Our intention was soon known in the Village when the Natives in great numbers, collected about the Public School, which, at present, contains our stores. When the list was completed, I went to deliver the presents, assisted by Mr Francis Hall and Mr Kendall; Mr Butler being confined to the house by sickness. The crowd was so great, that I could not get into the School for some time. I told them, that I should be obliged to return, if they [f] would not make way for me. The School yard was as full of Men and Women, calling out for an axe or a hoe, as a sheep pen; and when no more could get in, they got upon the roofs of the School and Out-houses. After distributing 23 hoes and 37 axes, I was obliged to steal away through a back door, as we had not the means to meet all their urgent wants, in order to avoid the painful importunities of those whom we could not relieve; for no hungry beggars ever craved more earnestly for a morsel of bread, than these poor needy Heathens did for an axe or a hoe; and nothing could exceed the gratification of those who were so fortunate as to obtain one. [f] Though many hundreds of axes and hoes, and thousands of tokees, have been distributed amongst this distressed people, since the formation of the settlement; yet all that have been received hitherto is only like a single passing shower, falling on some favoured spot, in a barren and thirsty land. Many years must roll away, before every Native in this country is worth an axe or a hoe notwithstanding the readiness of Christians to contribute to their relief. Sept. 17, 1819.— I remained the principal part of this day in the house, in order to avoid the importunities of those Natives, to whom we had not the means of giving [f] an axe or a hoe. It was not possible to walk, without being surrounded by them on all sides; some urging their request with savage rudeness, and others with pleasing civility. Their universal cry is “Give me a hoe, an axe, or a spade.” In order to move compassion, they will shew their hands; and represent how sore their fingers are, with scratching out the earth, in opening the water-farrows, through the potatoe grounds. It is exceedingly painful to refuse any of their requests; for their wants are real, and their toil and sufferings great, in consequence of not being able to procure those necessary implements of Agriculture. [f] When we consider that all that their country produces, which they can produce convert into any kind of Tools, is wood and shell, we cannot wonder at their distress. With stone axes they cut all their timber, for making their huts, fencing their potatoe grounds, forming their wooden spades and spatulas and making their canoes. Hence it is not in their power to build permanent or even comfortable huts, or to make fences &c for want of iron. Little can be done in cultivation, for the same reason. I believe that there is ten times more land in cultivation, at the present time, in the districts round the Bay of Islands, than there was in 1814, when the Settlement was first formed. This improvement in cultivation is wholly owing to the Tools of Agriculture which have been sent out, [f] from time to time, by the Society. The mortality among the Natives was very great the first Winter after the Settlement was formed, for want of food. It is gratifying to say, that there have been, for the last two years, but very few deaths among the Natives in the above districts; which is to be attributed, under Divine Providence, to the extensive cultivation, by which the Natives have been more abundantly supplied with food. Cultivation and their temporal comforts will most certainly keep pace with the means afforded for improving the agriculture of the country. Hoes and spades are the tools which will be principally wanted, till the country is supplied with cattle, and the plough is set to work. Cattle can easily be supplied from New South Wales, and, in a short time, the plough may be [f] employed in cultivation, as the land is generally free from timber, excepting small brushwood and fern, which can, with little trouble, be cut down and burnt off. Sept. 20, 1819.— A number of Natives arrived, at a very early hour, from remote districts, some 20 and others 50 miles distant. They were ready to tear us to pieces for hoes and axes. One of them said his heart would burst, if he did not get a hoe. We are wearied with their importunities; and exceedingly distressed that our means are so small, as to put it totally out of our power to meet their wants at the present time. I told many of them, this morning, that I had written to England for a great number; and, as soon as the ship arrived, they should have some given them. They replied, that many of them would be in [f] their graves before the ship could come from England, and the hoes and axes would be of no advantage to them when dead. They wanted them now. They had no Tools at present but wooden ones, to work their potatoe grounds with; and requested that we would relieve their present distress. It is exceedingly difficult, nay, I may say impossible, to convince them, by any argument, that we have it not in our power to comply with their wishes. It would take 5000 axes and hoes to meet the present demand; and it is more than probable, that when that number should have been distributed, as many more would be required. In the evening, I walked over to Tippoonah, accompanied by Messrs. Kendall and Hall, to see what progress the Natives were making in preparing their potatoe grounds for planting. [f] We found more than 100 in the field, men and women, most of them at work, some with the hoes and spades which they had received from the Missionary Stores, and others with wooden tools. Very considerable portions of land were cleared and broken up in different places, and made ready for planting, since our last visit. Shunghee has built a small village here, on the ground which he is cultivating, for the accommodation of his working people. We visited this Village. He was gone to Kiddee Kiddee. We found his three Wives at home: two of them had been prisoners of War. His head Wife, who is blind, told us, with a smile, that Shunghee was not so kind. in his attentions to her, since he had taken the two New Wives, who were present. His head Wife has a very fine family of Children. In this Village, I observed the Heads of eleven [f] Chiefs stuck up on poles, as trophies of victory. I learned that they were part of those whom Shunghee brought with him, from his last expedition to the southward. He had cured them all. Their countenances were very natural, excepting their lips and teeth, which had all a ghastly grin, as if they had been fixed by the last agonies of death. How painful must these exhibitions be to the Wives, Children and subjects of these departed Chiefs, who are prisoners of War, and labouring on the very spot, with these Heads in full view! My mind was filled with horror and disgust at the sight of this Golgotha: at the same time, I anticipated, with pleasing sensations, that glorious period, when, through the influence of the Gospel, the voice of joy and melody would be heard in these habitations of darkness [f] and cruelty, where nothing now reigns but savage joy on one hand, and weeping and mourning on the other. In returning through the potatoe grounds, we met with the Chief Tacow, Duaterra’s Father-in-Law. I wished to visit the sacred Grave, which was near, where he died; but as I understood that it was tabooed, I could not presume to enter without permission of the Chief. Mr Kendall spoke to him, and told him what I wanted. He came, and pointed out the tree, where his Daughter, Duaterra’s Wife, hung herself; and shewed us the spot, where both bodies were deposited. The sacred spot was enclosed with a fence. Here the bodies remained together, till the flesh was decayed; when the bones were carefully collected, and carried to their respective family sepulchres. How mysterious are the ways of God! Duaterra once prided himself in the prospect of [f] raising his country to the rank of a civilized nation; and was cut down like a flower, in his first attempt to put his benevolent intentions into execution. The ground where he intended the Church and European town to stand, is now under cultivation, and divided among different families by his successors: while about half an acre is reserved, as sacred to his memory, where no shrub or tree is suffered to be cut down; and where, apparently, no foot had trod before ours, this evening, since the last funeral rites were performed for him and his faithful partner. In passing through the Village of Ranghee-hoo, on our return, I stopt to speak to the Chief Werrie; and observed the head of a Woman, upon a sacred Ark, near the hut. I inquired whose head it was fomerly. Werrie said that it was the head of his Wife’s Sister. His Wife and her Sister had been brought as prisoners of War, by Shunghee, to Ranghee-hoo: he obtained [f] them both, as his slaves: on of them he took for his Wife, and the other for his servant. The servant died a natural death: at the time of her death, his Wife requested to have her Sister’s head preserved, in order that she might releive [sic] her mind by weeping over it; and it was kept for that purpose. Having never seen, when last at New Zealand, any thing like the Ark on which the head was placed, I wished to know the origin and use of it. Mr Kendall and Werrie informed me, that, nearly two years ago, the caterpillars made great ravages among the growing crops of sweet potatoes The Natives conceived that this public calamity came upon them by the anger of their God. The inhabitants of Rangheehoo, sent to Cowa cowa for a great Priest, in order that he might, by his prayers and ceremonies, avert from them this heavy judgment. The priest [f] came, and stopped several months. He performed his religious rites, and directed every principal cultivator to make an Ark for his God, and to deposit in it sacred food for his God to feed upon. In compliance with the order of the Priest, this Ark and others were made. It is about five feet long, two wide, and eleven and a half deep, and is ainted and ornamented with carving and various figures, and within are placed the sacred provisions. The caterpillars left the potatoe grounds in a short time; and the Natives attributed their departure to the influence of the Priest, and not to any natural cause; and hence they preserve these sacred Arks. Mr Kendall told me that he had never seen or heard of any custom of this kind before the above. Sept. 23, 1819.— This morning, several [f] Chiefs arrived from the river Thames. When they landed, they all sat down in solemn silence, in one group, on the beach. Shortly after, the Fighting men of Ranghee-hoo came running, in a body, from the village, quite naked, like so many furies; with their spears fixed in a threatening posture, and making the most horrid noise. They advanced towards the Chiefs on the beach, as if they were going to make an immediate attack. When they came within a few paces, they stopt, and performed the War Dance; distorting their features in the most frightful noise manner and making at the same time, the most horrid yells. Wen they had gone through all their martial movements, they returned to the Village; when the Head Chief Racow, an old man, about eighty, came forward, and made a speech to the River Thames [f] Chiefs, who had never moved from their place during these transactions. I inquired the meaning of the Fighting Men coming so furiously out of the Village with their spears fixed, on the arrival of the Chiefs from the River Thames. They replied, that it was done as a mark of military honour and respect; and the Oration of the Chief afterward, was to assure them of his cordial friendship: he told them, that he was glad to see them; that they had done well to pay him and his people a visit; and that all future hostilities between them and and [sic] his people should cease. [f] On asking why the Chiefs, on their arrival kept at such a distance, they told me, that, some time ago, a man, belonging to a friend of the people at Rangheehoo, had been killed by their tribe, and that the people at Rangheehoo had gone to revenge his death, and had killed two Chiefs and common men. The Chiefs who now arrived, were afraid lest the people at Ranghee-hoo should still retain their resentment against them, and not receive them with proper attention. At length, a full explanation took place, between them, and mutual confidence was apparently [f] restored. The Chiefs from the River Thames admitted that their tribe ought to be punished for the murder of the man whom they killed; but contended that the people of Ranghee-hoo had taken more than ample revenge for they had killed four persons belonging to them, which was more than justice required, and that they felt themselves the injured party. After all matters were arranged they went into the Village to feast with the Chief. The afterward paid us a visit, and requested an axe or a hoe; but [f] we could only spare one axe for the Head Chief, and a knife for his Son. We were much distressed that we had it not in our power to give them the tools which they so much wanted. I promised to visit them when the Active returned, if my time would permit. Sept. 24, 1819— This morning we loaded the punt with some timber for the New Settlement; when Mr Butler, Mr Francis Hall, and myself, set off in her for Kiddee Kiddee. When we had got about half way up the [f] river, the tide turned; when the boat anchored, and Mr Hall accompanied me on shore. We walked on the beach toward the Settlement; intending to visit the Natives on shore. We observed, in one place, a deep cavern under the rocks, the mouth of which was neatly hedged up. We looked into this cave, and perceived a body lying on a mat, on the ground, with a mat thrown over it. There was also a stage, raised about three feet from the ground, upon which there appeared some human bones. This was the first Sepulchre that we had [f] seen, where the dead appear to be finally deposited; and it must belong to some neighbouring tribe. A short distance from the Sepulchre, we met with a Native Village; the inhabitants of which were overjoyed to see us. They had got some very fine hogs running about. We made them a few presents of fish-hooks; and passed on to another village, about a mile distant. In this Village were a number of very fine children, who had got a tame cock, which was very familiar with them: it [f] sat with them, walked with them, and appeared to live entirely with them without fear. I promised the Chief a hen, when he came to the Settlement. They urged us to give them an axe or a he, but we had none with us. Opposite this Village is a very large cockle bed, in the middle of the river, which is dry at low water. On this bed, about 100 women were busy, collecting cockles for food. Here we got a canoe to carry us up to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived about five o.clock. About seven o. clock, the punt arrived with [f] Mr Butler. We were much gratified to find that the carpenters had completed one building, twenty feet by fifteen; where we could be comfortably accommodated for the night. We found the work going o to our satisfaction, and our New Settlement beginning to put on an appearance of civilization. Saw pits have been dug, timber lying in different directions, and a new European house built. We read a portion of Scripture, sung a hymn, and returned thanks to God for all his mercies, in the midst of the wondering [f] Natives, and then lay down to rest. Sept. 25, 1819— This morning we examined more particularly the ground in the neighbourhood, and set the Natives to clear and burn off the brushwood, &c. where it is intended that the town shall stand, and the gardens laid out. We had a small spot of land cleared and broken up, in which I planted about 100 Grape Vines, of different kinds, brought from Port Jackson. New [f] Zealand promises to be very favourable to the Vine, so far as I can judge at present, of the nature of the soil and climate. Should the Vine succeed, it will prove of vast importance in this part of the globe; as the grapes blight so much in New South Wales, that there is little prospect that New Holland will become a Wine country. Sept. 26. 