Observations 
on the Introduction of the Gospel 
Into the South Sea Islands
Being my first visit to New Zealand in Decr 1814
	When the fulness of time drew near for these poor heathen Nations to be favoured with the knowledge of Divine Revelation, the Supreme Governor of the world overruled the political affairs of America and England to further this object, and make the wrath of man to praise him.—
One great step was accomplished when America, in July 1776, was declared a free and independent Nation.— A short time before this important event took place, Captn Cook, accompanied by the late Sir Joseph Banks, had been sent by the British Government to visit the South Sea Islands, and during this voyage the great Navigator visited New South Wales and anchored in Botany Bay.—
After peace had been established between England and America, in the year 1783, the British Government found that it had now no place to which the national convicts might be transported.— In this dilemma, it has been said, that the late Sir Joseph Banks recommended to His Majesty King George the third, to form an Establishment at Botany bay expressly for convicts; and, upon this suggestion [f] an act of Parliament was passed for that purpose.
It is obvious that neither His late Majesty nor his minsters had, in these political arrangements, any intention to convey the Gospel to the nations of the South Sea islands; but merely to provide a recepticle [sic] for the criminal population of Britain. Yet He, who governs the universe and has the hearts of Kings in his own hands, had that merciful object in view.—
	As a proof of the correctness of this remark it is a well known fact, that when the first Fleet was ready to sail with the convicts for New South Wales, in the year 1787, no Clergyman had been thought of.— A particular friend of mine,— a pious man of some influence, who was anxious for the spiritual welfare of the convicts, made a strong appeal to those in authority, to induce them to appoint a clergyman to superintend the spiritual concerns of all, both free and bond, who embarked to form the intended establishment in New South Wales.— Accordingly through the interest of the late Dr Porteous, the Revd Richard Johnston was appointed Chaplain— The above single fact, therefore clearly shews that the whole was under the superintending providence of an all wise and merciful God— Though He did not establish a Colony in New South Wales, for the advancement of his glory, and the Salvation of the Heathen Nations, in these distant parts of the Globe, by selecting men of character and principle:— on the contrary He took men from the dregs of Society— [f] the scrapings of Jails, Hulks and Prisons— Men who had forfeited their lives or liberties to the Laws of their country:— but He mercifully gave them their lives for a prey, and sent them forth to make a way for His Missionary servants— for them that should bring glad tidings— that should publish peace to the Heathen world— that should say unto them in the name of the Lord “Look unto me, and be ye saved, all the ends of the earth”— “For I am God and there is none else.” Well may we exclaim with the apostle: “How unsearchable are His judgments and His ways, past finding out”.—
	Having made the above preliminary observations, I need only add, that, on the 26th of January 1788, the first convicts arrived in Botany bay under the command of Admiral Phillip who was appointed Governor of the new Colony.—
	I shall now proceed to notice the first dawn of the rising of the sun of righteousness upon the poor benighted heathen of New Zealand.— In the year 1793, His Majesty’s ship “Dedalus” Commanded by Lieut: Hanson was in the South Seas on discovery, and during his voyage, the Lieut touched at New Zealand, and anchored in Sandy bay, a little to the Southward of the North Cape.— Some natives came off, in their canoes, to see the ship;— among whom were two young Chiefs*, [*Hoodoo & Tokee] who alone could be prevailed upon to go on board; they were invited into the cabin, and were much entertained with the various objects they then saw.—
Soon after they had come on board Lieut [f] Hanson weighed anchor and sailed for Norfolk Island. The two young Chiefs not being aware of the ship’s sailing, and, when they came on deck, seeing themselves at a considerable distance from the Land, and all their Canoes returned to the shore; became much alarmed for their personal Safety— Lieut. Hanson and his Officers did what they could to pacify their minds, being anxious to carry them safely to Norfolk Island, and deliver them to Captain King, who was at that time Lieut Governor of the Island and wanted some New Zealanders to instruct Europeans how to dress the flax which grew there spontaneously and was of the same quality with the flax of New Zealand.—
	I have always considered this circumstance as one of the first apparent steps, adapted by Divine Providence, to prepare the way for the introduction of the Gospel into New Zealand.
	Captain King treated “Hoodoo” and “Tokee” with the kindest attention: they lived at Government House, and every thing was done to quiet their minds and gain their confidence.
	When they had resided with him about nine months, the Merchant ship “Britannia” ( on her way to the Cape of Good Hope for [f] Supplies to the Colony of New South Wales, touched at the Island and was engaged, by the Lieut Governor, to take the two youths to their native Country. He embarked with them, himself, in order to prevent any insults or injury being done to them.— He saw them safely landed among their friends, and gave them some Hogs,— various instruments for agricultural purposes, (such as axes, Spades &c) he also supplied them with clothes, and such other articles as he thought conducive to their future good.— The great kindness and Solicitude, shewn by Captain King, for their welfare, made a deep impression on their minds, and filled them with gratitude and esteem towards the donor, as they afterwards testified to myself and others.—
	During the nine following years little communication took place between the New Zealanders and Europeans, either at Norfolk Island or at New Zealand, a few of them, however, came occasionally, in the Whalers to Port Jackson, and with some of these I became acquainted as opportunity offered.—
	About the year 1802-3 a small government vessel “The Lady Nelson” [f] commanded by Lieut. Simmons, was sent with supplies to Norfolk Island, but was driven by violent contrary winds to the east side of New Zealand and anchored in the Bay of Islands. Captain King had by this time returned to England, and Norfolk Island was under the command of an Officer of the “New South Wales Corps”; this change did not however prevent a longing desire in the late chief ‘Tippahee’ and four of his sons, to see the Island (where the two young Chiefs, before mentioned, had been so kindly treated) they were allowed a passage in the “Lady Nelson” and received every attention from the officer in command.—
	After they had been some time on the Island, His Majesty’s ship “Buffalo” commanded by Captain Houston, arrived from Port Jackson; by which means Tippahee learned that the late Captain King had come out Governor of New South Wales, and expressed his wish to visit ‘Sydney’. He obtained a passage accordingly and the Governor received him and his friends with the greatest cordiality. They were invited to Government House, where they lived at their pleasure.
	Tippahee was a man of high rank and influence in his own country— He possessed a clear, strong, and comprehensive [f] mind, and was anxious to gain what knowledge he could of our laws and Customs.— He was wont to converse much with me about our God, and was very regular in his attendance at Church on the Sabbath; and, when at public worship, behaved with great decorum.— After satisfying his curiosity, he and his friends returned to their native home.—
About two years after Tippahee departed, the young Chief ‘Duaterra’, accompanied by several of his countrymen, came to Port Jackson, which gave an opportunity to me of having frequent communication with this very interesting people.—
The more I examined into their national character, the more I felt interested in their temporal and spiritual welfare.— Their minds appeared like a rich soil that had never been cultivated, and only wanted the proper means of improvement to render them fit to rank with civilized Nations.—
		I knew that they were Cannibals— that they were a savage race full of superstition, and wholly under the power and influence of the Prince of darkness; and that there was only one remedy which could effectually free them from their cruel spiritual bondage and misery; and that was [f] the Gospel of a Crucified Saviour.— But, as Saint Paul observes “How could they believe on him of whom they had not heard, and how could they hear without a Preacher, and how could they preach except they be sent.”— After seriously considering their degraded condition, and embracing all opportunities of gaining a perfect knowledge of their character, I resolved to return to England, as soon as I could obtain leave of absence, and endeavour to get some Missionaries sent out to preach the Gospel to this people.— I was fully convinced that there were no insurmountable difficulties in the way of preaching the Gospel in New Zealand; and I felt no apprehension that the lives of Missionaries, if any were sent, would be in danger, being confident that I could personally go with safety, if I saw it was my duty to do so.
Under these impressions I waited on His Excellency Governor Bligh (who had now relieved Governor King in the Government of the Colony) to obtain the necessary leave of absence to visit England; which was granted on condition that the Revd H. Fulton, who was then at Norfolk Island, should perform my duty as Chaplain to the Colony, during my absence (being myself the only Clergyman in New South Wales at that period); Fortunately a vessel was just about to sail for Norfolk Island by which I wrote to Mr Fulton, and another ship very opportunely touched at that place, while on her way to Sydney (about this time) which enabled that Gentleman [f] to comply with my request, so as to arrive at Port Jackson sooner than I expected.— As such opportunities were of rare occurrence, I considered this circumstance a highly favourable dispensation of Providence towards myself, at that time; being aware that a great political Storm was fast gathering in the colony in which (if I remained) I could not well avoid being involved: and to gratify my earnest desire of having the Gospel preached at New Zealand, as well as to secure my own quiet I was most anxious to quit the Colony without delay, lest I should be prevented from proceeding on the design I had formed.—
	It was therefore a matter of great joy to me, when I obtained His Excellency’s leave of absence, and got on board of His Majesty’s ship ‘Buffalo’ along with the late Governor King— We sailed in February 1807, and arrived in England in the Novemr following.
	Shortly after my arrival in London, I waited upon the Reverend Josiah Pratt Secretary to the Church Missionary Society, and stated my views on the degraded state of the New Zealanders for the want of moral and religious instruction, and requested that the Committee would take their miserable situation into its favourable consideration.
