Hands of those that are faithful continual=ly, throw difficulties in their way, and set a bad example to the Heathens— Spent this day (as the Dragon did not sail) in various arrangements with the Rev.d H. Williams for conducting the Mission— Mess.rs W.m Hall & King came on a visit to Pyhea— I had a long Conversation with them relative to the affairs of the mission, and their own past Conduct— I contended that M.r King ought to have taught [so]me of the native youths to have made a Pair of Shoes, [before this] period for the Comfort of his Colleagues & their families, [as they had made] many Complaints to me for the want of [Shoes— they had neither] any one to mend or make them [any Shoes— and that Mr] Hall also ought to have taught [some] of the Natives to do a little Carpenters work— [We could] not agree in our views. They have now began a School, [but I am] afraid they will not do their duty faithfully. They [have] followed their own way too long, and despised all the orders that have been given to them by their Superiors— I was so much vexed with M.r Kings observations, that I wrote to him on the Impropriety of his Conduct, before I left New Zealand— When men once get wrong, it is very difficult to persuade them that they are so— Pride or avarice, or obstinancy or some beseting Sin opposes their return to the discharge of their duty— [Nov 13] I went on board the Dragon, as we expected to sail. I was [o]bliged to leave the Chiefs behind that had embarked with me in the Brampton, as there was no Room for them. Six native [yout]hs would not leave the Dragon - I told them there was no place for them, and therefore they could not go— They intreated to be allowed to lay upon Deck – If we would give them this indulgence, they wished no more; which was granted we could not act out this day – At Day light we weighed Anchor, and stood out to Sea. There was very little wind – towards evening the Breeze [freshed and we stood] for the north Cape. [This Morning the wind was against us,] we were opposite [doubtful Bay, and endeavoured] by tacking, to work round [the North] Cape, but gained little ground all day – We found ourselves nearly in the same Situation we were last night, and tried all day to weather the Cape, but in vain, towards Evening it blew a strong Gale, we were compelled to bear away to the Northward, and Eastward, and from that time until our arrival at Port Jackson on the 30th. we met with generally very stormy weather, and a very high Sea.