1819— We returned to Ranghee-hoo; and had a very stormy passage, with heavy rain. We were about ten hours [f] in the boat, and were very wet and cold. During the residence of the late Duaterra with me at Parramatta, he often mentioned a river called Shukeangha which empties itself into the sea on the west side of the island; and described it as a very fine river, the land rich, the timber good, and the inhabitants numerous on its banks and in its neighbourhood. It was my intention, when at New Zealand in 1815, to visit this river; but my leave of absence being [f] limited, I had not time to gratify my wish in this respect. On my arrival in August, I learned from Messrs Kendall and King, that they had visited the Shukeangha about a fortnight before; and had found that Duaterra’s information was correct. I had conversed with several Natives of New Zealand, at Parramatta, relative to the harbour, wishing to know if there was any entrance for a ship: they were all of opinion that no ship could enter, [f] as there was a bar across the mouth, on which the surf broke with such violence, as to prevent a vessel getting in. Messrs Kendall and King had not the means to ascertain this point, when they were at the river. I, therefore, resolved to put my original intention into execution, and to visit the Shukeangha, and examine the entrance of the harbour; in order to ascertain how far it might be expedient, at a future period, to make a Missionary [f] Station on its banks. As Mr William Puckey, whom I hired at Port Resolution, had and brought with me to assist in putting up the necessary buildings at the New Settlement, had commanded a vessel for several years out of England, and was better versed in the knowledge of navigation, than any other person at New Zealand, I determined to take him with me to examine the [f] Mouth of the River and the Harbour in order that he might ascertain whether or not the entrance is good for shipping, and the anchorage good in the river; and I requested Mr Kendall to accompany me, a he was acquainted with several Chiefs, and could speak the Native Language. Sept 28, 1819.—Accordingly, we took our passage to Kiddee Kiddee with the Revd John Butler, Messrs Francis and William Hal, and the Car [f] penters and Labourers who were going to the New Settlement to forward the buildings, and prepare the ground for sowing of such seeds and planting such fruit trees as had been brought with us from Port Jackson. We arrived at Kiddee Kiddee about one o’clock, and immediately proceeded on our tour, accompanied by three Chiefs— Shunghee’s Son, Werrepork from Ranghee-hoo, and Roda from the river Shukeangha with six Natives to carry our baggage: more [f] accompanied us of their own accord so that our whole party of Natives amounted to seventeen. About four miles from Kiddee Kiddee we rested, and took some refreshments. Here we met the Daughter of Shunghee’s Brother, and her Husband, with two Servants laded with potatoes. They immediately put down their baskets; and presented us with portion for ourselves, and another for the Servants who attended us, and compelled [f] us to receive them. They were much pleased at meeting us, and greeted us with every mark of respect. About four o’clock, we resumed our journey. the day had been very fine; but now the clouds began to gather, and threatned [sic very heavy rain. We had passed over about four miles of very fine land fit for the plough, as soon as the fern and brushwood are cut and burnt. There is not a single tree on some thousands of acres of good land, to the right, and left of the path; and; in [f] general, the ground is very level. We had not walked more than a mile, before we came to a swamp lying on some rising ground. It was about a mile across; and our road lay directly through it. It was covered very thick with rushes and other aquatic plants; with the water generally, from one foot to three feet deep. The Chiefs proposed to carry us over; but the distance was so great, that we should have been more fatigued [f] by being carried, than by wading through. We therefore stript off part of our apparel and waded through. After we had passed the swamp we came into a very open country, for many miles round, covered with fern. The part through which we walked was gravelly and not very good in general. The wind increased toward evening and blew strong from the rainy quarter; so that we had the prospect of a very wet night, without a single tree to shelter us from [f] from the storm, for about eight miles from the swamp we had passed. At this distance was a wood, through which our road lay; which we were anxious to reach, if possible, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind and rain. With this hope, we pushed forward; and arrived at the edge of the wood, about nine o’clock. The rain began to fall heavily. The Natives cut branches of fern and boughs of trees, and made us a little shed under the trees, to afford us some shelter. The black —[f] ness of the heavens, the gloomy darkness of the wood, the roaring of the wind among the trees, the sound of the falling rain on the thick foliage, united with the idea that we were literally at the ends of the earth with relation to our Native Land, surrounded with cannibals whom we knew to have fed on human flesh, and wholly in their power, and yet our minds free from fear of danger— all this excited in my breast such new, pleasing, and, at the same time, apposite sensations, as I cannot describe. [f] While I sat musing under the shelter of a lofty pine, my thoughts were lost in wonder and surprise, on taking a view of the wisdom and goodness of God’s Providential Care, which had attended all my steps to that very hour. If busy imagination inquired what I did there, I had not answer to seek or wild conjecture: I felt, with gratitude, that I had not come by chance; but had been sent to labour in preparing the way of the Lord in this dreary wilderness, where the voice of joy and gladness had never been heard; and I could not [f] but anticipate, with joyful hope, the period when the Day Star from on high would dawn and shine on this dark and Heathen Land, and cause the very earth on which we then reposed to bring forth its increase, when God himself would give the poor inhabitants his Blessing. After reflecting on the different ideas which crowded themselves upon my mind, I wrapt myself up in my great coat, and lay down to sleep. Sept 29. 1819— Rose at the dawn of day. [f] The Natives immediately kindled their fires, and prepared for breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we set forward on our journey. After walking through the wood for about a mile, in a path rendered very difficult, partly from the heavy rain and partly by the roots of the trees which covered the road, we came once more into an open country. The rain still fell very heavily. When we had walked about six miles, we arrived at the edge of another wood, through [f] which we had to pass. Before we entered the wood, the rays of the sun, from under the edge of a cloud, gilded the side of a distant hill. A New Zealander, who was walking by me, called my attention to the spot where the sun shone, and asked me if I saw it; on my answering in the affirmative, he said, “That is the Wydua” or Spirit, of “Shunghee’s Father”. The Chiefs of New Zealand are full of pride: many of them assume to themselves the attributes of the Deity, while living; and are called Gods by their people. The Natives will occasi= [f] onally ^call Shunghee a God, when he approaches them, in the following terms—“Hairemi, hairemi, Atua”!— Come hither, come hither thou God! This paying of divine honors to the Chiefs, fills their minds with the most proud and profane notions of their own dignity and consequence. When they die, their posterity deify them and offer up their prayers to them. The New Zealander here compared the departed spirit of Shunghee’s Father, to the glory of the [f] sun— clearly evincing the veneration paid by them to the Manes of their Ancestors, and the dominion which the Prince of this World exercises over their minds. The whole road in which we walked through this dreary wood, was the worst that I had ever walked over. The roots of the trees entwined themselves over the whole path; which made it as painful to travel on, as if we had to walk on round bars of iron. We were several hours before we got through. Within about a mile of one of the branches of [f] the Shukeangha River, the wood rises to a very high summit, from which there is an extensive view of the River and of the Western shore. On the left hand of the hill, a large plain appears covered with pine and other timber. The tops of the trees below were like a level sea, as far as the eye could reach; but our prospect was, in some degree, obstructed by the heavy clouds and rain, which fell in torrents: it thundered loud at the same time. The descent from the hill to the River is very difficult, from its exceeding steepness; [f] and when we arrived on the banks, we had this branch to wade through several times, before we reached the first village, Koraka. As soon as the inhabitants discovered us, they invited us to visit them; and, as a signal of welcome, immediately fired a musket; which was returned by one of the Chiefs who accompanied us. Our guide directed us to proceed first, and the Natives to follow us. The Chiefs were seated on the ground. The old Chief, Warremaddoo, I had seen at the Bay of Islands, when I was there the first time, [f] and had made him some small present. His son, Matanghee, and his Son-in-law, Ietawnuee, I was not acquainted with. Their first inquiry was to know the object of our visit. We informed them that we had a desire to see the River Shukeangha, and to examine the mouth of the Harbour, to see if a ship could come in with safety; and, at the same time, to visit the Chiefs and see the different inhabitants. Warreemaddoo and Ietawnuwee were much pleased and expressed an earnest wish that a ship might visit their river, and some [f] Europeans come to reside with them, to teach them agriculture, and to make good roads. Matanghee who has now the supreme authority, his Father being a very old man apparently eighty years old, told us that we had better go no farther at present; as there was a serious difference between him and a neighbouring Chief, named Moodewhy. Moodewhy had speared a young man in the thigh, the preceeding day, who was lying on the ground, and shewed us where the spear had entered. Matanghee stated the following [f] cause of the quarrel:— Their lands lay contiguous. Moodewhy’s Slaves carried away part of Matanghee’s fence for firewood: in consequence of which, Moodewhy’s pigs got into Matanghee’s potatoe grounds, who shot several of them, and Moodewhy, in retaliation, shot some of his pigs. They met, the day preceeding our arrival, to settle the difference, when the young man mentioned above was speared. We replied, that we had nothing to do with their quarrel, and should proceed on our [f] journey. When they found that we were resolved to visit the river, they insised that we should not leave them for two nights. To this we agreed, as we were wet and weary; having been travelling, through bad roads, from an early hour, till about four o’clock in the afternoon. The Chief accommodated us with the best hut that he had, and our people with another. He also gave us a hog, and plenty of sweet and common potatoes. I presented him with an axe and a few trifles, with which he was much gratified. [f] We spent the evening in conversing on various subjects, such as Agriculture, Commerce, and Religion. Tetawnee is a very well informed man. He appeared to have lost no opportunity of gaining instruction; and was very anxious for some Europeans to reside with them; and hoped that we would consider them, at some future period, and send them a Missionary. Matanghee, though very kind to us, seemed deeply involved in thought, and uneasy in [f] his mind, from what had taken place between Moodeewhy and him. Before we returned to rest, we read a portion of Scripture, sung a Hymn, and committed ourselves to the Protection of Him who keepeth Israel. Sept. 30, 1819.— Early this morning, a Chief arrived to inform Matanghee how Moodeewhy was affected toward him and his people, and how they were resolved to act. We now learned, that Moodewhy had been speared in the arm, but the wound was [f] slight. Soon after this messenger had given his information, several Chiefs arrived in the same business. One of them began to make an oration, while all the others sat on the ground in profound silence. He spoke with great force. His action was warlike and graceful; and his weapon of war, which he brandished in his hand, added emphasis to every expression and gesture. He exhorted Matanghee to act with courage and firmness; and to vin= [f] dicate his own and his tribes rights. He stated, that he was a friend to both parties; and, as one had been wounded on both sides, he recommended that the difference should be settled as amicably as would be consistent with their rights. After this Chief had ended his address, another principal man, belonging to the Village, started up; and, taking a long spear in his hand, began to state all the particulars of the present difference. He spake with great feeling, stamped, with his foot at every action, and brandished his spear, while warlike indignation fired his countenance. [f] The whole of his manner and dress reminded me of what I had read of the Chiefs of the Ancient Britons; and I am of opinion that the New Zealand Chiefs resemble very much the character of our ancestors. Shortly after this Chief had ended his speech, they all, in a moment, threw off their mats, girt up their loins with their war-belts, took their muskets, spears, pattoo pattoos, and ran off toward Moodewhy’s leaving us in the Village with old Warreemaddoo and his Son-in-law. In about three hours, the hostile party returned; when we learned that their sudden departure was [f] in consequence of hearing that Moodeewhy had been killing their pigs: Matanghee and his party went to ascertain the truth of the report. They appeared very indignant at the conduct of Moodeewhy, and threatened to punish him. In the evening, old Warremaddoo threw off his mat, took his spear, and began to address his Tribe and the Chiefs. He made strong appeals to them, against the injustice and ingratitude of Moodeewhy’s conduct towards them— recited many injuries, which he and his Tribe suffered from Moodeewhy, for a long perod— mentioned instances of his bad conduct, at the time that his Fathers bones were removed from the Ahoodu Pa to their famly vault, stated acts of kindness, which he had shewn to Moodewhy, at different times [f] and said that he had twice saved his trie from total ruin. In the present instance, Moodeewhy had killed three of his hogs: one of them was very large and fat, being two year’s old. Every time he mentioned the large hog, the recollection of his loss seemed to nerve afresh his aged sinews. He shook his hoary beard, stamped with indignant rage, and poised his quivering spear. He exhorted his tribe to be bold and courageous; and declared that he would head them in the morning against the enemy, and, rather than he would submit, he would be killed and eaten. All that they wanted was firmness and courage: he knew well the enemies whom they had to meet; their hearts did not lie deep; and, if they were [f] resolutely opposed, they would yield. His oration continued nearly an hour; and all listened to him with great attention. When we sat down, I requested Mr Kendall to tell him that I was very anxious for a reconciliation to take place, between Matanghee and Moodeewhy; and proposed to give each of them an adze, on condition of peace being made between them. In reply, Matanghee said that his young man hd been severely wounded, and Moodeewhy only slightly. If Moodeewhy had been equally wounded, he would have come to terms of peace. However we still urged our terms of peace. In the mean time, Werrepork had been to fetch some of Moodewhy’s people; and brought us a message from Moodeewhy, saying, that he could not visit us at [f] Matanghee’s, but wished to see us at his Village in the morning. We therefore informed Matanghee, that we should proceed to Moodeewhy’s in the morning; as we had nothing to do with their differences, but were friends to both parties, and wished, as far as we culd, to reconcile them. Matanghee said that he and Moodeewhy were to meet in the morning, and we might go with them. If they could not settle their dispute without fighting, no injury would happen to us, as they would direct us how to act. After this conversation, we retired to rest. Oct, 1, 1819.