	The Revd J. Pratt attended to my request with the greatest kindness, which inspired me with the hope that the Committee would enter into my views, and render the assistance solicited. [f]
	I remained in England more than fourteen months during which period, I waited upon the Committee several times, and it was ultimately resolved to send three Missionaries out with me, on my return to the Colony.— No clergyman, however, offered their Services on this occasion:— The character of the New Zealanders was considered more barbarous than that of any other Savage Nation; so that few would venture out to a country where they could anticipate nothing less than to be killed and eaten by the Natives.— At length two mechanics agreed to accompany me, and I was very glad of their offer; as I conceived that they, like Caleb and Joshua of old, might open the way for others, at a future time, to take possession of the land.— They accordingly embarked with me, in 1809, for New South Wales.—
	On our arrival at Port Jackson, in Feby 1810, we received the melancholy news that the Ship “Boyd”, of 600 Tons burden, had been burnt, and the Captain, and Crew all murdered and eaten by the natives of “Whangarroo” in New Zealand.— This most awful Calamity extinguished at once, all hopes of introducing the Gospel into that Country— every voice was naturally raised against the Natives, and against all who were, in any way, attached to their interest.— None lamented this calamity more than myself.
	Another dreadful occurrence, soon after, took place:— At the time I here allude to, there were seven whalers on the coast [f] of New Zealand; and the Masters of these Vessels, having heard of the fate of the Boyd, sailed into the Bay of Islands, which lies about forty miles to the southward of Whangarroo, and in the night each ship sent a whaleboat with an armed crew, who landed on Tippahee’s Island, and there murdered every man and woman the[y] could find.— In this dreadful slaughter, my friend Tippahee received seven shots, and died of his wounds;— many other friendly disposed people were killed.
	It was alleged by the Europeans, as a justification of this horrid massacre, that Tippahee assisted in the destruction of the Boyd and her crew; tho’ at the same time he was an innocent man.— The mistake appears to have originated in the near similarity in the names of the two chiefs; that of the chief at the Bay of Islands was ‘Tippahee’ and the name of the other at Whangarroo (who aided in the destruction of the Boyd) was ‘Tippoohee’.— I knew them both well.—
After these awful events, the way to New Zealand appeared to be completely hedged up, though I did not despair of the ultimate success of the Mission, from my personal knowledge of the real character of the New Zealanders, provided I could get any vessel to take the Missionaries to New Zealand, who were then with me at Parramatta, and willing to go.— I waited more than three years, and no master of a vessel would venture for fear of his ship and crew falling a sacrifice to the natives.
At length I purchased a Brig called the “Active”, which had come from India, and a applied to [f] the then Governor Macquarie for permission to go with the Brig myself  along with the Missionaries; but His Excellency refused my request, at the same time he promised that if I sent the Active and she returned safe, I should then have permission to go.— I was satisfied with this answer, but felt at a loss to find a suitable person to navigate the Brig, because the risk of being murdered and eaten by the New Zealanders prevented several Shipmasters from accepting the office.— Mr (now Count) Dillon, who afterwards went in search of ‘La Perouse’, was then in Sydney (1814) and I engaged him to take the command of the Active.— I then wrote a letter to the Chief Deuaterra, or Duaterra, whom I had known nine years before, requesting him to return with the Brig and to bring with him three or four Chiefs, as also to acquaint the Natives that I had sent Missionaries in the vessel to see their country, and that it was my intention also to visit New Zealand provided the Brig returned in safety from their Coast, and that the Missionaries would then accompany me for the purpose of forming a Settlement on the Island.— Under these circumstances Mr Dillon sailed with the Missionaries, and, in due time, returned to Port Jackson without [f] injury to himself, the crew, nor to the vessel.
	    The Active having arrived safely in port, I lost no time in calling upon His Excellency for the fulfilment of his promise.— My leave of absence was immediately granted, and, with all convenient dispatch, I embarked in company with the Missionaries, their families, and five chiefs— namely— Shunghee, Korokoro, Toui, Toui’s brother, and Duaterra.
    We sailed from Sydney Cove 19th November, and reached the Bay of Islands, in New Zealand, on the 22nd December 1814.— After arranging all matters respecting the Mission, as well as circumstances would permit (which will be detailed hereafter) I left the Island in the same vessel about the first of March 1815. Duaterra was then dangerously ill, and, as I afterwards learned, he died four days after the ‘Active’ sailed for Sydney. The Death of this Chief was a very afflictive dispensation;— he was a man of comparatively great knowledge, loved his country and was most anxious for its welfare. His character, conduct, and sufferings will be better seen in the following Memoir which has already been published.—

Memoir of Duaterra
	    In the year 1805 the ‘Argo’ whaler commanded by a Mr Baden put into the Bay of Islands [f] for refreshments. On the vessel leaving the harbour Duaterra embarked on board of her with two of his countrymen. The Argo remained on the coast for about five months, and then returned into the Bay.— On the Vessel’s final departure from New Zealand for Port Jackson, Duaterra sailed in her and arrived in Sydney Cove. After the ‘Argo’ was again ready for sea, she went to fish on the coast of New Holland where she remained about six months and afterwards put into Port Jackson.— During this cruise Duaterra acted in the capacity of a common sailor, and was attached to one of the whale boats.
While the Argo lay in Sydney Cove, Duaterra was discharged from her; but received no remuneration for his services during the twelve months he had been on board.
On his leaving the ‘Argo’ he entered on board the Albion whaler (then in the Cove) commanded by Captain Richardson; and was six months on the Fishery, in that vessel, off the coast of New Zealand and when she put into the Bay of Islands Duaterra left her, and returned to his friends. Captain Richardson behaved very kindly to him, and paid him wages (in various European articles) for his services on board the Albion.—
Duaterra remained in New Zealand six months when the ‘Santa Anna’ whaler [f] anchored in the Bay of Islands on her way to Bounty Island, whither she was bound for Sealskins. Duaterra embarked on board this vessel, commanded by a Mr Moody.— After she had taken in her supplies from New Zealand, she proceeded on her voyage, and arrived at Bounty Island in safety, when Duaterra, with one of his countrymen, two Otaheitans, and ten Europeans, were put on shore to kill seals, and the vessel then sailed to New Zealand to procure potatoes and afterwards to Norfolk Island for Pork, leaving the fourteen men whom she had landed, with very little water, salt provisions and bread.
When the ‘Santa Anna’ arrived off Norfolk Island the master went on shore, and the vessel was blown off and did not again make the land for a month.
About five months after the Santa Anna left Bounty Island, the King George arrived, commanded by Mr Chase: but, previous to the arrival of this vessel, the Sealing party had been greatly distressed for more than three months for want of water and provisions. There was no water on the Island nor had they any bread nor meat excepting seals and sea-fowl.— Duaterra often spoke of the extreme sufferings which he and the party with him, endured from hunger and thirst, [f] as no water could be obtained except when a shower of rain happened to fall.— Two of the Europeans and one Otaheitan died from the hardship.—
In a few weeks after the arrival of the King George, the Santa Anna returned, and the Sealing party had, during her absence procured eight thousand skins. After taking the skins on board, the vessel sailed for England: and Duaterra, having long entertained an ardent desire to see King George, embarked on board as a common sailor, with the hope of gratifying his wish.—
The Santa Anna arrived in the River Thames about July 1809, and Duaterra then requested that the Captain would indulge him with a sight of the King which was the only object that had induced him to leave his native Country. But when he made inquiries by what means he could get a sight of the King, he was told sometimes that he could not find the house, and at other times that no one was permitted to see King George. This distressed him exceedingly.— he saw little of London, being seldom allowed to go on shore. 
He told me that about fifteen days after his arrival, the vessel had discharged her cargo, and the Captain had informed him that he would be put on board the [f] Ann, which had been taken up by Government to convey convicts to New South Wales, and had then dropped down to Gravesend.— Duaterra asked the master of the Santa Anna for some wages and Clothing: but these were refused, and he was told, that the Owners at Port Jackson, on his arrival there, would pay him, in two Muskets, for his Services; but these, he never received. About this time Duaterra, from hardships and disappointments, was seized with a dangerous illness.— Thus, friendless, poor, and sick as he was, he was sent down to Gravesend, and put on board the “Ann”, in which ship I was about to embark on my return, with my family, to New South Wales— 
At this time he had been fifteen days in the river, from the first arrival of the “Santa Anna”; and had never been permitted to spend one night on shore.—
Mr Charles Clarke, the master of the Ann, informed me (after I had recognised Duaterra) that when he was first brought on board the Ann, he was so naked and miserable, that he (the Master) refused to receive him, unless the Master of the Santa Anna would supply him with a suit of slops: observing at the same time, that he was very sick.
I was then in London, but did not know that Duaterra had arrived in the Santa Anna.— Shortly after Duaterra had embarked at Gravesend, the Ann sailed for Portsmouth; and when [f] I embarked Duaterra was confined below by sickness; so that I did not see him nor know that he was there for some time. To my great astonishment, I first observed him on the Forecastle— he was wrapped in an old greatcoat, very sick and weak— had a very violent cough, & discharged considerable quantities of blood from his mouth.— 
His mind was also very much cast down, and he appeared as if a few days would terminate his existence. I inquired of the Master where he had met with him, and then of himself as to what had brought him from [sic] England, and how he came to be so wretched and miserable.— He stated, in reply, that the hardships and wrongs he had endured on board the Santa Anna were exceedingly great, and that the English sailors had beat him very much, which caused him to spit blood, and finally that the master had defrauded him of all his wages and prevented him from seeing the King— I should have been most happy, if there had been time, to call the master to account for his conduct, but, it was too late.—
I endeavoured to soothe his afflicted mind by assuring him, that he would now be protected from insults, and that his wants should be supplied. [f] By the kindness of the Surgeon and Master, and by administring [sic] proper nourishment to him, he began, in a great measure, to recover his Strength and Spirits, and got quite well before we reached Rio de Janeira [sic].— 
He was, ever after, truly grateful for the attention that was shewn to him. 
As soon as he was able, he did his duty as a common sailor on board the Ann till she arrived at Port Jackson; in which capacity he was considered equal to most of the men on board.