— Very early this morning, old Warreemaddoo appeared fully armed for battle. His long beard was painted with red ochre, to shew that his mind was thursting for blood; [f] his loins were girt with a broad war belt, in which he carried his pattoo and his spear was in his hand. In a few moments, Matanghee, and all his tribe and friends, were ready,— some armed with muskets; others with spears, pattoos, and other warlike weapons. With this feudal clan, we marched from Koraka to Moodeewhy’s village, which was about four miles distant. We were joined on the road, by numbers of men, women, and children, and some Chiefs; among whom was the brother of Moodeewhy, which induced us to hope that matters would be accommodated. The Chief spoke to me and Mr Kendall; and requested us to make peace, or, in their [f] own language, to make “Matanghee and Moodeewhy both alike inside.” This observation struck me as very signficant and worthy to be recorded. When we reached a field about a quarter of a mile from Moodeewhy’s Village, the Fighting men stopped, and arranged the plan of their operations. As soon as this was settled, all marched forward, till we came near Moodeewhy’s residence— our party being on one side of the river that runs through the Village, & Moodeewhy’s on the other. Moodeewhy’s was ready to meet them. After some parley across the river, one party discharged all their muskets, and saluted Moodeewhy: they then performed the war dance, and returned into the ground where the young man and [f] Moodewhy had been wounded. Moodewhy and his men marched five abreast, all naked & armed, with him by their side. His Wife marched in front, with a long spear in her hand, and her Daughter in the rear, waving a white mat, as a flag. There appeared 300 of Moodewhy’s tribe in this body; Their spears were very long, more than twenty feet. The men marched in a very close body; and Moodeewhy, with a long spear, regulated their movements. Whe they came opposite to Matanghee’s partyMoodeewhy and some of his men plunged into the river. Matanghee’s party made a sham opposition to their landing, and the whole scene closed with savage shouting and dancing. Old Warreemaddoo led on Matanghi’s party. When the public confusion was a little over, Moodeewhy and the hoary Warrior rubbed noses, as a token of reconciliation; but Matanghee refused this salutation, and appeared sullen. [f] No sooner were matters adjusted, than old Warreemaddoo, with his Slaves, began to burn & destroy the fence of the inclosure on which we were assembled, belonging to Moodeewhy, who too no notice of it. I asked Mr Kendall if he knew why they burnt and destroyed Moodeewhy’s fence, before his face. He told me that it was a satisfaction required for the fence which Moodeewhy’s Slave had destroyed, in the first instance; and that the New Zealanders, if they make peace, always demand satisfaction as an invariable condition— life for life, wound for wound, property for property. We now accompanied Moodeewhy to his Village, called Hootakoora. It is very populous, & situated in a rich valley. A branch of the Shukeangha, navigable for large canoes, runs through it. Moodewhy received us with great kindness and hospitality; and gave us a hog, and abundance of sweet and common potatoes, for ourselves and our attendants. The place was all [f] bustle and confusion; and nothing was to be seen, in all directions, but weapons of war. Several Chiefs, from other districts, were assembled on account of the difference between Matanghee & Moodeewhy, who were all eager to gain information of our object in coming to Shukeangha, and were much gratified when we told them; as they hoped, at some period, to see a ship in their river. In about half an hour after our arrival, while talking with Moodewhy and his friends, a sudden noise and tumult started up in the Village on the other side of the river. All flew to arms, threw off their mats, and rushed, like furies, into the river, in a moment, and Moodeewhy among them, leaving us, without stopping to tell us the cause. There was nothing to be heard or seen but noise and spears. We inquired the reason, and were told that a woman had been acting improperly. The Natives continued tearing & pulling each other about the hair of the head for about an hour, and some got a few blows. After this business was settled, a Chief came to salute me with his bloody nose, having got part of the skin knocked off in the bustle. I laughed at him [f] for presenting his bloody nose for me to rub with mine, and pointed to the wound which he had received. He smiled and said it was New Zealand fashion. When Moodeewhy returned we asked him if the woman had been guilty of adultery. He replied, no; but had been seen playing wantonly with another man. We spent the afternoon very pleasantly, in conversing on various important subjects; such as, the education of their children, the advantages of commerce and Agriculture, and the richness of the soil around their villages. The number of Children in this Village was great, & of a proper age to be taught the English language. Moodeewhy was very urgent for a Missionary to reside with him; and begged that he [sic] would send him one soon, as he would be of no use to him if he came after his death. I never saw a finer race of men than in this Village, nor finer children. Hootakoora would be an important missionary station, as an early [sic] communication could be had with all the inhabitants on the banks of the river, for forty miles. After the noise of the day was over, we read a Chapter, praised God, and committed ourselves to His gracious keeping. Oct.2, 1819— This morning we requested Moodeewhy to accommodate us with a canoe, that we might visit the [f] different Chiefs on the banks of the river; this he readily granted, and said that he would accompany us. He was immediately ready to embark in his War Canoe, with his Wife, her Daughter, two small Children; and some of his Slaves. His canoe measured 63 ft; and was very safe and commodious. At the top of the tide, about 7 o’clock in the morning, we left Hootakoora. On the eve of our departure, a Priest performed certain religious ceremonies, praying that we might accomplish the object of our visit. The canoe, with the tide and more than twenty Natives to paddle, went swiftly down the stream. About ten miles from the Village, in the middle of the river, is a small Island, of little more than half an acre. It is formed by the meeting of the main river Shokeangha, with a river that falls into it on the north east side. Upon this island stands a small Village, full of inhabitants. The Chief is a very old man. We stopped to speak [to] him. He appeared to have his children and his children’s children round him. He was much pleased to see us. I presented him with a plane iron. He would not let us leave the shore, till he had given us about 300 lbs of potatoes, in return for the present which he had received It is more than probable that he esteemed the plane iron the greatest present that he had ever received. About three miles farther, we came opposite to a Village, [f] called Wetewhaheite, situated on a hill. As soon as the people saw us they waved a mat as a flag; & called aloud for us to visit them. The Fighting Men came running down, with muskets, spears, &c. They fired their muskets, and danced the War Dance; in order to pay us military honors, according to their custom. We stopped to speak to them; and told them that we could not visit them in our way down the River; but promised to spend a night with them as we returned. I gave the Chiefs plane irons, & we passed on. About four o’clock, we got within a mile of our journeys end. Our servants were hungry and tired, and wished to go on shore to cook some provisions. We therefore landed near the residence of the Chief, who had accompanied us from Ranghee hoo. He immediately caught a hog; and, having killed it, our Servants dressed it for themselves in a short time. While we were there, taking some refreshment, the inhabitants of the Village nearest the Heads, Wedua, [Weedeea] observed us; and immediately a great Priest, Tamanhena, who is Priest of the Heads of the Shukeangha, and is supposed to have absolute command of the winds and waves, came to visit us, and to invite us to the Village, to the Chief Mowenna, who is the Head Chief of the River. When we had dined, we proceeded to the Village, where we were cordially received by the joyful inhabitants. Mowhenna had heard of our coming to see him, and had prepared a good shed for us. [f] We spent the evening in conversation, with the priest and Chiefs, on religious topics. The Priest appeared a very sensible man, so far as his light extended. He spoke of having communication with the Atua of New Zealand, and that he answered him when he prayed to him. I told him that I had never heard the Atua of New Zealand; nor could I believe that he had unless I could hear him myself; and I wished him to pray while I was there, that I might hear him. He replied, that when he came to see at Ranghee hoo, I should hear him. He believed that all the New Zealand Chief went to a place of happiness when they died. The Power of their Chiefs the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, and the Glory of War, are the Grand subjects of their conversation. There memories are very strong, and they show much anxiety to increase their Knowledge. They are great and enterprizing travellers in their own country. Many of them are absent on their journies ten or twelve months at a time. We learned from them a more particular account of a river called Whycoto, about the centre of the Island where the great body of the inhabitants appear to reside. They described them as innumerable. The Chiefs and Priests wished to know what our business was. We informed them that our first object was to examine the mouth of the harbour, to see if any vessel could get in. They asked us if we had mentioned our coming to see them, to Shunghee, for they feared that the Chiefs on the east side would not be pleased, if any ship should visit them. I told them I had acquainted Shunghee with our intention & that he had sent his Son to shew us the way. They were much pleased [f] at this information, and remarked, that, as we had come of our own accord, without invitation, the Chiefs had no ground to be offended with them. The Priest then stated the entrance of the river; and described the rocks on each side, and a sand bank on the right hand, out at sea, as we got out of the mouth of the river. He stated how many fathoms of water there were on the bank & in the channel & said he would accompany us in the morning, to examine the entrance & sound the depth of the water. We told him that we could not go in the morning because tomorrow was sacred, a day appointed for us to pray to our God; but the morning after, we should wish him to go with us, if the weather would permit. He said that he was Priest of the Winds and Waves, & would command them to be still. After talking on various subjects till a late hour, we sung a hymn, as usual, thanked our God for the Blessings that we enjoyed in a heathen land, and then lay down to rest. Our place was very full of Natives, who remained with us all night; & the Priest never left us for an hour, night or day, till we arrived at Rangheehoo. Oct 3, 1819. Sunday.— After breakfast, I read the Church Service and made a few observations on the Seventh Chapter to the Romans. The chiefs and their people behaved with great propriety; and the Head Chief ordered all the children away lest they should disturb us. Great numbers of men & women crowded round our Shed. The Priest said that he wished to learn to pray as we did; but he did not understand why we prayed to our God when we appeared not to want his [f] assistance. He said he never prayed but at those times when he wanted the aid of the Atua. We endeavoured to explain to him, that our God made every thing, that he was always present with us and continually took care of us & heard and saw all that we did and said. The Chief wished that an European would come to teach them, & said that he would give him a farm, & that he should live near him. Mowenna and his people live in a rich & fertile valley. Here are a great number of fine children, & a very important Station might be formed in this valley for Missionaries & I cannot doubt but that they would be kindly received. We had much conversation on the subject with the Priest & Mowenna, who appeared a very mild man. After dinner in order to relieve ourselves from the presence of the people, we took a walk on the beach. The Natives followed us in crowds. We desired them to return as we wished to be more alone. They immediately complied with our request. We returned in a few hours, & spent the evening in useful conversation. Oct. 4, 1819 We rose early this morning, with an intention to examine the entrance into the river. It blew fresh. The Priest said that we should have his War Canoe, & he would accompany us to prevent the wind & waves from rising. As soon as breakfast was over, the priest, Mr William Puckey, and a very fine crew of Native Young Men, launched the canoe, and we set off for the Heads, [f] which were about four miles distant. Tamanhena told me not to be afraid: he would not allow the Wind and Waves to rise. There are two large rocks at the Heads in which the Gods of the Sea reside, according to the opinion of the Priest and the inhabitants on the banks of the River. The Priest said that he would command the Gods to be still, and not to disturb the sea, till we had made our examination and sounded the shoal and channel. We were no sooner in the canoe than the Priest began to exert all his powers, to still the Gods, the winds, and the Waves. He spoke in an angry and commanding tone. However, I did not perceive either the wind or waves to yield to his authority; and when we reached the heads, I requested to go on shore, as the water was rough, while the Priest and Mr Puckey went out to sea to sound the sand bank. I landed near a sacred rock, and had one Chief with me; who expressed great alarm lest I should tread on the consecrated ground, and said that the God would kill him, if he suffered me to do so; and he frequently laid hold of me, when he thought that I approached too near. I was obliged to take advantage of every retiring wave, and run on the beach till I had passed the residence of the imaginary deity. After Mr Puckey had taken the necessary bearings and soundings I returned again to the Village and prepared for leaving our hospitable Chief, who had supplied us and our followers with the greatest abundance of potatoes and such provisions as he had. About 7 o’clock the Chief, his Brother, and many of [f] the people, with the Priest, were determined to accompany us in our visit to the other Chiefs, till we finally left the river. The Canoes was [sic] immediately got ready, and we set off for the next village, called Weedenakke, about 18 or 20 miles distant, where we arrived about 12 o’clock that evening. One of the Chiefs was waiting to receive us. This Village is situated, literally, in a very dark corner of the earth, behind some lofty hills, which are mentioned by Capt. Cook. It stands at the head of a large salt water creek, which runs up from the main river, for about 10 miles, and is there met by a very beautiful fresh water stream, which comes down from the neighbouring hills, and passes through an extensive valley of rich land. When we arrived, there were very few inhabitants in the Village. The Chief informed us that the body of the people were living in the valley, with the Head Chief, preparing their grounds for planting sweet potatoes, and that we should visit them in the morning. He then conducted us to a very close hut, where we were to remain till the return of day. The entrance was just sufficient for a man to creep into. Being very cold, I was glad to occupy such a warm berth. I judged the hut to be about 8 feet wide and 12 long. It had a fire in the centre; and no vent, either for the smoke or heat. The Chiefs who were with us threw off all their mats, and lay down close together, in a state of perfect nudity. I had not been many minutes in this oven, before I found the heat and smoke, above, below, and on every side, to be insufferable. Though the night [f] was cold, Mr Kendall and I were compelled to quit our habitation. I crept out and walked in the Village to see if I could meet with a shed to keep me from the damp air till the morning. I found one empty into which I entered. I had not been long under my present cover before I observed a Chief, who came with us from the last village, come out of the hut which I had left, perfectly naked. The moon shone very bright. I saw him run from hut to hut till at length he found me under my shed, & urged me to return. I told him that I could not bear the heat, and requested him to allow me to remain where I was, to which, he, at length, consented with reluctance. I was surprised at the little effect that either heat or cold seemed to have upon him. He had come out of the hut smoking like a hot loaf drawn from the oven— walked about to find me— and then sat down to converse for some time, without any clothing, though the night was cold. Mr Kendall remained sitting under his mat in the open air till morning. Oct. 5, 1819— As soon as day dawned we heard the distant sound of Native Music in the woods; and, in a short time, observed men, women, and children, peeping through the trees— most of the men armed with spears. Many of them slowly advanced towards us, as we were preparing to proceed to the Village, where the Head Chief resided. At the moment we were ready to walk, a messenger arrived to say that we were to remain at our present station till further orders, as the Chief and his people were not quite ready to receive us. This in= [f] formation was not very welcome, as we had no rest all night, and wished to get to our journey’s end. At length, another messenger came to inform us that they were ready. We then proceeded. Our party now consisted of about 100 persons. When we came within a quarter-of-a-mile from the Chiefs residence, the Natives began to salute us with a discharge of muskets; and continued to fire till we came to the Head Chief, who was seated with his Subordinate Chiefs, at the entrance of a very commodious shed, which had been expressly prepared for us. A Chief, who had attended us where we spent the night, walked before us, and introduced us to the Head Chief. This village is situated in a very rich and extensive valley; which rung with the welcome salutations of the inhabitants. The chiefs expressed their joy at put visit. After breakfast, I walked with them through their cultivated grounds. The land is very good, and produces great crops of common and sweet potatoes; and a fine stream of fresh water runs through the village. Here we found a great population than in any other part that we had visited. 100 Children of a proper age might be taken at once into a school. They have also plenty of provisions; and their land is fit for all the purposes of gardening and agriculture. There are here many hundred acres of land, which would repay the labours of the husbandman. I walked to the head of the valley; & followed [f] the stream of water, which descends from the hills, till I met with a fine situation for a water mill, where the natural fall appeared to be not less [than] 20 feet; which at a future period, may be of incalculable service in grinding grain, when the growing of corn is generally introduced among the inhabitants. The inhabitants of this valley appear to live in peace and plenty, and quietly to enjoy the fruits of their industry. Whether their security depends on the strength of their Tribe, or their secluded situation I cannot tell. The Chief presented us with two large fat hogs, each about 200lbs weight, & also many Cwt of potatoes. There was nothing but feasting and rejoicing all this and the following day, till we took our departure. There were more than 200 baskets of potatoes cooked at one time. I had never seen such heaps of sweet and common potatoes before. A certain number of baskets are dressed for every Chief, his Friends and his Servants, and every party sits in a circle round their provisions, by themselves, when they eat. After feasting dancing and conversing all day in the evening before they retire to rest, the cooks heated their ovens on the ground, in which they put potatoes, greens, all in heaps, in large quantities, sufficient for 200 or 300 persons, and covered them up, leaving them till morning to roast. Oct. 6, 1819.— At the early dawn, the New Zealanders were up. The cooks opened their ovens, and served all with their respective portions. The Chief of this tribe appeared to be a very mild man. He expressed an ardent desire for some [f] Europeans to reside with him to instruct his people. He offered each of us a farm all ready for planting. We thanked him for his kindness, but told him that it was of no use for us to accept his offer, as we could not attend to their cultivation. This valley would be an excellent Station for Missionaries from its population, the richness of its soil, and its apparent tranquillity. It enjoys may advantages as a Missionary Post which time will not allow me at present to point out. While we remained here, we had long conversation on the advantages of Education, Agriculture, Navigation, &c. The Chiefs are, in general, very sensible men, & wish for enformation [sic] on all subjects. They are accustomed to public discussions from their infancy. The Chiefs take their Children, from their Mother’s breasts, to all their public assemblies; where they hear all that is said on Politics, War, Religion &c, by the oldest men. Children will frequently ask questions in public conversation, and are answered by the Chiefs. I have often been surprised to see the sons of Chiefs, at the age of 4 or 5, sitting among the Chiefs, & paying the closest attention to what was said. The children never appear under any embarrassment when they address a stranger. In every village, the children, as soon as they learned any of our names, came up to us and spake to us with the greatest familiarity. At the age of 8 or 10, they appear to be initiated into all the manners and customs of their ancestors by being the constant companions of their Fathers and attending them in all their Public counsels, and i the field of Military Glory. [f] In this Village, the number of Children is very great, & ready for instruction. While we remained here, we found much pleasure in the conversation of the Priest of the Heads of the Shukeanga. On one occasion, I asked him if the winds & waves would not take advantage of his absence, & do much injury to the Heads of the River. He replied that he should prevent them by his prayers, till he returned. I observed that he was so great a man, that some of the Chiefs would wish him dead, in order that they might succeed to his dignity: he then pointed to his son, who was sitting by him, and said that he was preparing him for the Sacred Office, in which he was to succeed him in the command, over the winds and waves. Oct.7, 1819.— Ater breakfast this morning, we intended to take our departure, but the Chief wished to detain us till the middle of the day, in order that he might give another great feast. About 8 o’clock, numbers of Slaves arrived, laden with potatoes, and some large snappers just caught. They were preceded by a company dancing and shouting. As soon as they had laid down their baskets, all the cooks went to work immediately; and as soon as the potatoes were dressed, each party sat down to their respective portions. When the feast was ended, a musket was fired, and all the Fighting Men few to arms in a moment. Some had muskets, others spears, clubs, &c. They then entertained us with a sham fight and War Dance which closed the scene. We now packed up our baggage, and walked about a mile to our canoes, where we were to embark, attended by more than 200 Natives. In our large Canoe, we estimated the pork and potatoes, with which the Chiefs of the former Village and this had laded us, at more than 3 tons. Besides our provisions and baggage, we had 36 persons. We took our leave of this Friendly Chief and his people about one o’clock, thanking him for his attention, and expressing [f] our highest appreciation of the conduct of his people while we remained with them; which much gratified him. We now proceeded to the Village on the banks of the main River called Wetewhaheete, distant about 20 miles; and where we had promised to spend a night on our return. We arrived about 6 o’clock in the evening. Tarawheka, the chief, had built a shed for us 24 feet by 10. It was very clean and neat. He received us with great kindness. I went with him to the summit of the hill, where his castle, or Hippah, is situated; his village being built on the lowest side. From the top of the hill, there is a very extensive prospect of the Shkeangha & the surrounding country. As we passed along, I observed a Chief’s Wife making loud lamentations. On enquiring the cause of her deep distress, she informed me that since our passing down the River, she had lost her two sons and 1 child belonging to the village with them. The Children had been sent in a canoe to gather cockles on a sand bank in the River, which is dry at low water. The wind arose on the flow of the tide, and carried away the canoe, leaving the children on the bank; and when the tide arose, it swept them all away. She added that her Husband was also lately dead. She was a young woman. Her Mother was sitting beside her, mourning and weeping with her. They had cut themselves, after their manner, for the dead. I felt for her affliction, and would gladly have releaved [sic] her distress. I had nothing to give her, but a few fish-hooks and my pocket Knife, with which I presented her, and which she thankfully received. This Chief, like the rest, presented us with great quantities of potatoes, giving a certain number of baskets to us, and then to the Chiefs, and their Servants, and also to our party of common people, with a good hog. He is a very stout man, and very modest. The people were also well behaved. We told him [f] that we wished to visit the River Poonakketerre; but the crew of our canoe were tired, and not able, without a day’s rest to go with us. He offered to supply us with a canoe in the morning, & to accompany us himself. We thankfully accepted his offer. We spent the evening, as usual, in conversing on various subjects and in gaining all the information we could relative to the rivers in New Zealand, the number of inhabitants on their banks, on what they lived, and their mode of communicating with the distant parts of the island. We could seldom ask them a question, but, before they answered it, they would inquire our reason for asking. If we asked how far a mountain or river was off, they would say, “What do you want to know for?” “Are you going there?” & when we had satisfied them, they would give us every information we wanted. When we had conversed till late in the evening, we performed our Evening Service of Prayer and Praise, & then lay down to rest. Oct. 8. 1819.— Early this morning, we prepared to visit, according to our intention some Villages on the banks of the river Poonakketerre, lying on the south side of the Shukeangha in two canoes, accompanied by about 50 persos. As we went up the river we saw several Villages which we had not time to visit. The inhabitants fired their muskets, and hailed us as we passed. Our wish was to go as far up the river as we could, with a strong tide in our favour so as to return in the evening. The river is very beautiful, & will be very convenient for the navigation of small vessels, should the country ever become a commercial nation. About 1 ‘clock we came to 2 villages situated near to each other, on the high bank on the south side of the river. One of these villages is under the authorit of an old woman, a Chief’s Widow. Many of these people had never seen a white person. They received us with a War Dance, and presented us with several baskets of potatoes, which we immediately dressed, while the cooks were doing their duty, we walked into the Villages, & conversed with the people, [f] and made them a few presents of fish hooks. One of these villages is called Otaheite, and the other Rangheewakka-takka. They stand at the head of a most beautiful valley; into which a small creek, navigable for a canoe, runs from the river. In this valley we observed many small villages, and a large portion of land, cultivated with potatoes. In this part there was a large quantity of good land, that has never been in cultivation, & which would make a beautiful Settlement. There appeared to be a good number of people in this retired nook. After remaining a few hours, we left the Village with the return of the tide. [A reference here in Elder to a young man being tattooed] An old Chief, with a very long beard & his face tattooed all over, had accompanied us from the place where we slept last night. He wanted an axe very much; &, at last, he said that if we would give him an axe, he would give us his head. Nothing is held in so much veneration by the Natives, as the Head of their Chief. I asked him who should have the axe, when I had got his head. He replied, I might give it to his Son. At length he said, “Perhaps you will trust me a little time; & when I die, you shall have my head. I promised that he should have an axe, & he gave me two mats in order to secure it. I told him that I had not one left: they were all at Rangheehoo. He replied he would send for it; which he did when we finally left the river. We hastened back as fast as possible; & arrived at our lodgings about 6 o’clock, having gone by calculation, little less than 40 miles by water. The War Canoes go at a great rate, when well manner. We told the Chief, Tarawheka, that we must leave him in the morning. He provided a present of potatoes and two hogs to take with us. The priest of the Heads was our constant companion. As he was so well informed on all subjects relative to his country and religion, I wished to learn from him who was the first man at New Zealand. He answered that the first man who visited New Zealand from whom all originated was named Mowhee— that he left his own country with his followers, on account of public troubles; and was afterward conducted, by the God of Thunder, to Showrakkee, or what we call the River Thames— and that Tau- [f] rekkee, the God of Thunder, sat at the head of his canoe, and brought him safe to land— His name is held in great veneration, and he is worshipped as a Deity. For several miles on the south west side of the river the beach is covered with round stones of various descriptions, from 1 to 6 feet in diameter. I asked the priest whence they came, as I had seen nothing like them in any part. He said that Mowee dug them out of the bed of the river when he made the channel. They attribute to Mowhee many of the natural productions of the island. We conversed with them on the motion of the earth: the relative situation of other countries to theirs— the number of months a ship would be sailing to different parts— what countries produce iron, coal, wheat, wine, spirits, tea, sugar, rice &c &c, & what articles their own country is capable of producing, when once they should have the means to grow them. All these subjects gratified them very much; and, during the conversation, they made many judicious observations, expressing their desire that they might only be able to try what their country would do. We closed the day, with reading a portion of Scripture, singing a hymn, and prayer. Oct. 9, 1819. At day break, this morning, we heard the lamentations of the poor Widow on the summit of the hill, weeping for her Children. Her affliction of mind was very heavy. The consolations of religion could not pour the oil of joy into her wounded spirit. She knew not God, and had no refuge to fly for relief. In the fullest sense of the Apostle’s meaning, she was without hope, and without God, in the world; and this is the situation of the whole of her countrymen, when under affliction. They will sit for months, night and day, mourning in a similar manner, for the loss of their dearest relatives. The blessings which Divine revelation communicates to the whole body of nations who are favoured with it, can never be adequately estimated. The Knowledge of the only True God spreads its genial influences, from the King on his Throne, through all the different ranks of his Subjects, down to the condemned Felon in his cell. [f] After Commiserating the affliction of the poor widow I returned to Breakfast, which was no sooner over, than we prepared for our Departure, to a Village, called Tapappa about Eighteen or twenty Miles furder [sic] up the River. Our Company now was larger, we left Wetewhahetee in five [? fine] Canoes all laden more or less with provisions and several live Stock, or Hogs. On our passage up the River, we were Joined by the Brother and Son of Poro. Poro is a great chief not far from the North Cape, none of the Men in the Canoe belonging to Poro were Tattooed. I made Inquiries after Poro, though I had never seen him, about three years ago he sent one of his people over to Port Jackson in the Active, when sent him back a few Presents, I gave his Brother a Plane Iron and a Pocket Knife, having nothing more left and promised to give him an Axe, he said that he would go to Rangheeho with us for it, but as this would be a great and laborious Journey, I told him I would send one to Moodeewhy’s for him, with which he was satisfied.