He accompanied me to Parramatta (after leaving the ship) and resided with me there till the November following, during which time he applied himself to Agriculture.
In Octr 1810, The ‘Frederick’ whaler arrived from England, and was bound to fish on the coast of New Zealand.— Duaterra having been long absent from his friends, and wishing to return home, requested me to procure a passage for him in the Frederick— One of Tippahee’s sons was, at the time, living with me, as were also two other New Zealanders, all of whom united in the same request. I applied to the Master of the Frederick for their passage, who agreed to take them, on condition, that they should assist him to procure his cargo of oil while the vessel remained on the New Zealand coast, and when he finally left it, he would land them at the Bay of Islands.—
They were four very fine young men [f] who had been a good deal at sea, and were therefore a valuable acquisition to the Master: and, on his promising to be kind to them, I agreed that he should take them on his own terms.—
They all left Port Jackson, in the Frederick, in November, with the gratifying hope of soon seeing their country and friends.
When the ship reached the North Cape of New Zealand, Duaterra went on shore, for two days to procure supplies of Pork and Potatoes as he was well known, in that place, and had many friends among the Natives.—
As soon as the ship had procured her necessary supplies, she proceeded on her cruize, and, in little more than six months’ time, procured a Cargo, and was ready to depart from the Coast.— Duaterra, finding that the Master intended to sail for England, naturally requested that he and his companions might be put on shore, on the specific terms of their engagement with the Master, made by me, on their behalf.’
The ship lay (at the time) in the mouth of the Bay of Islands, where the residences of all their relatives then stood, and Duaterra had got every thing ready to put into the boat— expecting they would be immediately put on shore— The Master, however, on his being urged to land them, said he would do so by and bye, when they had caught another whale— and the vessel then bore away from the Harbour. Duaterra felt great distress on this occasion, as he had [f] been from home about three years, and was most anxious to see his wife and friends:— He earnestly solicited the Captain to land him on any part of the coast, he cared not on what place— if, all he wished, [sic] was to get put on shore, and he would find his way home.
	The master was deaf to all his entreaties and told him they would proceed to Norfolk Island, and from thence direct for Britain and that he would be landed as they passed New Zealand on their way to England.—
When the Frederick arrived off Norfolk Island, Duaterra and his three Companions were sent on shore for water, and were all nearly drowned in the surf, having been washed under some hallow [sic] rocks (with which that Shore abounds) which placed him in such danger of his life, as he emphatically observed to me afterwards “that on reaching the surface of the water, his head was full of sea.” It is generally very dangerous for a boat to to [sic] land at Norfolk Island on account of the great surf among the breakers.— When the Frederick was sufficiently supplied with water and wood &c— so that the Master had no further occasion for the services of Duaterra and his Countrymen— he had the cruelty to inform them, that he would not again touch at New Zealand; but, proceed direct on, for England. This occasioned great distress to Duaterra— who reminded the Captain of his violated promises— The cruel usage to which he had been [f] subjected, by not being put on shore, while the ship lay at the Bay of Islands, within two miles of his home, and being subsequently prevented from leaving the vessel when off the North Cape:— that it was a great addition to his misery, to be left, with his companions, in a destitute situation, on Norfolk Island, after all the assistance they had rendered him (the Master) in procuring his Cargo.
Nothing, however, which Duaterra could urge, had any effect on the callous mind of the captain, who proceeded on board his ship, and left the New Zealanders to provide for themselves as they best could.— Duaterra further stated that the Master came again on shore (before he left) and took Tippahee’s son on board with him by force, though the lad wept much and entreated the Captain to leave him with his friend, Duaterra— (No tidings have been heard of that young man since he was, thus forcibly taken from Norfolk Island.— The ship was taken by an American, while on her passage home, after a severe action in which the Captain was mortally wounded, and the chief Mate killed).
Some time after the Frederick had sailed from Norfolk Island, the ‘Ann’ whaler touched there for refreshments (she was then commanded by Mr Gwynn) and after procuring supplies she was to proceed to Port Jackson.— Duaterra made early application to the Master who very humanely granted him a passage. [f] On the Ann’s arrival at Port Jackson the Captain informed me, that he had found Duaterra in a naked and distressed state, at Norfolk Island, where, the Master of the Frederick had left him and his companions without clothing or Provisions.— Mr Gwynn further observed, that, the legal share of the Frederick’s cargo of oil, due to Duaterra and his three countrymen would have come to about £100 each, had they accompanied the ship and got her safe, to England; and he considered that they had been very much injured, by the Master of that vessel.— Mr G.— kindly supplied Duaterra with clothing and other necessaries, for which he was exceedingly grateful.
Duaterra was very happy when he got once more to Parramatta:— he gave me an affecting account of the distress which he suffered when in sight of his own district, and yet denied the pleasure of seeing his wife and friends, from whom he had been so long seperated [sic]:— and, what he felt also, when the Frederick finally sailed from Norfolk Island,— leaving him on that spot with little prospect of ever returning to his own country.— When he left Sydney in the Frederick, he was in possession of some seed wheat,— Agricultural tools, and other useful articles with which he was supplied:— but he was despoiled of these, on his voyage, and, on his return, had nothing left, of all he had [f] received.— He continued with me at Parramatta till the Ann, whaler, belonging to the House of Alexander Birnie, of London, arrived from England.— She was bound for the New Zealand coast, and he requested me to procure him a passage, that he might make another effort to see his country and friends.
The Captain agreed with me, to take him on condition that he would remain on board and do the duty of a sailor while the ship continued on the Coast.— Duaterra readily consented to go on these terms, and took with him some seed wheat and tools for Agricultural purposes, a second time.—
The Ann was about five months on the coast, and Duaterra was ultimately landed in safety at home, to the inexpressible joy of his relations and of himself—
During the time he remained with me he laboured early and late, to obtain knowledge and, particularly, to make himself acquainted with practical agriculture.
He seemed well aware of the advantages of Agriculture, in a national point of view, and was a tolerable judge of the qualities of land.— He was anxious that his country should reap the advantages, which he knew it was capable [sic], by the cultivation of the soil, on waste lands:— and was fully convinced that the wealth and happiness of a country depended greatly on the produce of its soil.—
On his landing from the Ann, he took [f] with him the seed wheat &c which he had received at Parramatta, and acquainted his friends, and his neighbouring Chiefs of its great value:— stating that it was from it the Europeans made the biscuit, which they had seen and eaten on board of ships.— He gave a portion of this article to six different Chiefs, and some to his own common men, directing them, at the same time, how to sow it.— And he reserved, of course, a proper proportion for his own use, and that of his uncle Shunghee, who is a very great Chief; having a domain extending from the east to the west side of the Island.— The people to whom Duaterra had given seed wheat, put it properly into the ground, and it grew well; but, before it was ripe, many of them became impatient for the produce, and as they expected to find the grain at the root of the stems, like their potatoe crops, and finding, on examination, that there was no wheat under the surface, they all (with the exception of Shunghee) pulled it up and burnt it.— The chiefs ridiculed Duaterra about his wheat speculation, very much— telling him that because he had been a great traveller, He thought he could easily impose on their credulity— by telling them fine stories & ca— Nor could any thing in his power to urge, serve to convince them that wheat would make bread.—
Shunghee’s crop and his own came in due time, to perfection,— and were reaped and threshed— which convinced the natives [f] that the grain was produced from the top, and not from the bottom, of the stem, as they had supposed; yet, they could not be persuaded that Bread could be made from it.—
About this time the “Jefferson” whaler, commanded by Mr Thos Barnes, put into the Bay of Islands: and Duaterra being anxious to remove the prejudices of the Chiefs respecting the wheat, and to prove (what he had before asserted) that it could be made into biscuit; requested the loan of a pepper or Coffee Mill from the Master, to grind some of his wheat into flour (if such an instrument could do it) that he might make a cake before them; but the mill was too small, and he did not then succeed in his design.— He sent me word, by a vessel proceeding from New Zealand to Sydney, that he had sown his wheat and it had grown well, but he had not timely thought of a mill to grind it; and requested me to send him some tools of agriculture— which I determined to do, by the first opportunity.
A short time after this, the ‘Queen Charlotte’ cleared out from Port Jackson for the Pearl Islands; and, as this vessel would likely have to pass the North Cape of New Zealand, I thought there was a probability of her touching at the Bay of Islands, and I therefore put some hoes, and other agricultural tools, as also a few bags of seed wheat, on board, and requested the Captain (Mr Wm Shelley) to deliver them to Duaterra should his ship touch at [the] Bay of [f] Islands.— Unfortunately the Queen Charlotte passed New Zealand without touching anywhere; and was afterwards taken by the Natives of Otaheite: and while she was in their possession all the wheat, as well as other things, I had put on board were either stolen or destroyed.
When I received information of that calamity, I felt much concerned that Duaterra, should from time to time, meet so many disappointments in his benevolent exertions to improve the condition, and to civilize his Countrymen. I was fully convinced that nothing could be done effectually for New Zealand without a vessel, for the express purpose of keeping up a regular communication between Port Jackson and that Island.—
When Mr Kendall, who had been sent out under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, arrived in the “Earl Spencer” I soon determined either to take up a vessel or purchase one, for the service of New Zealand, and thereby make an attempt to establish a Settlement, as had been resolved on by the Society in 1808: and for the purpose of which, Messrs Hall and King, with their families, accompanied me out, from England to New South Wales, on my return to that colony.— I endeavoured to hire a vessel but could fine none willing to make a voyage under £600, which I considered too much for one voyage to New Zealand.— [f]
The Brig ‘Active’ having about this time arrived from the Derwent, the owner proposed to sell her, and I therefore, became the purchaser and ordered the vessel to be got ready for sea— directing Messrs Hall and Kendall to proceed in her to Bay of Islands.