— Poro and Moodeewhy were friends. Poro had herd [sic] of the difference between Moodewhy and Matanghee and had sent his Son and Brother to know the Particulars to offer his assistance if wanted— I wish [sic] to know how he had come from his own Place, whether by sea or land as the distance must be very Considerable, he replied by Land, I asked if there were no rivers to obstruct him, he answered none, but such as they could easily cross.— When he came to the Branch of the River that led to Tootakoora Moodeewhy’s Village, he left us and we proceeded towards Tapappa, where we intended to rest for the night. We arrived at Tapappa in the afternoon. The chief who is named Patuona, had made every preparation for our reception, he had Constructed a new and Commodious hut for us and was greatly rejoiced to see us,— [f] [In another hand] Patuona is one of the most pleasant chiefs that I met with, he has a fine open Countenance, in which the greatest kindness and good Nature are expressed, he told me that he had a great desire to visit Port Jackson, in the Active, and would be glad to go soon, even in the Capacity of a Cook, which is one of the Meanest Situations that there Slaves are placed in, and added, if I Considered him a Gentleman, he would then go as my friend. I promised him that his wish should be granted, when an opportunity offered, he made inquiry about the growth of Grain and had a small Patch of wheat growing from Seed, which he had received from the Missionary Settlement— Patuona is very anxious to improve his Counterymen [sic] and to better their Situation. Should he ever Visit Port Jackson, he will derive the greatest advantage from seeing the Comforts of Civilized life and the Improvements going on there in Building, Agriculture, &c— Moodewhy whom we found with Patuona was Verry [sic] urgent with me to send him a Red flannel Shirt, a Nightcap and a pair of Spectacles, desirig if he could only get these articles he would be a great man— We had not been long with Patuona before a Mesenger arived [sic] and Informed Moodeewhy that Matanghee had been removing the Bones of [f] his ancestors, from the Sepulchre in which they had been deposited, When Moodeewhy received this information, it pierced his very heart, he said that if it was not for the respect which he had for us, he would go that night and kill Matanghee, he further observed that it had been his Intention to visit Port Jackson in the Active, but now his distress would be so great and of so long Continuance that he Could not go, he had no prospect of relieving his mind but by travelling from Place to Place, in his own Country and among his friends, he wished to have our opinion whether he should go immediately and kill Matanghee or not. We told him that we could not interfair [sic] with the Customs of there Countery, but in England, Great men did nothing hastily, but always took time to Deliberate, and we thought that he had better not be in too much haste to Punish the offence. Moodewhy never recovered his spirit while we stayed his Mind was gloomy and oppressed. Matanghee and he were near relatives, or there would not have been the forbearance, in either party, which there had been, they would soon have settled their Dispute by an appeal to arms. But Family Connections prevented their Indulging their Natural feelings and love of War— Shunghee since my arrival punished five men with Death, for Sacrilege, as already Mentioned, and no doubt but Moodeewhy from the same influence of Superstition [f] on his Mind would, to relieve his own Distress and as a satisfaction to the faction [sic] to the Spirits of his Departed Ancestors, act in the Same way, was it in his Power to do so— Patuona was a relation and friend to both parties he was Concerned for the quarrel, but Said that they were both wrong. Matanghee was wrong in Shooting Moodeewhy’s Pigs and Moodeewhy was equaly [sic] wrong in Shooting Matanghees. He said if Matanghee had shot his Pigs he would not have retaliated on him by shooting his, but would have had no Connection with him in future, he should have considered him to have acted so unlie a Chief, but his Brother, he observed who was present, would have acted as Moodeewhy did. How they will accommodate their differece, we Cannot Say. We were oblidged to them for Suppressing there Mutal [sic] resentment while we were with them, it was indeed an attention that we could not have expected from Men in their State— We spent our time at this Village pleasantly, our accommodations were Comparatively good and our Companions were very entertaining particularly the Priest of the Winds and Waves— October the 10th 1819 This Morning we prepared for our final departure from the Shukeangha, we had left several Villages and Chiefs, whom for want of time we could not visit though they provided for us— We had now to part with Moodeewhy and Mwenna, the head Chief of the river, who had never [f] left us since we met. Mowenna wept at our departure and Directed the Priest to accompany us to Rangheehoo to learn if the Active had arrived and if there was any prospect of her Visiting their River in order that they might prepare the timber for her. It would have been impossible for any Civilized Nation to pay us more attention than these Heathens did so far as their Mains [sic] and Knowledge extended. When we left Patuonas Village we were more than fifty in Company— Most of them going for an Axe or a hoe or some small edged tool, they would have to travel, by land and Water from 100 to 140 Miles, in some of the worst Paths, Through Woods that can be conceived and to Carry their Provisions for their Journey. A Chief’s wife came with us all the way, and I belive [sic] her load could not be less than 100 lbs, and many carried much more, we had to travel on the Shukeangha, Patuona took me and Mr Kendall and Puckey in his Canoe for some Miles up the River; till we came to a fall, when we landed in a wood about the Middle of the day, we estimated our Distance from the Heads to be between forty and fifty Miles or upwards, the Body of our Party had ran on— We had now to travel threw [sic] a verry thick wood on the banks, and at particular points had to wade the River, Some very fine young Man [sic] went before us, clearing the way as well as the[y] Could by treading and breaking down the brush wood and Branches of trees, It was very fatiguing to walk [f] in the wood, and from the very heavy rain that fell in the Morning, was very wet and Dreary— Near dusk in the Evening we came to the last Station on the Banks of the River, where we put up, for the night, under a little shed, open for the night wind and rain and the Party with us made a third for themselves, the night was Cold and we were very wet and weary, our Servants kindled some fires and Dressed some Pork and Potatoes on which we dined, the chiefs had sent Nine hogs with us and many hundred weight of Potatoes, one hog we killed and Dressed this Evening— All had now returned home who did not intend to accompany us to the end of our Jorney [sic] though we Still Mustered in our little Camp between fifty and Sixty Persons— This was a very solitary Station on the Banks of a river in a very deep Valley Surrounded with Lofty timber of Various kinds, and a days Jorney [sic] from any Native Village or farm— our only Companions being men in a State of Nature, some of whom had never seen a Vessel, or Visited the Missionary Settlement. October 11th, 1819 we rose early this Morning after a very Cold and uncomfortable night and prepared for our Jorney, in hops of reaching KiddeeKiddee in the Evening, which we estimated to be twenty Six Miles from our Station— We had Still a very Difficult part of the wood [f] to pass, and after walking for almost two hours, we reached the open Ground, near which Stands a large Stump, the remains of a Pine cut down by the Great Tippahee, for his Canoe, The Chips still remain round the Place where he made the Canoe, I sat down on the Stump and reflected on the Conversation which I had with Tippahee Fourteen years before and the events that had since occurred relative to his Country, Hw would he have rejoiced had he now been alive, to see the Present opening Prospect for the Benefit of his native Land, I may here observe that he Just planted the Acorn but died before the Stirdy oak appeared above the Surface of the Ground, When Tippahee had Completed his Canoe he had more than twenty Miles to carry it over land by Mere Muscular Strenght [sic]. When we left the wood we had a clear pen country before us through which our road lay for upwards of twenty miles— Some of the Soil good Some Gravelly and some swampy, Some of the Swamps which we Passed might be easily drained as there appeared a sufficient fall, Our road was very good Excepting the Swamps and in general Level, we found it easy and Pleasant to travel Compared with what we had Passed the proceeding [sic] day— After walking very hard till about six oclock in the evening with only resting once for a Short Period we arrived at Kiddeekiddee, tired and weary we found Shunghee there, but Mr Butler and the Carpenters were at Ranghee-hoo, I immediately lay down to rest [f] in the only Building yet Completed— Shunghee informed me that two days before a Chief named Temana killed his Wife for Adultery. She was caught in the fact, and acknowledged her Guilt when her Husband knocked her on the head with a pattoo, He said her punishment was Just, Her Brother came and took away the Body which was Conveyed to the Sepulcher of her friends. She was a woman of rank, Her friends would not Punish her Husband, because he had acted according to the established Customs of the Country, Further than taking away a few Baskets of Potatoes, as a Satisfaction for the Death of the women, A man will Sometimes put away his Wife for adultry, but he may put her to death when the fact is fully proved if he likes, and his Conduct in so doing will meet with the Public approbation— After Conversing with Shunghee we read Portion of Gods Word— Sung a Hymn— and returned Grateful thanks to our Heavenly Father, who had preserved us in our Going out, and Coming in and had prospered us in our Journey, and Brought us to our resting place in health and peace. Shunghee and several of the Natives remained with us, During the time, I pointed out to Shunghee that it was our duty to pray to God and to thank him for keeping us by Night and by Day, that his Eye was Over us and His ear herard [sic] us when [f] we Prayed, and that he did us good at all times. Shunghee behaved with much propriety and said that it was right we should pray, we then lay down and enjoyed a good nights rest— On the 12th Octr 1819, this Morning we intended to return to Ranghee-hoo after breakfast. Shunghee had a quantity of Sweet Potatoes dressed for us and our friends. I was much Gratified with the progress that had been made in our new Settlement during our absence, a Considerable quantity of Ground had been Broken up and Part of it Planted with Maize, a Number of Seeds had been Sown in the Garden. which had been Brought to Port Jackson from England nd were up, the Vines were many of them in leaf, The fruit trees, had also been planted and the whole Settlement began to put on the appearance of Civilization, than which nothing cold be more Gratifying to the mind. A Building had also been erected for the accommodation of the Labouring Natives. From what I saw, I was convinced that all hands had been very busy, and that much had been done in a short time with the Small hours which Mr Butler and his Colleagues can Command,— About nine oclock we left Kiddeekiddee nd in our way down the river, Visited a Village on the Banks Called Mootooetee belonging to a Chief [f] Named Shourakke, whom I had promised to visit. We found him at home, with several chiefs from other Parts. He was much pleased, with our calling to see him, while we stopped the wind rose and it began to rain heavily, After waiting till Evening without any prospect of the weather clearing up, and the water being rough, I resolved to remain till the next day, Showrakke told me that it was not safe for me to venture in the Canoe, as it would be in Great Danger of upsetting, and recommended us to stay till Morning. Mr Kendall was very anxious to get home I therefore left him to act as he pleased, and he embarked for Ranghee-hoo having about seven miles to pass through a very open and rough Sea, leaving me with the Chiefs where I remained all night— I here met with Mayangea a chief who had been to England about twelve years ago, with Mr Savage. He made particular inquiries after the Queen, whom he had seen, and said she was old, and wished to know if she was alive. I told him that She died about Eight Moons before, he wished to know if the Prince of Wales, the duke of York, and the other Branches of the Royal Famely were well, he gave the surrounding Chiefs a Particular account of what he had seen in England— mentioned London Bridge [f] and the Water Works there and told them how the water was conveyed by pipes into the Diferent houses in the City, and many other particulars relative to our mode of living, houses Carriages, Shipping, Churches, Roads, agriculture & how the Cooks dressed the Food for Gentlemens Tables and that they never ate it but only tasted it in the kitchen before it was served up. They heard him with great attention— There was an old chief called Tukopedu who was ^a cripple in both his Legs and a man as Proud of his Consequence and Dignity as any whom I had seen, He informed me that his land, and Subjects extended from the Shukeangha to the Whycoto near 150 miles, and that he had heard King George was so great a Man that he never went on Board a Ship, and that he was equally as Great in New Zealand and for that reason he never went on board any Vessel. They talked nearly the whole of the Night on Various Subjects, relative to Civil life, and were very anxious for me to visit the very long River Whycoto, on the Banks of which, according to all the Statement [sic] of the Natives there is a Very Great population, I promised to go, if my time would admit, and the Chiefs, Promised to accompany me. October 13th 1819 on the return of day Showrakke ordered his Large Canoe, when himself Moyanger and Some of his people accompanied [f] Me to Ranghee-hoo where I found Mr Kendall arrived in safety. The chiefs of the Shukeangha who accompanied us on our return, were Waiting my arival [sic] in ordr to receive the Presents which we had promised them, they all assembled at the Store where we gave them twenty one Axes, Seventeen hoes fifteen flat tokees, two Dozen Plane Irons two adzes and a quantty of Fish hooks, with a few pocket Knives and Jews harps— Tamangena the Priest of the winds and waves, was in the Number, he had Promised that when he came to Ranghee-hoo, I should hear his God Speak to him, as I told him that I could not belive [sic] that he ever did Converse with him unless I he^ard him myself, I now Called upon him for the fulfilment of his Promise, as I wished to hear his God, he replied his God was not at Ranghee-hoo at that time and therefore I Could not hear him, I smiled at him and told him that I belived he never heard him himself— When they had all received their presents they returned much gratified with our Visit and Conduct to them— Octr 14th on my return to Ranghee-hoo Mr Butler informed me that a Chief from Tiami had been very turbulent and troblesome, when he was up at KiddeeKiddee, by going to the house of Mr William Hall, in a very threatening manner, and demanded an Axe. On Mr Butler’s return he renewed his application [f] when Mr Butler gave him two hoes and an Axe. He came again today bringing along with him two Dogs for Sale, which were purchased from him he was Still dissatisfied and wanted an other Axe— There were several Chiefs belonging to his tribe with him who remained on the Beach, and though they did not appear to Countenance his Violent Conduct, they took no Steps to check him, we Could not but infer from their Silence that what he did, was with their Consent and that if he Could not obtain by fair Means these articles which he wanted, they did not disapprove of his trying what threatening would do. We remonstrated with them on the Impropriety of his Conduct, and told them that the Europeans would not remain in New Zealand, if they were not protected from Insult, for we came for their good and not for [our] own, they Expressed their regard for us and pretended to be Displeased with the Conduct of the Chief which was Extreamly Violant— A length I told them that Mr Kendall and myself would Visit their District and hear what the Different Chiefs had to say, and if they had any Complains to make, we would hear them, and redress them, as far as we had the means to do so, with this assurance there [sic] were well satisfied, and Monday was fixed on for our Departure from Ranghee-hoo to Tiami— October 16. 1819. Five of the Principal Chiefs came to conduct us, with their Slaves to carry our Provisions— Octr 18th ware prevented leaving the [f] Settlement by heavy rain. Octr 19th we prepaired for our Departure, when we had got our boxes all ready for the Canoes, an old Chief tok them up, in order to examine their Weight, From their Lightness he suspected that there were no Axes in them, His Countenance lowered Immediately, and he kicked the Boxes away from him with Indignation, I remonstrated with the Chief and told them, that if they behaved in that Disrespectful Manner I would not go among them, When they found that we were not likely to visit them they became Very earnest in their entreaties, and as they had been anxiously waiting for us three Days, I was as anxious to meet their wishes, at the same time I was determined not to go, till all Matters were finally arranged, relative to our Visit as what we should pay for the Canoes and for the Slaves to carry our Baggage and what presents the Chiefs belonging to the different Villages would expect us to take them, these were all finally Settled before we embarked to prevent Disputes when we returned, after every arrangement had been Made to our Mutal [sic] Satisfaction, we left Rangheehoo about Eleven oclock in the Morning in two Canoes. On our passage up the KiddeeKiddee a Canoe Very Beautifully carved from the River Thames Passed us, These Canoes are well made will lie in a rough Sea and go Verry fast, in our Canoe ware Several young Slaves from the Southward and one from the East Cape [f] I enquired what price the chief had Paid for them for one a fine youth, he had given Twenty Baskets of Sweet Potatoes and one Axe for nother [sic] The others I believe were Prisoners of War— We arrived at Okoora the Village of the head chief named Wytarow— about Six oclock where we were to Sleep for the Night, The Chief had got one of the neatest Huts that I had seen in New Zealand— After we had taken some refreshment and the Darkness of the Evening had Closed upon us the chief ordered a fire to be made around which we all sat down. We then Desired the Chiefs to state the Grounds of their Grievances. They began by saying that they h no private Complaints to make that their Grivances [sic] were of a Public nature; they stated that when the Europeans first came to New Zealand they all settled with Duaterra and Shunghee by which means the Power and Wealth of Shunghee were greately Increased that when the last Europeans came, they Expected to get one to reside with them, but these also wee appropriated to Shunghee which threw all the Trade into his Hands. They alledged that they could not go to trade with the Missionaries within Shunghees Jurisdiction on one hand, this would lower their Dignity and on the other Shunghees people would not allow them as it was Contrary to the Custom of the Countery, for one chief to interfere in Matters of trade with another within his own District, what they wanted was an equal advantage of Trade, which they Could not enjoy, without the residence of a [f] Missionary among them to whom they could dispose of their property without any of those degrading restraints which they were now under. What they have to sell is a few potatoes and Hogs, these are their principal Commodities They Further alledged that people had cast reflections upon them and charged some of their people with Theft, which had made them very angry, they did not attempt to deny, that some of their Tribe had with or without their Knowledge taken some Triffling things from the Europeans, but Shunghees people had been more guilty in this respect. They asked us who had put up the Boys to steal our chisels &c when we landed our Stores, Intimating that this had been done privately, either by Shunghee himself or his secret agents, they thought it hard that they should be equally Blamed with Shunghee’s people for theft without deriving any of those profits from trade, which Shunghee’s people enjoyed, they Conceived that they had not been treated with that respect and attention to which their Rank and Power in New Zealand entitled them, that the Europeans were equally indebted to them as they were to Shunghee, for their protection— that their Tribe was as powerful and respectable as his and their Lands More Extensive— and that they had the Same right to the Harbour where the Ships anchored and the Shores, where the Boats landed, they said they were not offended at our making a New Settlement at Kiddeekiddee where Shunghee resided all that [f] they monopolise the whole of the Trade by having all the Europeans living under his Authority, as this makes him and his people assume more Consequence, then they were entitled to and tended to Lower their Tribe in the Public opinion. The Principal articles of trade are Spades, hoes, axes & which are Missionary Stores and the articles for which they are so urgent— These and many others Strong arguments they used to Convince us that they had Sufficient Public Grounds to be Dissatisfied— I could not but admit the force of their reasoning and regretted much that they should have any Just Cause of Complaint, and in Answer to their Statements, I wished to lay before them the real reason of this apparent partiality, at the Same time I assured them that we were equally anxious to administer to their Wants, and to the Wants of all their Countrymen as we were to Shunghees as far as we had the Means to do so— In the first place I stated the Cause why we paid our attention to Shunghee— that Tippahee was a near relation to Shunghee and the first New Zealand Chief whom I had seen at Port Jackson and with whom I had formed a particular Intimacy— that when I returned from England I brought Me[ss]rs Hall and King with me with the Intention to send them Immediately to New Zealand to Tippahee to teach his people, but when I arrived at Port Jackson, I was Informed that the Boyd had been Cut off by the People of [f] Whangarooa and all her Crew killed and eaten and a Number of his People were killed by the Europeans in Consequence of the Distruction of the Boyd. Shortly after these events, the New Zealanders killed and ate three men belonging to a Ship Called the New Zealander a Whaler, These Dreadful crimes, which their Country Men had been guilty of, struck the Europeans with horror. I was afraid to send Messrs Hall and King least they Should Kill and eat them alive also. After they had waited more than four years in Port Jackson Mr Kendall came from England with the intention of coming to teach the New Zealanders and after he had remained for some time at Port Jackson I sent him and Mr Hall to visit Duaterra, to know if they wished any of the Europeans to Come and live with them if they did I wished him and two or three other Chiefs to Come over to Port Jackson, with Messrs Kendall and Hall, for their Families, Duaterra returned and Shunghee and Korokoro accompanied him with Messrs Kendall and Hall, Tippahee being Dead and Shunghee promised with Duaterra that he would take care of the Missionaries, they came and were placed under their protection by me. I told them that I should have Come if Governor Macquaie would have allowed me, but he would not give his permission fearing they Would kill and eat me as the[y] had done the Crew of the Boyd— [f] We further state to them that their crimes were Viewed with horror by all Europeans which made them afraid to Come among them, that if they wished for any Europeans to live in their Country, they must shew great Kindness to those who are now with the in order to remove the bad Impressions from the Minds of the Europeans which their past Conduct had made, In answer to this they said it was right that the first Settlers should Come to Shunghee and they did not wish to have any of the Miss-ionaries who lived under his Protection, but they were very desirous to have one at least [?] of those that had lately Come I replied that the number was so few, that I Could not divide them if I did we should not be able to Show them the advantages of a farm and other Improvements which we now intended to make but asured them if they behaved well to the Missionaries in the Iseland at Present, I would as soon as I Could get them one or more to live in their District, but I Could not make them a full Promise, adding if one Should Come, he might be unwilling to live with them They answered they would not wish to Compel a Missionary to live with them against his will, but if he was sent for their benefit and did not live with them they should request that he might be sent back again to Port Jackson and not be permitted to live [f] With Shunghee Temmarangha who is one of the principal Chiefs and had lived with me a Short time at Parramatta, Said he wanted a man who Cold Pr[e]ach, teach Children to read and write administer Medicines when they were sick and show them how to Cultivate their Land— With regard to the charges of Cruelty against them they stated that the Eurpeans had killed many of their Countrymen on the most trivial occasions and Some Instances they mentioned why they had been Shot without Committing any offence, the Europeans had also often Defrauded them of their property and illtreated their women the Boyd was cut off in Consequence of the Captain having Flogd the chief, with respect to the Ship New Zealander, they said that a Chief a near relation to Tippahee, named Tarria Stole a Musket from the People who were wooding upon his Land, as a Satisfaction for the Europeans Storming Tippahees Island and killing his People, when the men returned to the Vessel and Informed the Captain he sent two armed Boats which fell in with a party Belonging to the Chief who was giving us this account, they Informed the Sailors that they were not the people who had Stolen the Musket, but the Sailors, either thro Ignorance of the Language or from wontonness, fired on the Innocent Party twice whereupon the Natives attacked them and two of the white [f] People were killed afterwards the Sailors shot Tarreses Uncle in which fray an European was killed, the chiefs on the South side of the Harbour as three white men had been killed and only one New Zealander demanded Satisfaction according to the law of retaliation for the Death of the two Europeans, when two New Zealanders were killed by themselves Belonging to the Tribe who had killed the two Europeans and afterwards their Bodies were taken in a Canoe alongside the Ship to show the Master that they had done Justice to the Crew by Punishing with Death their own Countrymen for the murder of his Men. The Mentioned instances where their own people had been Shot and no Satisfaction made for their Lives by the Europeans and that a Great Number had been killed by Captain Hovel who Commanded a Vessel from Port Jackson in a Harbour between the River Thames and Mercury Bay and Intimated that these People would take Satisfaction for the lives of their relatives at some future Period when opportunity offered— I then told them that a law had been passed in England for the Punishment f any European who should wantonly kill a New Zealander and that if any of the New Zealanders killed any European if they came to Port Jackson afterwards they should be hung, they were much Gratified with the Information I told them that King George wished to Protect them [f] From Violence as well as his own people, and that he would Punish the guilty whenever they Could be Caught, whether they were Englishmen or New Zealanders. They said if any European should kill a New Zealander they Should wish to see him Executed. After Conversing till a late hour on all these Subjects, in which we received mutual Satisfaction we lay down in our clothes to rest— October 20—1819 We rose early this Morning and prepared for our Journey to Tiami where we arived [sic] in the evening about half past four oclock Very Weary with our Walk, the distance we estimated at more than twenty Miles, In our way lay several Swamps through Some of which we Waded and through others were Carred. One of them is about a Mile through. We passed through only to Small woods the Country is Very open and the Lands in General pretty level, Some of it is Exceedingly god, and other parts either Gravelly, Stony or swampy, though the Swamps in most places Might be drained it is well Watered in all directions, with fine falls of Wate for Mills of any kind the whole Countery [sic] through which we passed belonged to the Chiefs who accompanied us— About five Miles before we came to any of the Villages in the District of Tiami we passed through a very fine plain where the Soil appeared Very rich, though Stony, The whole from the grass that was upon [f] it appeared at one time to have been in Cultivation at some former Period and there was evident traces of a large population, we passed near the ruins of two Villages on the edge of the plain, which are now wholly uninhabited, they had been strongly fortified at no very distant Period, the Chief informed us that they belonged to him and his friends, and at one time Contained 1000 Inhabitants, but they had been besiged, and were Compelled at lenght [sic] to yield to the enemy and to quit their Stronghold. The hills are Very high on which the Village stood and so strong by Nature that they could not be easily taken unless the Inhabitants were Starved out— When we arrived at the first Village of Tiami we were introduced to the old Chief who appeared to be more than eighty years of age, but was all life and Spirits, he danced for Joy when we gave him a chisel he Expressed the Greatest Satisfaction at our Visit, from his hands he appeared to have Just returned from Labour in the Potatoe Grounds, he informed us that he remained on the farm to attend to his Cultivation but that he would Come to Rangheehoo to see us he told us he had seen three generations and was in the Midle of life when the first ship Came to New Zealand, The Captains Name he said was Stivers, Two other Ships came afterwards before Captain Cook the Captain of which was killed by the Natives near Cape Brett because they had killed many of the Natives and [f] had Destroyed one whole Village in the Bay of Islands, this old Chief appeared in perfect health. His Village Stands in a fertile Spot sheltered by lofty Pines and Watered by many Beautiful Small Streams, sufficient to turn a Mill. Here we Spent the Evening Conversing on the agriculture and other useful arts the Laws and Customs of other Countries, the object of the Missionaries in Coming to live among them the Manner in which they Should Treat them if they expected others to come to live in their Country and the advantages which they would derive from the richness of their Soil when once Wheat and Barley were introduced among them.