When the Active sailed, I sent a Message to Duaterra, to inform him, for what purpose I had sent over Messrs Kendall and Hall; and invited him to return with them to Port Jackson, and to bring two or three Chiefs along with him.— I sent him, on this occasion, a Steel Mill to grind his wheat, a sieve to clean it, and a few other useful presents.— On the arrival of the brig at her destination, the settlers were kindly received by Duaterra, and the other Chiefs, and every attention was paid to them, during the six weeks they remained on the island.— Duaterra was greatly rejoiced by the receipt of the Mill:— He quickly set to work and ground some wheat in the presence of his countrymen, who danced and shouted for joy, at seeing the flour.—
He told me that he made a cake, baked it in a frying pan, & gave it to the people to eat; which fully satisfied them of the truth of what he had repeatedly told them:— namely,— “that wheat would make bread.”— The chiefs then begged some more wheat, which they received, and sowed, and there can be little doubt, but they will soon learn to appreciate the value of wheat.— [f]
Previous to the time the Active reached New Zealand, Duaterra had resolved to visit Sydney by the first vessel which might sail for Port Jackson in order to procure a Mill, some hoes and other articles which he much wanted:— He therefore greatly rejoiced when the ‘Active’ anchored in the Bay of Islands, trusting to get a passage in her; but, on receiving the Mill and wheat &c, which I sent, he altered his mind, observing that he would now apply himself to Agriculture for two years, as he had the means of cultivating his land and grinding his wheat.— His uncle Shunghee had, at the time, a great desire to visit Port Jackson: and being a powerful Chief at home, and having no friend at Port Jackson, who could speak English and the New Zealand tongue; Duaterra was induced to accompany him, although his wives, friends, and people, earnestly requested him to stay at home.— He endeavoured to persuade them that he would return in four Moons, but they disbelieved him under an erroneous idea, that the “Active” would not again return. Their Priest told him, that his head wife was sure to die, before his return, if he left her— (This very woman hung herself the day after Duaterra died, on account of her tender affection, and love for him.) He told the Priest he had often returned before, and would soon return again.— He accordingly took leave of his relatives [f] and friends, and embarked, with his uncle and a few other natives, for New South Wales. About a month after, he, once more, reached Parramatta in safety.—
	During his stay at my house, I often observed him to be very thoughtful, and I asked him the occasion of his uneasiness. He replied “I fear my head wife is either dead, or very sick.” What the Priest had told him respecting his wife’s dying during his absence, evidently made a deep impression on his mind.— Though he had been about three years in my family before, and had acted with great propriety all that time, and willingly received religious instructions on all proper occasions; yet, the superstitious notions of the religion he had imbibed from his infancy at New Zealand, were deeply rooted in his ideas.— He had great confidence in what the native Priests asserted, and in the effects of their prayers.—
	His death has been the subject of much pain and regret to me, and appeared to be a very dark, and mysterious dispensation.
	During the last ten years of Duaterra’s life, he had suffered every danger, privation and hardship that human nature could well bear: and on my arrival at New Zealand, with him and the settlers, before named, he appeared to have accomplished the grand object of all his toils— an object which [f] was the constant topic of his conversation,— namely the means of civilizing his countrymen— He said with joy and triumph in his eyes “I have now introduced the cultivation of wheat into New Zealand.— It will become a great country; for, in two years more I shall be able to export wheat to Port Jackson, in exchange for hoes, axes, spades, and tea and Sugar.”— Under this impression he made arrangements with his people for a very extensive cultivation of the land, and formed a plan for building a new town, with regular streets, after the European mode; to be erected on a beautiful situation, which commanded a view of the Harbour’s mouth and the adjacent country round.— We, together, inspected the ground fixed on for the township, and the situation of the intended church. The streets were to have been all marked out before the Brig sailed for Port Jackson: but at the very time of these arrangements being made Duaterra was laid on his dying bed.
	I could not but look on him, with wonder and astonishment, as he lay languishing under his affliction, and could scarcely bring myself to believe that the Divine goodness would remove from the earth, a man whose life was of such infinite importance to his country, which was just emerging from barbarism, gross darkness, and Superstition. No doubt, he had done his work, and finished his appointed course, though I fondly imagined that he had only begun his race.— [f]
	It may not be uninteresting to some of my readers, to subjoin also the Memoir of another young Chief named “Mowhee” who likewise was instrumental in promoting the introduction of the Gospel to New Zealand.
	When Mowhee was about eight years old, he became desirous of visiting New South Wales from the accounts he had heard of the Europeans mentioned to him, by ‘Koadoo’ and ‘Tokee’— and to effect his purpose, he embarked on board a whaler at the Bay of Islands (the Captain of which intending to call at Port Jackson) and on their way the vessel touched at Norfolk Island, when Mr Drummond (the Harbour Master) went on board, and took Mowhee on shore to his own house, and treated him with great kindness: and promised to keep him as one of his own family, if he agreed to remain.— Mr D. then placed him at a day School where he learned to read and write.—
	Sometime after Mowhee’s arrival in Norfolk Island, Mr Drummond removed to New South Wales (taking the lad with him, [f] and settled on a farm at Liverpool (a town about seven miles south from Parramatta). I visited Mr D. shortly after he had settled on his Estate, and found Mowhee living with him there, as a servant, or acting rather in the Capacity of shepherd.— This sort of employment did not seem to suit Mowhee’s turn of mind,— he wanted to be placed in a situation where he could see and learn more of civil life.—
	I proposed that he should come and live with me, to which Mr D. agreed; and he was accordingly removed into my family.
	By this time he had learned to speak English tolerably well, and could read a little— He possessed an amiable disposition, and seemed anxious to learn all he could. He remained with me till November 1814; making the period of his stay with Mr Drummond and me together, to be more than eight years.
	He accompanied me, when I sailed to New Zealand in the Active, and possessed, at that time as clear a knowledge of civil life, and of the christian Religion, as human instructions could well communicate, to one just emerging from savage life.—
	On 23d Decr he arrived in the Bay of Islands to the great joy of his friends, and it gave me great pleasure to see with what kindness and [f] affection Mowhee was received by his tribe. Terra the head chief, said (on my presenting him with a few trifling articles) “that he could accept of nothing from one who had been so kind to his countryman.” And while I remained, he did all in his power to promote the objects I had in view.— When I returned to N. S. Wales, Terra’s brother, Tupee, with several other chiefs, accompanied me: and I considered these ample security, for the safety of the Missionaries, and their property, after my departure. Mowhee was left with his relations, at New Zealand; that he might assist the Missionaries in their intercourse with the Natives, being qualified for that task by his knowledge of the English tongue. About twelve months afterwards Mowhee became anxious to improve his knowledge by a visit to England, having heard much of that Kingdom; for which purpose he entered, as a common sailor on board the ‘Jefferson’ whaler, home bound, and arrived in the river Thames in May 1816. The Captain of the vessel having then no further occasion for his services and knowing that he was connected with the Missionaries at New Zealand, took him to the Church [f] Missionary Society’s House in Salisbury Square. His case and circumstances were laid before the Committee of that benevolent Institution; which immediately resolved to provide for the friendless stranger— He was taken under the protection of the Society until an opportunity should offer to return him to his native Land.
	The Rev. Basil Woodd got him under his more immediate care, and provided accommodation for him in a respectable family.— He was sent to a charity school belonging to the ‘Bentinck Chapel’ and during his attendance on it, he was taken ill (on the 25th) and died 28th Decr 1816.
	The Rev. B. Woodd published a very interesting Memoir of him, in the Church Missionary Register for Feby 1817, to which I refer the reader.
	Mowhee was the first fruit of New Zealanders offered up to God, as far as I may judge from his pious life, while he lived with me, and I have little doubt from what I have seen in that Island, that several of his countrymen, have died since in the full assurance of faith, and are now in Glory to the everlasting praise of the Redeemer. [f]
	The Rev. Basil Woodd in his Memoir of Mowhee observes as follows. 
“Our first attention was to procure him board and Lodging in a creditable family near the Edgware-road, a few doors from one of the Charity Schools connected with the Bentinck Chapel, the masters of which were requested to pay him every attention in heir power, and to take care that he was sup[plied with whatever was reasonable and expedient, and to be particularly careful of what acquaintance he made.
“Having furnished him with suitable apparel, I then sent him to a day school kept by Mr. Hazard, a pious and intelligent man, in the adjoining street.— I desired that he might be instructed in reading, writing, and the first rules of Arithmetic: and that particular attention might be paid to his religious instruction. I especially urged that he should learn to repeat the admirable summary of the Divine Law in the Church catechism in order that he might be thoroughly instructed in his duty to his God and to his neighbours: in humble hope, that through the Divine blessing, he might be brought to examine himself by the Law of God, by that law, might attain [f] to the knowledge of his sins, be convinced of his fallen nature, feel the need in which he stood of a Saviour, and with a penitent and believing heart, might understand the design of the death of the Lord Jesus Christ, and trust alone for pardon and acceptance to the Lamb of God who taketh away the sins of the world.—
I requested, also, that Mr Amis, one of the Masters of the Bentinck schools, and another friend, Mr Short, would bring him with them to attend the worship of God at Bentinck Chapel, and see that he was present at the public catechising of the Schools, at the afternoon Service.
I felt the care of this young stranger from a far distant land peculiarly interesting.— It struck me as a golden opportunity, or rather as an opportunity more precious than Gold, not to be lost; that good was to be done to him now, or perhaps never; that, in a few months we must part to meet no more on earth; and, therefore, that it was an imperious duty, the dictate of Christian Charity, to afford him in that compressed form which the shortness of his abode in this country demanded all the general knowledge possible.[f] Our earnest desire and prayer was, that, when he returned to New Zealand, he might carry back with him, a competent acquaintance with the arts of civilization, the general principles of Christian morality, and the sublime truths of the glorious Gospel of the Blessed God.—
This was our object; and in a short time, the intelligent youth amply repaid the expense and attention of the Society. He discovered great tenderness and humility of mind, an ardent thirst for all useful knowledge, a perfect readiness of compliance with the advice of his instructors, and a devout ambition to qualify himself to be useful in his native country.— He took great delight in attending the House of God, in hearing religious conversation, in reading profitable Books, and in frequenting the Schools. Occasionally at the Sunday Schools, he undertook the instruction of a class of little boys, that he might learn how to teach the children in New Zealand— He was particularly delighted (when I took him one day; to visit Bentinck girl School) with the practical simplicity of Dr Bell’s System of education: and he thought he understood it sufficiently to attempt [f] to instruct upon that plan.
During my annual residence at Drayton- Beauchamp, I was prevented from paying him that attention which I earnestly wished: but I left him under the care of friends, who, I trusted, were actuated by principles of Christian duty, and would not be inattentive to their charge.—
 Immediately on my return, my first office was to call on Mr Hazard, and inquire how Mowhee was going on.— Mr H. gave me a very satisfactory account of our young friend. I found that he had improved surprisingly; and that, under the kind attention of his instructor, he had gained more information than I had anticipated.— He had acquired a knowledge of the first principles of drawing and perspective— Had done several of the first problems of Euclid, and had drawn various plans and elevations for building of houses. He gave me specimens of all these, selections of which I have presented to the committee of the Church Missionary Society.— Considering, however, that a regular report would be more satisfactory to his kind friend, I requested Mr Hazard to give me a written testimony of his general improvement.— [f] From this paper I have learnt, that beside the usual hours spent in the school, he generally occupied two hours in the evening in religious instruction, drawing, &c.— He was, while thus engaged, all attention and obedience, frequently expressing his anxiety to improve, that he might be able to instruct his countrymen, and that especialy [sic] in the knowledge of a Saviour. He often declared his astonishment at the goodness of God in bringing him from a State of darkness into the marvelous [sic] light of the Gospel. He spoke with great gratitude of the instruction he had received; and often intimated his hopes that he would be able to assist Mr Kendall when he returned.
When asked, one day, whether he would like to continue in England, he instantly replied, with much feeling, “Oh no!” I can do no good here; but I may do some good in my own Country.”
One day, after having been at my house, where I had shown him a collection of Indian Idols, he said to Mr Hazard, on his return: “O! what a blessing it is to be delivered from these vanities, to serve the living and true God!” In the months of October & November he was frequently unwell. [f]
Mr Hazard said to him,”Mowhee you had better stay at home a day or two, till you are better.” His reply was, “No, Sir! I am never so happy as when at school.” Mr Hazard assures me that he never saw him out of temper; and that on all occasions, he manifested a spirit of humility, patience, and meekness, which would be an acquisition to many who bear the name of Christian.
Though in general, very silent and reserved, he was always very communicative with his teacher; he seemed to have formed a great regard for him; and several times said to him, with joy sparkling in his eyes, “O! Sir! I shall often think of you when thousands of miles off.” It  was very remarkable that he discovered no desire or interest as to any public sights which attract the populace. When informed, on the 9th of November, that the Lord Mayor of London would pass through the streets, in grand Procession attended with Men in Armour, Music, Flags &c, and that it was such a sight, as he might never see but at this time, he could not be prevailed on to walk to Westminster to witness it. 
But if invited to see a new School, an examination of children— a meeting of a Society for Christian benevolence, the distribution of Bibles, or the support [f] of a Mission to the heathen— He was all life and attention.
Mr H. informs me that he was very regular and constant in his Seasons for devotion; and he made use of his own expressions in his prayers: and that he always prayed for the success of the Church Missionary Society, for the conversion of his countrymen in New Zealand, and for the Ministers of the Bentinck Chapel.— Another friend whom I requested to take notice of him, who brought him with him to Chapel, and often accommodated him in his pew (Mr Short), has informed me, that he never heard him use an improper word, that not a symptom of the ordinary profane language of sailors, ever escaped his lips, and that he never mentioned the name of God, but with awe and reverence. He seemed also very cautious in his words, to speak plain truth with great simplicity. One Sunday, as they were walking home from Chapel, when the Subject of the discourse had been the Sufferings and death of the Saviour, Mr Short asked him if he understood what he had heard.— Mowhee replied, “Yes, “indeed! I did understand it! and I hope [f] I shall ever remember it. My poor “country is in a dark state; but at the day of judgment this country will have more to answer for; for this country has the light shining before them; and it certainly must be their own fault  if they walk in darkness.” After a while he added, “Alas! my poor “country knows no better, but I hope before long they will have these glorious truths “revealed to them; and how happy shall I be, if I should be able to return and assist in “teaching them.”
At another time, on Advent Sunday, Mr Short having asked him ‘What was the design of the Redeemer’s coming into the world; Mowhee immediately replied: “He “came into the world to save Sinners, had he not come and suffered, you and I could “never have reached heaven;—  Had He not died for our sins, “we must have perished “forever.” I cannot here pass over the great kindness of another esteemed friend— Mr Coates. On my leaving London, I requested him also, occasionally to visit Mowhee, and to explain to his capacity, the Doctrines and duties of our most holy religion.— I thought that the instructions of persons of different attainments and education might contribute by its variety to render Divine truth more easy to be [f] understood by our young friend.
	With my request Mr Coates very kindly complied frequently inviting Mowhee to spend the evening at his house. On these occasions he studied to excite him to diligence and application in obtaining all the knowledge, which might render him a fit instrument for promoting the civilization and the moral and religious instruction of his Countrymen.— His constant Method of spending the evening was to desire Mowhee to read a Chapter in the New testament, on which he himself made such observations as the subject naturally suggested, and in this manner, endeavoured to engage Mowhee in a familiar conversation.— On one of these occasions when Mr Coates pointed out the extensive blessing which he might be the means of conveying to New Zealand, by religious instruction, civilization, and various branches of useful knowledge, for which distant generations might have cause to render thanks to God, his countenance assumed great animation, and he seemed to realise the prospects which had been opened  to his view: but, in a moment, it passed away, and he observed with [f] a dejected air, “But my countrymen will not attend to what I tell them.”
 After my return to London, I desired him one morning to accompany to the Philological School myself and the Sultan ‘Kategerry’, who is lately come from Tartary to acquire information that he may hereafter benifit [sic] his Countrymen.— Here he was greatly delighted; the first principles of Geography were explained to him, in a New and Simple Method. The longitude and latitude of his own of his own [sic] Country, and the probable employment of its Inhabitants, at the different hours of the day, were pointed out to him, with all this he seemed much gratified.—
The damp and foggy weather of November greatly tried his constitution.— He contracted a very bad cough; and for a time, contended with the usual Symptoms of rapid consumption. I instantly put him under the care of a medical relative, Mr Chas Woodd; and in a short time was happy to find that under his kind attention, all the alarming symptoms were completely removed, as it was evident however that this damp and cold atmosphere did not agree with him, it was judged [f] expedient to recommend to the Society that as soon as an opportunity offered, he should return to his native country. At this period I was indulging the pleasing hope that Mowhee would in a short time, return to New Zealand, moderately qualified to instruct and assist his countrymen, in building their small houses, to improve them in civilization and the duties of justice and Mercy, and to assist in teaching the sublime and holy truths of the Gospel of our God and Saviour.—
	Such was our delightful contemplation, when a Mysterious providence by an unexpected event, said, on a sudden: “Dust thou are, and unto dust shalt thou return.”
	On Christmas day, Mowhee complained of great pain, in his head and back, and was so unwell, that he was advised to keep at home.— On thursday morning I was informed that his face was considerably swelled, and that Symptoms of dysentery appeared.
I was engaged that morning to attend the funeral of a respectable friend, and proposed calling to see him on my return, but the after part of the [f] day brought on a heavy rain; and not being very well; I did not venture out.— I had previously desired that medical aid might be immediately called in. On Friday morning, immediately after breakfast, I repaired to the house where he lodged. The account given me was very alarming. I went upstairs, and the Scene was the most distressing and dreadful, that I have ever witnessed. The floor of the chamber was covered, as it were, with blood, as appeared also the countenance of my poor young friend.
He seemed totally debilitated; and spoke very faintly and with extreme difficulty.
The room was offensive in the extreme. The disorder appeared to me quite unintelligible. I had never seen, among the many cases which I have visited, any thing of the kind before.— I sent immediately to Mr C. Woodd, who had offered to attend him without expense to the Society, and requested that he would as soon as possible, meet me at Mowhee’s apartment.
He had arrived first and sent for me from a school, which I was attending. When I entered the room, he said, “It is not safe for you to be here.— This is one of the most rapid, and most malignant, putrid fevers that I have ever met with.”— The fact was that the whole System, if I express it rightly, was [f] as it were, decomposing his blood was oozing from every pore— the mouth, nose, ears, and eyes exhibited this awful spectacle. On a near approach I observed the whole of his countenance covered with purple spots, and that blood seemed mixed with his very perspiration.— I retired with my medical friend; and immediately. some medicines and other strengthening aids, were sent for the poor sufferer.