— We told them that it was not the custom in England for Gentlemens Wives to Cultivate the land whereas their Wives were working from Morning to night in the field— that Gntlemen in England had only one Wife some of them had ten, that so many Wives occasioned much trouble and many quarrels. They observed that what we said was Very true that such a number of Wives Caused great Disputes that it often happened in those quarrels that the Women would go and hang themselves, but they alledged that Notwithstanding these evils they Could not Dispense with their number of Wives, either as labourers or overseers they could not Cultivate their [f] Lands at all for they had no Money to pay for the Cultivation of their Lands and without the assistance of their Wives, either as Labourers or Overseers they could not cultivate their Lands at all, if they had the same means that the Gentlemen in England had Cultivating their lands with Cattle their wives should be employed in a Different way, they Could not alter their Present Plan till they got the means.— We told them that we hoped that in time they Could have those advantages but much would depend on their own Conduct towards the Europeans, if they behaved well to them, others Could be encouraged to come and Live amongs [sic] them if ill those who now in New Zealand would return to their own Country. They only wished for an oppertunity to show their attention by having two or three among them. The New Zealanders are eager to gain instruction and have quick Conceptions and retentive Memories, we Conversed till a late hour, when we Sung a Hymn, Returned thanks to God for his Goodness and Committed ourselves to his Gracious protection for the Night— October 21, 1819 We rose early this morning and afterwards Walked over the Potatoe Grounds with the Chief where the People were all at Work, Some were Planting Maize but did not understand how [f] that Grain should be planted, they put the Grains near together, which would hinder the Growth of the Plant, I showed them how we planted Maize by Planting some, The Chief saw Immediately the advantage of giving the Plant Sufficient room and Directed his People to follow the Instructions which I had given them, The Chief treated us with every mark of attention in his Power, on our arival he addressed his People with much warmth and Commanded them not to Steal the Smalest article from us, on any account if they did Shunghees people would hear of it and they would be Disgrased, he Said if they had would behaved well to us I Perhaps would and an European to live among them, he could not Say that I would, but perhaps I might, if they did not behave well they would have no hope of ever having any Europeans in their District, after Breakfast our Next Visit was to the Village of the Chief who had been so Sulky and Shoved the Boxes about at the Settlement, previous to our Setting off on our Journey, this old Chief made an apology for his Conduct and Said that he was not angry, but he had heard of our Generosity and came to see if we would bestow an axe on him, thinking there was none in the Boxes, his Mind was hurt as he was afraid of being Disappointed, he now Showed his anxiety to do all that he could to make our Visit to him Pleasant, we were attended by a large Number of Natives, he gave us a hog which we ordered to be [f] Killed for our attendants and abundance of Sweet and Common Potatoes were dressed for all present he prepared a clean shed for us to Sleep in and Exerted all his ability to make us Comfortable— After Dinner I went to see a Hot Spring in a wood about four Miles Distance, the Water was warm and Very offensive, it sent forth a Continual Stream and on the Surface was a thick Scum like Yellow Ocher, but of rather a redder cast with which the Natives Paint themselves, the water had a strong Sulphuris smell, I brought away with me some of the Stone about it which is hard and flinty, the Natives informed me that there was another Spring about six Miles from the Village where the Water is white and Very offensive No Wild Ducks or Fowls were ever seen on this Water.— We returned to the Village performed our Evening Devotions and Conversed with the Chiefs, on Various Subjects till a late hour. The night was Cold and Dark and our shed open on three Sides and no Roof, which made our accommodation Very uncomfortable, The New Zealanders Men Women and Children lay down round about the Shed like Cattle in a farm-Yard and apparntly [sic] as unconcerned about the rain and Cold.— October 21, 1819 after Breakfast I went to Visit the white Spring it is a Small lake about half a Mile round and appears at a Distance white like [f] Milk but when at the edge of the lake not quite so white about a Mile before I came to the Lake I fell in with one of Clear Water, on which were a Number of Wild Ducks, a Quantity of Brimstone was lying on the ground in Different Directions Specimens of which I brought away with me, the Whole Surface of the Country for Miles appears as if there had been some Volcanic Eruption, Swamps Lakes and Barren Soil, It appears as if there had been a Wood of Pines which is now all Burnt not so much as one tree remaining there is here and there the root of a pine which has been burnt into the Surface of the Ground and Pices [sic] of Rosin which have come from the Pine tree are lying on the ground in all Directions the Soil is Extremely poor Stoney and Wet and of a White Nature like Pipeclay. The Natives told me as we walked along where there were other Springs of a Similar Nature not far distant a quantity of Rosin lies on the Banks of the white Lake, and in Various Parts of the Lake is a froth on the Surface, like yeast on New Beer, when Working in the Vat, I brought a Bottle of the Water away with me, intending to take it to Port Jackson as perhaps it might be analyzed there, The Stony creek through which the Water from the Lake Continually runs appears as if Covered with lime from the Sediment, left by the [f] Water in its Course through the rocks and all the Stone in the Creek is hard as flint Specimens of which I also Brought away. Before I left the Village for the Next I took a firestick into a Shed where our Boxes and provisions were laid, a little Brimstone upon it to see what effect the fire would have, as soon as the Chiefs Saw the Smoake they were all Dreadfully alarmed and Called aloud to me to take the fire out of the Shed, I asked why they were so afraid They replyed that their God would kill them all for there were Provisions in our Boxes in the Shed and if fire was taken into the Shed where there were Provisions they would all die, To allay their fears I threw the fire Sticks down and then Endeavoured to Convince them that all their fears were groundless that their Tabooing of their Provisions the Vesels out of which the[y] eat their houses & [c] was all a delusion that there was no Such thing in Europe and that I was not afraid to eat any thing nor to Sleep in any house nor to have fire and Provisions in the Same house,— They said if they did not pay very particular attention to all that their Priests told them, they would die, if the went to Battle, and Neglected any ceremony relative to their food, & [c] and a spear only touched them they would die immediately, but if they observed the [f] Ceremonies, and a spear should go through their Bodies, they would not die, I told them that the observance of those things would have no effect in preserving their lives in Battle, they Contended warmly that it would, and one of the Chiefs came forward and showed where a Spear had passed through his lungs and both his Blood and his Breath came through the orifice of the Wound and yet he recovered because he paid attention to the Injunction of the Priests, In answer to this, I said that I had seen a large barbed spear taken out of the Body of a Man at Parramatta which had been thrown at him by a Native, and Wounded the intestines so much that the food which he ate, Came through the Wound which the spear had made, for a Considerable time, yet he recovered and was alive and Well when I left Parramatta, though he had never been tabooed nor his food, nor his House. They expressed their astonishment that he should recover from such a Wound without attention to Similar Ceremonies with themselves on the observation of which, they belived [sic] the Issue of life or Death to Dpend. I also told them that instances had occurred of Soldiers in Battle, being Shot through the Lungs with a Ball, as the Chief had been Speared, and Nevertheless recovered, and yet they were not tabooed. I asked them if the Chief had been speared through the heart or the Temples of the head whether he would have recovered or not, admitting he had been tabooing. [f] The[y] replied that he would not, I then wanted to know of what us their tabooing was as Europeans recovered from Similar Wounds with themselves without tabooing. They said that some time ago one of their tribe went on board a Ship where he ate some provisions Contrary to their Customs when their God in his anger slew a great many of them. I inquired in what manner those that died were affected, they represented their tongues to be foul and their whole bodies in a Burning heat the Natives supposing the heat which they experienced to proceed from a Secret fire within them threw off all their Mats drank and bathed in Cold Water and exposed themselves as much as they Could to Cold, under the Idea that Cold would quench the heat that Could Would quench which they felt, we informed them this was the way to increase the heat and to kill them, and that instead of Exposing themselves to the cold and going naked and lying naked in the open air in the Night they Should have kept themselves Warm in order to make them perspire as the Perspiration would Cary [sic] off the burning heat from their Bodys and not Cold air and Water, they laughed at this Idea and Supposed that this would increase their Complaint, I then asked them if they remembered at any time when they perspired freely. feeling that burning heat in their Bodies, which they mentioned after some reflection and Consultation togeather they thought from [f] what they felt when they perspired freely, that we might be right in our opinion— They then asked me how Duaterra came to die, I told them that by great Exertion and lying out in the air he got a Volent [sic] Cold which Brought on the burning heat that they Spake of and a Volient [sic] Complaint in his Bowels, the Priests then Tabooed him would let him have Nothing to et or drink for five Days and Would not let him me See him for fear their God should kill him and them. Duaterra had been accustomed to eat our Bread Rice and Sugar and to Drink Tea and Wine and when he was ill the Priests would not allow him to have any of those articles which he had been accustomed to and which might have relieved him. On account of the taboo and for want of Proper Nourishment it was not possible for him to live and Many of their Countery Men like Duaterra, died in Consequence of the Taboo and lying in the Wet and Cold when they felt that Burning heat,— This argument had some weight with them and appeared to Convince them that they were in Error,— We further told them Pomare King of Otaheite thought Some time ago as they did he tabooed his houses and provisions and was Constantly under fear least his God should kill him and his people but Since the Missionaries have lived at Othite [sic] and he and his people he had been taught the Meaning of Gods Book [f] he had abolished all tabooing and had eaten any proper food, and had slept any where, like the Europeans, and was under no fear of being killed by his former Gods, They were much surprised at the Information and Enquired how long it was Since Pomare had Ceased to Taboo, we told them that it was more than three years ago since Pomare had embraced our Religion, The Chiefs then replied that if we would send Missionaries to Instruct them and to Convince them that their Religion was Wrong and to prevent their Gods from killing them they would think & act as we did—, Several of them expressed an ardent desire to Visit Port Jackson as they wished to see how we lived, I Promised that some of them should be permitted to go when opportunity offered. After Dinner we left this Village in order to Visit another about four Miles distant at the foot of a very high Hill Called Pookanawee During our Walk we passed through Some of the Richest land that I had seen in the Island, Free from Timber and fit for all the purposes of agriculture. We arrived about Sunset when an old and Venerable Chief upright as a Column and his teeth as white as Ivory came forward with a long Spear in his hand and Stood at a Distance, where he offered up an Oration and prayer, according to the New Zealand Custom on Receiving Strangers, bidding us Welcome and intreating [f] that his Gods would be propitious during our interview Meaning the Manes of his Departed Ancestors. He invoked the heavens above and the earth below to render our Visit advantageous to his people and Grateful to us and that no harm might happen to us whom he esteemed as Gods of another Country. We heard the profane adulations with Silent grief, and Could not but wish Most ardently for the light of Divine truth to Shine on such a Dark and Superstitious Mind, As we could say nothing at that Moment to this profanation which Shocked our Feelings Mr Kendall took an oppertunity afterwards in the Course of Conversation to Explain to them as we made it a Practice to do at all times that there was only one God Jehovah who made and upholds all things and whom we acknowledged as our God, that we were but Men looking for happiness in him in Consequence of what It is [sic] Son Jesus Christ, had suffered for us— that after death we were not Considered as Gods, as they Considered their departed friends but merely as the Creatures of God Brought by him his Goodness into a State of Happiness and that we did not cut Ourselves for the Dead as they did nor mourn without hope but Went quietly into the Grave in the assurance of Meeting our Friends again— In the Course of the Evening Mr Kendall [f] had a long Conversation with the Chief Toohoo and Temmarangha and Whytarrow in Consequence of these two [sic] speaking Speaking to Toohoo on the Deferent Subjects which had been Discussed, the preceding evening they had accompanied us from Rangheehoo and Constantly been with us when they informed him of what we had Said of the Burning heat in their Bodys and how they Should act under it he Said, we were Gods among other things they had Ignorantly Supposed that I had it in my Power to Command Europeans to live among them but Mr Kendall fully Explained to them that this was not the Case, that I Mr Kendall and my Coleagues were only Members of a General Body the Chief of which resided in England and there united members Consisted of Some thousands who were influenced by Motives of Gratitude to god for the Blessings which had been Conferred on us, on them and on our Ancestors who formerly were in the Same situation that they were in at Present, to impart into them that Knowledge which had been so productive of happiness both in this World and in the Next.