It then struck me, that it was not right to leave this young stranger to die, solitary and unattended by ministerial consolation. I therefore judged it to be my path of duty to return to him.— Accordingly I took some port wine, directed a fumigation of nitrous acid, &c. to be prepared, dipt my handkerchief in vinegar and returned to the bedside of poor dying Mowhee.—
I had been told, that he probably would not survive the ensuing night. No time, therefore, was to be lost, especially as delirium was apprehended. I said, “Mowhee you seem very ill. Life is always uncertain, if it be the will of God, I pray that you may recover; but if not, I trust you have got good [f] by coming to England.” “I trust, Sir”, he replied, “I got good to my soul before I came to England, when I was at Norfolk Island, and in New Holland.” After a pause he added, “Also since I have attended the school Mr Hazard has been very kind, and has taken great pains. He often read the Scripture with me, and explained them.: I said “You are sensible of your state before God.”— He shook his head, and replied in his usual manner of assent, “Oh, yes! Oh! yes! very sensible of that.” I then said, “I hope all your dependence for pardon and mercy at the hand of God is wholly and entirely built on the death and merit of our blessed Saviour.” He again shook his head, which was his ordinary custom when anything interested him, and replied: “Oh, yes! Oh yes! on him alone.” He that believeth on Him, shall have everlasting salvation.”—
I again observed “I trust you endeavour to submit to the will of God, your heavenly Father, and I hope, that, in your present Situation, you feel the support, and consolation of the Gospel of Christ.” He replied: “Oh Sir! I cannot express what I feel.” —“I have not words; but it is in my imagination.— It is in my thoughts.” [f]
Perceiving that he was greatly exhausted, and, from the blood which collected in  his mouth, spoke with difficulty, I then said: Mowhee, would you wish me to pray with you? He instantly said: “Oh, yes. I should be very glad.” Accordingly I kneeled down by his bedside, and offered a short prayer, for his support, and for the pardon of his sins— that his repentance and faith might be strengthened— that he might be enabled to say, “My Father! not my will, but thine be done!” and that should the disorder end in death He might through the merits of the great sacrifice, be received to the arms of his merciful God— and that hereafter, as we now joined in prayer in an hour of affliction, we might meet again and join in praise, in Glory everlasting.— After prayer, he thanked me very affectionately.— I then said: “Mowhee, when I write to Mr Marsden, have you any message to send to him?” he immediately said that “Oh, tell him! I am under everlasting obligations to him, for his great kindness to me and to my poor countrymen.” I then added, Mowhee, what shall I say to Mr Kendall? He instantly replied: “Tell him that I never forgot his instructions.”
On this I addressed him: “Well, my dear friend, May the Lord bless you, and keep you! May he lift up the light of his [f] countenance upon you, and give you peace! and when called hence to be no more seen, may He receive you to His Heavenly Kingdom! I then withdrew.—
Soon after, as the disorder advanced, he became delirious; but at intervals he was intelligent and seemed at those periods, engaged in lifting up his heart in prayer to God. The next morning he appeared, for a time a little revived; and lay very tranquil, resigned and happy.— He had been literally in a sweat of blood, but it considerably abated. Two persons were with him, and frequently bathed his face with vinegar, which seemed to refresh him.—
		About five in the morning, one of his attendants read by him the prayers of the service for the visitation of the sick.
He seemed to hear with attention, and to be wholly occupied in prayer; but nature was nearly exhausted. he lay in this state, till about half past seven, when death closed his eyes, on the 28th day of December,1816: and we humbly trust that “Mortality was swallowed up of life, even Life everlasting.” How Mysterious is the Providence of God! How unsearchable [f] are His judgments! and his ways past finding out. Still we must not be discouraged. 
Our work is the Lords. The event at which we aim is certain— the uttermost parts of the earth will become the possession of the Son of God! I had often looked at Mowhee, and anticipated with great delight, the day when he would return to New Zealand, and the natives would hear from the lips of a New Zealander of the unsearchable riches of Christ.— From his piety, capacity, and application, I had fondly conjectured, that it might eventually happen, that as Sattianaden, Nanaperagason, Adeykalam, and Abraham, ordained by the Lutheran Church Native Priests, are now labouring in India, under he Society for promoting Christian Knowledge: so I trusted, it was not impossible but that Mowhee, under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, might be employed in New Zealand, and direct his fellow natives to Him who is “the propitiation for the sins of the whole world.” These pleasing prospects are now, alas! but as a dream when one awaketh. Mowhee is no more! I left his dying bed with a deepened impression of the duty of supporting the Missionary exertions of these [f] two Institutions; & I can truly add, with cordial exultation in the conversion of the Heathen, if accomplished, under the Divine blessing, by the zeal of those Societies which are not of our communion, The Lord prosper them! We wish them Success in the name of the Lord!— This thought then occurred to me— Mowhee is dead; but his work is not yet done. Let his Grave address his countrymen. Who can tell, but they yet may hear and believe!— I give, therefore, this Memoir to the Society. Let it, if approved by the Committee, be printed in a good type, in the form of a tract, after it has received their perusal and corrections. Let Mowhee’s family be especially considered. Perhaps they may read, or at least hear it, with some interest; and thus may we say of Mowhee: “By it, he, being dead, yet speaketh.” and O native of New Zealand! whoever thou art that mayst hear or read this little tract, remember that Mowhee on his deathbed, remembered and prayed for thee.— May his prayer be answered in thy conversion! May the God and Saviour Who taught Mowhee [f] By the Holy Spirit, the path of life, be your God and Saviour in life, and death, and forever!—
To this prayer let all the faithful in Christ Jesus who may read the Memoir say Amen!”
The death of Mowhee in London will shew the Christian world, the power of Divine Grace, and encourage the faithful, whose single desire, is the increase of the Redeemer’s kingdom, to go on in their work and labour of love.— The Lord of Hosts is with them and has blessed their labours to the honour and glory of His grace, and is raising up a people to serve Him in that heathen and benighted land, who will finally sit down, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of God for ever and ever.” [f]
I shall now proceed with the particulars of my first voyage to New Zealand.—
When I was preparing to visit that Island, Mr John Liddiard Nicholas, a Gentleman who came out (two years before) to settle in this Colony voluntarily proposed to accompany me. I readily accepted his offer, and we embarked on board the ‘Active’ brig on Saturday the 19th Novr 1814, and sailed down the harbour early that morning, but were obliged to anchor again, near the Mouth of the harbour by contrary winds; here we were detained 9 days. On Monday the 28th we weighed Anchor, and got out to sea, the number of persons on board (including women and children, were thirty-five— Mr Hanson, Master, his wife and son, Messrs Kendall, Hall, and King with their wives and five children;— 8 New Zealanders— two Otaheitans and four Europeans belonging to the vessel, besides Mr Nicholas, myself, two Sawyers, one Smith, and one runaway convict (as we found him to be afterwards). We had also on board, one entire horse, two Mares! one Bull and two Cows with a few sheep and poultry of different kinds: intended for the Island:— The Bull and Cows had been presented by Governor Macquarie, from [f] His Majesty’s herd. Nothing of consequence happened during our voyage. I suffered much from Sea Sickness, and though I have been so frequently at sea, I cannot get the better of that unpleasant complaint; I am always sick and frequently compelled to keep my bed.—
	On the 16th Decr. we saw the “three Kings” some small Island [sic] (thus named) which ly off the north end of New Zealand, about 12 leagues. We sailed close by them in the afternoon; and, as I wished to pass a day at the North Cape, we stood in for it, with a light breeze, in the evening and saw the land before sul [sic] set.— We had little wind all night: the next morning, at day light, we were nearly four leagues from shore.— We stood in till about 8 A.M.— I was anxious to have an interview with the Chiefs, in order that I might explain to them, the object of my voyage; and introduce the Settlers to them, and prepare the way for my future attempts to promote their welfare. After breakfast the ship’s boat was hoisted out, with a view to visit the shore; [f] I directed Duaterra, Shunghee, Koro Koro, Tohee (or Tooi) and Terra, all the chiefs we had on board, to go in her but no Europeans, so that they might open an intercourse between us and the Natives, and bring us some supplies. The boat was well armed, that they might defend themselves, if any attack should be made upon them.— Before the boat had reached the land, a canoe came alongside the Active with plenty of fish, and shortly after a Chief followed from the shore, who immediately came on board with his son: in his Canoe, there were some very fine looking men.— I asked him, if he had seen Duaterra, whom I had sent on shore; he told me he had not, and immediately shewed me a pocket knife, which he had tied to a string round his wrist and which he highly valued, and informed me that it had been given to him by Duattera along [sic] time before. I was much gratified that we had been so fortunate as to meet with a chief, who knew our friend Duaterra as we were now likely to obtain fully the object of our visit. I told them my name, with which they seemed well acquainted and immediately enquired after a young man belonging to that place, who had lived with me some time previously; his brother was in the canoe and greatly rejoiced he was to see me, he made the most anxious enquiries [f] after his brother, and I gave him every information I could. We were now quite free from all fear, as the natives seemed desirous to shew their attention to us, by every possible means in their power.— I informed the Chief that we wanted some hogs, and potatoes; he requested me to send one of his people on shore in his canoe, and he would send for some immediately— I ordered one of the New Zealanders, belonging to the vessel, into the canoe, as I did not think it prudent to send any European.—
The Chief and his son remained  on board, they seemed very happy, and much gratified with our confidence in them, and I explained to the Chief, the object of our voyage.— In a short time other Canoes came to the Active and brought an abundance of the finest fish I ever saw, our decks were soon covered with them. We had now a number of natives on board and alongside who behaved with the greatest propriety. We traded with them for fishing lines and other articles of curiosity.
	Before Duaterra and the other chiefs returned with the boat: I [sic] large canoe came off to the vessel, she was very full of stout, fine looking men, and sailed fast, though the sea was rather rough, [f] and we were at some distance from the land. It was pleasing to behold with what ease she topt the rising waves.