— Mr Kendall furthur told them that the Society in England had never thought of them till after I had seen Tippahee when I informed the Society what Situation they were in and Stated that they were men of Good understandings and Capable of Improvement and earnestly Solicited the Society to Send [f] Out Some of their Members to instruct them and that in Concequence of my application to the Society in their behalf an inquiry was made and persons were asked to go into this foreign Country to instruct them, Mr Kendall Stated further that there was a doubt among the Members of the Society whether or not any European could safely live among a people who were in the habit of eating human Flesh which Caused a General fear and hesitation at lenght [sic] however Messrs Hall and King offered their Voluntary Services, as none are Compbelled [sic] to Come without their Free Consent, they accordingly accompanied me to Port Jackson. When they arrived there they were under Considerable Distress on mind on account of the Distruction of the Boyd and Wa^ited four years untill Mr Kendalls arival when I purchased the Active and sent Mr Kindall and Mr Hall over to see whether or not they dared to Venture to live among them. After Messrs Kendall and Hall had visited them they resolved to Come with their Families, whether the[y] were Killed and eaten or not, accordingly they came along with me After remaining a short time and observing the Conduct of their Countrymen, they wrote to England for more Europeans. But Masters of Ships and other persons who were prediced [sic] against them from the reports of there [f] Savageness and eating human flesh wrote against them which had intimidated the Society and had tended to Discredit all that Mr Kendall and I Could Say in their favour. It was not untill the Missionaries had resided in New Zealand for More than three years that they Society Ventured to send any More from England, and if they Wished those Missionaries to remain in the Island they must be kind to all of them and not alarm them and make them uneasy by teasing Applications for Axes, hoes, &c least they Should retire quietly, from them as the Missionaries had formerly done from Otheite with an intention never to return had not Pomare from time to time Solicited them to do— In answer to the above the Chiefs Said that they had never understood the object of the Missionaries so clearly before and with respect to the Main Ground of the Europeans fears— of being killed and Eaten— they Contended this was altogether on our Part Groundless, and that it was absurd to Suppose that they would act so Contrary to their own Interest as to kill and eat people who came to live quietly among them and Introduce so many articles of real Value. Besides they Said we lived here under the approbation and Protection of all the Chiefs and if one Chief was against us he Could only trouble us by his Vexatious applications he would Dread the Power of the other Chiefs and Durst not do us any furthur injury, but if all the Chiefs or the Major [f] Part of them were against us we Could not Stay. They further remarked that as we had done them no Injury they had no Satisfaction to Demand from us, and no Just feelings of retaliation to gratify and observed with a Smile that if they Naturally Craved after human Flesh we Might Make ourselves easy on that head, as the Flesh of a New Zealander was much Sweeter than that of an European in Consequence of the White people eating so much Salt— At Lenght the Conversation led to the origin of eating human flesh, the[y] first alleged that it originated from the largest fishes of the Sea eating other Fishes and of some, even their own kind, that large fishes eat small ones, Small fishes eat insects— dogs will eat Men and Men will eat Dogs and Dogs Devour one an other, the Birds of the Air also devour one another, and one God will Devour another God. I Should not have understood how the Gods Could eat One an Nother, if Shunghee had not before informed me that when he was to the Southward and killed a Number of people he was afraid that their Gods would kill him in retaliation for terming himself a God but he had Caught their God being a reptile and eat part of it and reserved the other part for his friends as it was Sacred fod and by this Means he rested Satisfied that the[y] were all Secure from his resentment— With respect to their teasing Importunities [f] for Axes &c they Said that their anger was merely feigned, and that they were urged to their Importunities by their pressing Necessities for these things for they had tried every Method in their power to get an Axe, or a hoe, when they had Means to pay for them the[y] were always ready to do so and asserted that we Could scarcely Bring forward a Single Instance where a Man had troubled us for an article, when he was able to purchase what he wanted— They Then Stated the General Satisfaction that it would give the Chiefs if two Missionaries were sent to each District, as this would prevent all Jealousies and tend to make the Missionaries More Comfortable, as for their Children they had no objection for them to be taught either reading or Writing.— From all the information that we could Collect on our tour we were fully Satisfyed that Missionaries would be kindly received among them and that it is only the Want of them that has created Discontent, among the Chiefs. October 23, 1819 We rose early this morning in order to prepare for our return, as we wished if possible to reach the Settlement before the Sabbath. About Six oclock while I was taking my Breakfast, on a Sudden I heard Lamentations. On turning to the Place from whence the Came [sic] I observed Several [f] Women crying aloud with the Blood streaming down their Countenances. On Enquiry, I learnt that the chiefs Wife who had accompanied us had Buried a child not long before and these women were come to Mourn and Weep with her on that account they held all their faces together, Mingled their Blood with their Tears, and Cried aloud, Cutting themselves at the Same time with pieces of Flintstone. I was much Shocked at the Sight, the Chief came to me and asked if I was afraid, I answered I was not afraid but I was much grieved to see them Cut themselves in such a manner, that this Custom did not prevail, in any Nation of Europe and was a Very bad one. He replied that the New Zealanders loved their children very much and Could not show it sufficiently without Shedding their Blood, I replied to weep was Very Good but not to Cut themselves. This Barbarous Custom universally prevails among the Natives of this Island.— As soon as we had finished our Breakfast we were presented with a large Hog and a few Bushels of Potatoes and then took our leave of this fine old Chief. Nothing Material occurred during our return and after a tedious Journey by land and Water, we arrived at the Settlement about twelve oclock at Night—[f] Very Weary. The Chiefs and their Servants attended us home and on Monday Morning we paid the Porters who had carried our Baggage and all returned much Satisfied to their respective homes. We were equally satisfyed with the whole of their Conduct towards us, and happy that he object of our Journey, which was that of with Pines Conciliating the goodwill of the rival Chiefs of those Districts and Convincing them that our good wishes were General and not Partial towards them and their Countrymen, which had been accomplished.— Tiami is a Very rich part of the Country and only wants a population to improve its Natural Soil which at the Present is burdened with luxurious weeds with Pines and other timber of Various Kinds. The Chiefs informed us that they had a large Number of people one days Journey further who were Cultivating a rich Soil with Sweet and Common Potatoes, I should Estimate the Extent of their Territory from what I walked over and what they Pointed to us belonging to them at not less than 50 fifty Miles— Novr 7th, 1819 Sunday I Preached administered the Sacrament and Baptised Nine Children [f] belonging to the Settlers born in the Settlement. I trust that the Divine Word and ordinances will Continue in this island of Darkness to the end of time. I have no doubt but the Lord will prepare for himself a people in New Zealand, he never fed any Nation with Manna from heaven but the Israelites and as he has now sent the Manna of his word among these Heathens, we may Safely infer that he will provide Israelites in this Wilderness to feed upon it his promises are sure and known unto him are all his Works from the Beginning— No Permanent Mission could have been Established in New Zealand or in any other Island of the South Seas, had not his ruling providence led the British Nation to Establish a Colony in New South Wales, Through the Medium of the British Nation, he has now sent his Gospel to the Very ends of the earth and the Trumpet of the Jubilee has been sounded from Pole to Pole.— What means has Infinite Wisdom adopted to accomplish the devine purposes, did it please God to Send an army of Pious Christians to prepare his Way in this Wilderness, did he establish a Colony in New South Wales for the advancement of his Glory and the Salvation of the heathen [f] Nations in these Distant parts of the Globe from Men of Character and Principe on the Contrary he takes Men from Dregs of Society who had forfeited their lives to the Laws of their Country he gives them their lives for aperey, and sends them forth to make away for his Servants for them that Should bring glad tidings— that Should Publish peace to the Heathen World, that Should say unto them in the Name of the Lord “Look unto me and be ye saved all the ends of the Earth for I am God and there is None else.” Well may we exclaim with the Apostle “how unsearchable are his Judgments and his Ways past finding out.” I Cannot help thus Combining the Colony in New South Wales in the Grand Chain of Divine providence with all the Missionaries in these Islands as they could not have been Carried on without the Settlement.— Novr 8th, 1819 It was my intention to Sail to day for Port Jackson but having Returned late on Sunday Evening from the Interiour I had many affairs to arrange previous to my Departure for the future Government of the [f] Settlement which occupied me all the day— The Active Weighed anchor and crossed over to the opposite side of the Bay in order that she might be ready to put to Sea the moment that we embarked— Nor 9th this Morning at an early hour I prepared to leave Rangheehoo, the Natives flocked togeather [sic] from various Parts to take their leave or to accompany us on board. Some Wept much and Wished to go with us to Port Jackson others fired their Muskets as a Mark of respect when the Boat left the Shore— it had been determined that Mr Samuel Butler and Mr Wm Halls Son should proceed to New South Wales in the Active the one to instruct Some Native Youths, Sons of Chiefs at Parramatta and the other in order, that he might be educated at Some of the Schools in the Colony. We took leave of our Friends at Rangheehoo with Mutual affection and respect, when I arrived at the Active which lay about Seven Miles off, I found her filled with Natives and Surounded [sic] with Canoes it was Pleasing to see the rival Chiefs from the North Cape to the River Thames, Meet on Board the Active in the Most Friendly Manner as a Common Rndezvous, not armed with their Pattooes and Spears as Formerly but as Men Constuting [sic] One Civil Body they all Claim an interest in the Vessel and therefore under no Restraint in their Visits, their Friendly Meetings will tend much to their Mutual Confidence and friendship the [f] Chiefs Still pressed me to take their Sons with me to port Jackson. As the Wind was against us and I wished to Visit a District up the River Cowa cowa I ordered the Boat, and the Revd Mr Butler accompanied me, when we arrived at the Native Settlement about ten Miles up the River, we found the Chief whom I wished to See was from home, the Natives in the Village Gave us a most Cordial Welcome here we met with some of Mowhees relatives, who when they knew Mr Butler had seen him were much affected, and Mr Butler and the Natives wept together while he gave them an account of Mowhee, They Expressed the Greatest affection for Mr Butler and he was equally affected towards them, he Promised to Visit them again, We Stopped and dined at the Village as there was Plenty of Fine fish and left the Hospitable Natives deeply affected with Joy and Sorrow. When we departed , the rejoiced to see us and Mourned and Wept at the remembrance of Mowhee. We returned to the Active in the evening after the Sun had gone down. The Wind became fair and we Weighed Anchor, the Chiefs still remained on Bord [sic] with their Sons, some of whom I had promised to take but was Compbelled [sic] to refuse others. The Chiefs took leave of their Sons with much firmness and Dignity in the Cabin while on the Deck the Mothers and Sisters of the Boys were Cutting themselves after their Manner and Mingling their Blood with tears, Shungheehoo [sic] the head Chief Parted with his [f] Favourite Son in the Cabin without a tear I afterwards heard him on deck giving Vent to his feelings with the loudest Burst of Weeping— I now ordered the Active to be Searched and all the Natives to be turned into the Canoes, I Promised some of the Chiefs who were very urgant for me to take their Sons to Port Jackson that their Sons should go at a future time by dint of Promises and threats I at lenght [sic] got the Active cleared and Mr Butler and his Coleagues Left us in the Mouth of the Bay about an hour after dark and returned, we were clear of the heads— From my arival at New Zealand to my Departure I had spent about three Months in the Island and regretted much that my time was so limited I wished very anxiously to have Visited the Whycoto, a river to the Southward and Westward of the River Thames. A Number of Chiefs urged me Very much to see this River, they Informed me it was of very Great Lenght [sic] that they were four Months in Going up it, that the people were Very Numerous upon its Banks and that there was no part of New Zealand where there were so Many Inhabitants, This River empties itself into the Sea on the West side of the Island and it is there that all the fine Matts are Made. The Natives also mentioned five rivers [f] of great extent which run into another at a Great distance from the Sea. Whether these rivers are navigable for Ships or not remains to be accertained [sic], but that the Population is Very Great in this Part of the Island there can be no doubt.— In the Journal which I now Submit to you my object has been “to relate Simple facts as they occured [sic] and to Communicate as much information relative to these interesting people as my limited time and the Various other objects that Called for my attention would allow— When I went in the Different District[s] and Wished to Note any thing down that appeared to me Worthy of Notice, I had to steal away away into the Thickets and Conceal myself as well as I could from the Eyes of the Natives while I minuted down any Circumstance or Conversation that tended to throw any light on their Customs, Manners or Religion, but it was seldom that I Could get away unobserved and on that account was oblidged often to write in the Midst of a crowd what I wished to record— You will therefore I am sure Sir make due allowance for any Tautology or want of arrangement that you may meet with in these Sheets, as these observations wee not Studied, but originated from daily occurances. Should they be the means of Softening [f] the prejudices of the Civilized World against the New Zealanders and of inducing the Friends of the Heathen to Support the Societys exertions and to pray for the Blessing of the Lord on his labours my Wishes will then be fully Satisfied I am Convinced that the Wants of these Poor Heathens have only to be made known to the Christian World and then they will be delivered. That Country which is now only an uncultivated Wilderness will then Stand thick with Corn and the Voice of Joy and Gladness will then be heard in these dreary Regions of Darkness Superstition Cruelty and Sin— Signed Saml Marsden