	One of the principal Chiefs was in the war Canoe with a number of his attendants, and a young Otaheitian known to Europeans by the name of Jem, whom I had known some years before, as he had resided a considerable time with Mr. McArthur at Parramatta: this  Otaheitian had married the Chiefs daughter, and his wife was in the Canoe.— He was much surprised to see me, and I was no less so to meet him there, so very unexpectedly.—
	He had been in the habit of calling at my house, when at Parramatta, and was well acquainted with my Situation in New South Wales, and he could speak English exceedingly well.— I fully explained to him the object of my coming to New Zealand and the nature of my intended plans for the future success of the design.— He was much pleased at the Idea of Europeans residing on the Island.—  This young man, being very intelligent and active, appeared to have obtained the full confidence of his father-in-law, and to have great weight and influence at the North Cape— I made himself, his father in law, and the other principal men a few presents, which [f] were gratefully received.— After some conversation, I mentioned that the New Zealanders had been guilty of great cruelties towards the Europeans, particularly in the case of the “Boyd”. They replied “The Europeans were the first aggressors; by inflicting corporal punishment on their chief.” I also told them that Mr Barnes (the master of the Jefferson whaler) when at Port Jackson, had informed me, that they had acted treacherously towards him in attempting to cut off two Boats, belonging to the ship, when she was last at the north Cape in Company with the King George.— I said, I was much concerned to hear these reports and that, if they continued to act in this manner, no European ships would visit them.— In reply to this, the Otaheitian young chief stated; that the Masters of the Jefferson and King George had in the first instance, behaved very ill to them— they had agreed to give 150 Baskets of potatoes and 8 Hogs for one Musket; The Potatoes and Hogs were delivered, and divided between the two vessels: After which the Otaheitian and one of the chiefs went on board the ‘King George’ for the musket, (which was delivered) at the same time, the Master of the “King George” demanded more potatoes and Hogs— The Chief was detained on board, and the [f] Otaheitian sent on shore for the Articles demanded— The Head Chief said, he had fulfilled the agreement for the musket, by the 150 baskets of potatoes and 8 Hogs, and he would give no more.— The Chief that was detained prisoner on board the King George, was the Head Chief’s brother and was with us at this time, on board the Active.— The Otaheitian was sent to the King George to inform the Master that no more potatoes and Hogs would be given, and to request him to relieve the Chief, whom he had unjustly detained. This, the Master refused to do, and he also kept the Otaheitian a prisoner. In two or three days they were put on board the Jefferson & there they remained for some days, till they were ransomed, at 170 baskets of potatoes and 5 hogs.— the people on shore were greatly enraged, all this time, and alarmed for the safety of their Chief, the vessels being out of sight.— After the potatoes and Hogs were delivered, two boats were sent on shore with the Otaheitian and the chief.
	Great numbers of the Natives were assembled on the shore, to receive them.— They were no sooner landed than the natives fired upon the boats, and I have no doubt but they would have massacred the crews [f] at the moment.— If they could for the fraud and cruelty before stated. The Otaheitian told me it was not possible to restrain the people from firing upon the boats.— The Chief spoke with great warmth and indignation at the treatment he had received. I assured them that both King George and Governor Macquarie would punish any act of fraud or cruelty committed by the Europeans, whenever the proper information was given.—
	I then gave them Governor Macquarie’s instructions to Masters of vessels, and explained the nature of them, which was clearly understood by the Otaheitian who explained it to the rest.— I told them that the ‘Active’ would occasionally visit them and by that means they might easily obtain redress from the Governor of New South Wales, and requested them never to commit any act of violence upon Europeans in future, but refer their complaints to Governor Macquarie.— They seemed much pleased and promised they would not injure the crews of ships that might touch there.— I also informed them that the Masters of the ‘King George’ and ‘Jefferson’ would be called upon to answer for their conduct, when they came to Port Jackson, as I should inform [f] Governor Macquarie of what they had done.— While the Principal Chief and his party remained on board, the boat returned with Duaterra and the rest that had gone in her.—
Duaterra and the principal Chief seemed well acquainted, and were very polite to each other: The most friendly salutations past between them, and Duaterra, being now, comparatively, very rich, made several presents to his friends, as did the other chiefs who had come with me from Sydney.—
Duaterra renewed the conversation relative to the firing upon the Jefferson’s Boats, and laid the strongest injunctions on them not to injure the Europeans in future but refer their complaints to the Governor of N. South Wales.— This was one of the most interesting and pleasing days I had ever enjoyed, I was never more amused and gratified than upon this occasion.
Before evening we had an abundant supply of fish, hogs and potatoes.
I informed the Natives, we should sail that night for the Bay of Islands.
They pressed us much to stop another day, and they would bring us more hogs, potatoes, and fish. [f] I told them we had enough for the present and that I would call and see them, on my return to Port Jackson, and, in the mean time, if they would prepare me some flax, I would buy it from them. The Chief promised to have some ready. As soon as evening came on they took their leave in a very warm and affectionate manner, and went into their canoes, to return to shore, apparently much satisfied with the reception they had met with on board the “Active”, and the information they had received relative to the Active visiting them again, and the Europeans settling on their island.— When the[y] [sic] had left us we made sail, and proceeded on our Voyage with a fair breeze.—
During the night the wind died away, and in the morning the little we had was against us, so that our progress along the coast was but slow.— The hills and woods appeared very beautiful to the eye, and the fires of the natives smoked in all directions on the main land, the wind continued nearly the same during the day. The next morning we beat up against the wind, and passed the mouth of the harbour of [f] Whangarooa (the place where the Boyd was cut off) but could not weather the “Cavalles” some small inhabited Islands, a few miles from the Main. The Natives informed [us] there was a safe passage between these islands and the Main, and we therefore endeavoured to beat through them, but could not, for contrary winds. As we were not far from the Cavalles, I wished to visit the people, residing on them, and had the boat hoisted out for that purpose. Messrs Nicholas and Kendall, with Koro-Koro and Tohee, accompanied me on shore.
As soon as we landed, all the Natives ran off, and secreted themselves in the bushes excepting one old man, who, being lame, was not able to make his escape, we walked up to him; he appeared alarmed till he saw Koro-Koro. I then made him a present of a few trifles; and in return he offered us a basked [sic] of dried fish, which we declined.— Korokoro immediately left us, and went in search of the natives. 
Mr Kendall sat down with the old man, who was much fatigued in getting up the hill, from the steepness of the shore. Mr Nicholas and I went after Koro-koro, but were some time before we could find him; he had gone to enquire after his relations, who lived upon this Island. [f] After some time we found Korokoro who had met with one of his own men. By this time, the natives began to recover from their alarm, and to come out of their hiding places.—
While we were talking with Koro-koro and some of the Natives, his aunt was seen coming toward us with some women and children.— She had a green bough twisted round her head and another in her hand, and a young child on her back:— When she came within one hundred yards, She began to make a very mournful lamentation, and hung down her head, as if oppressed by the heaviest grief.—
She advanced to Koro-koro with a slow pace; Koro-koro appeared much agitated, leaning upon his musket, as his aunt advanced she prayed aloud and wept exceedingly: Tokee (Koro-koro’s brother) seemed much affected, and, as if ashamed of his Aunt’s conduct, he told us he would not cry:— I will act like an Englishman”, he said. “I will not cry.” 
Koro-koro remained motionless, till his Aunt came up to him, when they laid there heads together, the woman leaning upon a staff, and Koro-koro upon his gun [f] and in this situation they wept aloud, for a long time, and repeated short sentences alternately, which, we understood, were prayers, and continued weeping, the tears rolling down their sable countenances in torrents.— It was impossible to see them without being deeply affected; at this time also, the daughter of Koro-koro’s Aunt sat at her Mother’s feet weeping, and all the women joined in their lamentations.— We thought this an extraordinary custom amongst them, and a singular mode of manifesting their joy; but we afterwards found that this custom was general in the Island of New Zealand. Many of the poor women cut themselves in their faces, hands, and breasts with sharp shells or flints. till the blood ran down in streams.
 When their tears and lamentations had subsided, I presented the women with a few presents. Tohee had sat all this time labouring to suppress his feelings (having declared he would not cry). In a short time we were joined by several fine young men, among them there was a youth, the son of a chief on the Island; when Towhee saw him coming he could contain his feelings no longer but instantly ran to him, and they were [f] locked in each others arms— weeping aloud:— After they had saluted each other and the women had gone through various ceremonies, we entered into conversation with them.— I enquired why they all ran off into the bushes; they told us that they had supposed, when we landed, that we were going to shoot them.— These people were greatly rejoiced when they found us to be their friends.— They did every thing in their power to please and gratify us.—
 After spending a few hours we returned to the place where we left Mr Kendall talking to the old man; a number of the natives attended us, and we enjoyed a very pleasant day; as every object arrount [sic] us was new and interesting, particularly the Inhabitants. From the top of the Cavalles, the view of the main land, together with the Ocean, and the numerous small Islands scattered upon it, is the most delightful I ever saw (at least I thought so). When we arrived we found Mr Kendall had been visited by some of the natives, who were still with him, and had much entertained him during our absence.— In the evening we returned to the vessel accompanied by the son of the chief and other chiefs from the main, who remained on board all night.— The next morning, the wind still continued against us, and we had [f] been labouring more than a day and a night, to work the vessel, either round the Islands, or between them and the main, to no purpose.— I thought it most prudent, as there good anchorage, to bring the vessel to Anchor, and wait for a fair wind.— I communicated my wishes to the Master accordingly; and we came to anchor between the Islands and the main, in seven fathoms of water.
Here we lay about five leagues from Whangarooa harbour, where the Boyd was cut off, and her crew Massacred, and one league from that part of the Main which belonged to the Chief Shunghee who came with us from Port Jackson.
Duaterra and Shunghee, had often told me of the bloody war, which had been carried on between the people of Whangorooa and those of the Bay of Islands, from the time the Boyd was destroyed till that period. During the stay of these Chiefs in New South Wales, they were always apprehensive, that the Chiefs of Whangarooa would take advantage of their absence to make an attack upon the people at the Bay of Islands.— However we here learned that there had been no disturbances since they had left home. It appeared that after the Boyd had been cut off Tippahee (a chief belonging to the Bay of Islands) [f] and who had visited Port Jackson, where he received great attention, was accused of being concerned in that dreadful massacre, and in consequence of which the whalers, who were at that time on the coast, and had come into the Bay of Islands, shortly after that affair, united their force, and sent seven armed Boats, before day-break, to attack the Island of Tippahee, where, on their landing, they shot every man, woman, and child that came in their way; in this attack Tippahee received Seven wounds, and soon afterwards died.
Duaterra and Shunghee always declared that Tippahee was innocent of the crime for which he suffered; and that Tippoohee, of Whangarooa, committed it.— Whangaroa is situated about thirty miles nearer the north cape, than the Bay of Islands. Tippahee was in the habit of trading with the people of Whangarooa, and happened to go there with a cargo of fish, on the day, in which the ‘Boyd’ was taken, and the whole of her crew massacred.— When he arrived five only of her men were alive and in the rigging, whom he took into his own Canoe and landed them, with a view of saving their lives, but, being [f] followed by the people, who committed the outrage, these five were forcibly taken from him and instantly put to death.
This is the account given by these natives who had first visited New South Wales. They originally declared that Tippahee was innocent of the destruction of the Boyd.
The people at the Bay of Islands in consequence of the murder of their chief Tippahee, declared War against the people of Whangarooa.— Several desperate  Battles had been fought, and the war was likely to continue.—
I had often told Duaterra and Shunghee that it would be to the interest of all parties to make peace, and that I wished to see it established, before I quitted New Zealand.—
Duaterra expressed his doubts as to the accomplishment of this object.— I told him I thought if I could obtain an interview with the Chiefs, I might bring it about, and that it was my determination to visit Whangarooa before my return, to try what could be done.— The wind continued in the same Quarter next day, which obliged us to remain at anchor.
I again visited the Cavalles, and there learnt, that the Chiefs of Whangarooa were on the main and all the principal [f] warriors: they had come to the funeral of some great Warrior who had died a few days before, and were then encamped on the shore opposite to our Anchorage. At this information, I hastened on board and consulted with Duaterra— told him how anxious I was to make peace, now that Europeans were come to settle among them.— that this would secure the lives of the Europeans and tend to the general benefit of their country.—
I expressed my wish to visit the camp of the Whangarooa people, and hear what the chiefs had to say on the subject.— As he had never met these people, since the loss of the Boyd, except in the field of Battle, he hesitated for some time.— I did all I could to induce him to try the experiment.— He was not afraid of himself, but was apprehensive that some accident might happen to me, or to the persons of my party,—he at length consented to go on shore with me; Shunghee and Koro-koro agreed to accompany us— and Messrs Nicholas, Kendall, King and Hanson volunteered to do the same. We took several loaded muskets in the boats with us.— The beach on which we landed belonged to Shunghee and was [f] covered with his people.
On approaching the Shore we saw the Whangarooa Chiefs with their warriors encamped on [a] high sugar loaf hill, to our left, with colours flying &c— The foot of this hill communicated with the sea.— As soon as they saw us land, our distance from them being about half a mile, they took to their spears, struck their colours, and ran off as fast as they could.—
Duaterra took a brace of large pistols, and desired me to follow him slowly— for he would come up to them at a certain point, where they must speak to him, because they could not escape by any other way. We accordingly followed Duaterra, in a body, and were surrounded by a crowd of men, women, and children belonging to Shunghee’s tribe.— A few of the principal people ran in different directions to clear the way, and keep the crowd from pressing on us.— In a short time Duaterra returned to meet us, and called on me to come forward, we accordingly mended our pace and soon came in sight of the Whangarooa people who had stopped to receive us.— A line was formed on each side for us to pass through them.— An old woman whom I took to be a priestess, made a very great noise, and waved a flag in her hand as we advanced. The Chiefs were all seated on the ground, according to their custom, and their warriors standing up, with their [f] Spears fixed in the ground uprightly—  these instruments were from 15 to 20 feet in length— they were also armed with patooes.—
Duaterra, with a Pistol in his hand, stood at some distance from the chiefs, and on my coming up to them, he fired off the pistol, and directed those who had muskets to do the same. This being done, the Whangarooa party returned the compliment by discharging their fire arms— which I considered as a favourable omen to the success of my mission.
One of the principal chiefs (who had cut off the Boyd) had been at Parramatta and knew me; he had also acquired tolerable English from being on board of Whalers— He was known to Europeans by the name of George.
I made a few presents to the chiefs, and after some conversation on various subjects—particularly on our visit to New Zealand, I enquired how they came to cut off the Boyd and to murder the crew.— Two of them stated, that they were at at [sic] Port Jackson when the Boyd was there; and had been put on board by a Mr. Lord in order to return home.— that George (their head Chief) had fallen sick while on board and was unable to do his duty as a common sailor, in consequence of which, he was severely punished— was refused provisions— threatened to be thrown [f] overboard, and many other indignities were offered to him, even by the common sailors, he remonstrated with the Master, begged that no corporal punishment might be inflicted on him— observing that he was a Chief in his own country, which they would ascertain on arrival at New Zealand.—  He was told he was no Chief with many abusive terms, which he mentioned, and which are but too commonly used by British seamen. When he arrived at Whangaroa, his back was in a very lacerated state, and his friends and people were determined to revenge the insult which had been offered to him; he said, if he had not been treated with such creulty [sic] the Boyd would never have been touched.— From the accounts which these people and their Chiefs gave of the destruction of the Boyd ‘Tippahee’ had had no hand in this melancholy affair. It was wholly their own act and deed.— This appeared to be strictly true (for I saw no reason to disbelieve their declaration) that Tippahee and his people suffered innocently, and that their death was the cause of much bloodshed,— for many men since that rash act was committed, have been cut off belonging to the Bay of Islands, as well [f] as to the Whangarooa tribe, with whom the affair originated.— I never passed Tippahee’s Island without a sigh;— it is now desolate without an inhabitant and has been so since his death.— The ruins of his little Cottage, built by the kindness of the late Governor King, still remains and I hope that those Europeans who were engaged in that fatal transaction were Ignorant at the time, that they were punishing the innocent.— I think it probable that the mistake (if there was one) originated in the affinity between the Name of Tippahee and that of the Chief of Whangaroa, who was principally concerned in the destruction of the Boyd, styled Tippoohee.— This chief I saw and conversed with on the subject.
Having fully satisfied myself respecting the loss of the Boyd and explained to these people, the reason of the Active’s coming to New Zealand— I found as night was coming on I could not accomplish the grand object I had in view, namely to establish peace among them without loss of more time.— I therefore resolved to remain in their camp all night.— Shunghee had given directions to his people to prepare supper for us, nearly a mile from where [f] we then were; I told the chief we would go to visit Shunghee’s people, and when we had taken some refreshment; Mr Nicholas and I would return, and spend the night in their camp; in order that we might have a little more conversation with them: to this the [chief] readily consented, and with a view to show us some marked attention, they entertained us with a sham fight, a war-dance, and a song of victory before we went to Shunghee’s people.—
After these ceremonies were over, we took our leave and returned to the place where we had landed, attended by a great number of natives.— Shunghee’s Servants had got our potatoes and fish prepared— Duaterra and the party who had come with us from the vessel now returned on board— leaving myself, Mr Nicholas and Shunghee to spend the night on shore.— We sat down, to supper, on the ground, but were soon almost smothered by the natives, who crowded so close around us, that I was compelled to draw a circle and direct them not to pass it. We were here much amused by these people, and they appeared equally so with us— They manifested every desire to serve us: and after spending [f] about an hour with them, we returned to the Camp of the Whangaroa warriors who had removed about half a mile from the place where we had the first interview with them, and had taken their Station on a level piece of ground, which I estimated to contain about 100 acres.
 When we arrived, they received us very cordially, we sat down among them and the Chiefs surrounded us.— I then renewed our conversation relative to the destruction of the Boyd with a view of bringing about a reconciliation between them and the inhabitants of the Bay of Islands, as I considered the establishment of peace between these contending parties of great importance to the Mission. The Chiefs told me the state the wreck of the Boyd was then in, and promised to give me the guns and whatever remained belonging to her; if I would go into their harbour.— They had got some of the Guns on shore and would get the rest.— The Chief George told me that his father and five others were blown up in the Boyd, when she took fire. His father had got part of the powder on [f] deck with some of the Muskets, and was trying one of the flints, in a musket lock, whether it would strick fire, when a spark from it, caught the powder and the explosion killed all within its reach.— He pressed me much to go into their harbour:— I told him I probably might do so before I left New Zealand provided the wind would permit; but I could not then go, on account of the Stock and number of people I had on board the Active.— I then addressed him on the subject of peace, pointed out to him, how much more it would be, for their interest and happiness, to turn their attention to agriculture, and the improvement of their country, than continue to fight and murder one another, and particularly now as the Europeans who were about to settle amongst them, through whom they would obtain wheat to sow their land and tools to cultivate it. I assured them, that every assistance would be given by the Europeans to promote the improvement of their present situation; and that, if they would only attend to the cultivation of their land, [f] and lay aside all sorts of war and murder they would soon become a great and happy people.—
George replied— he did not want to fight any more, and was ready to make peace—Much conversation then passed chiefly respecting New Zealand and Port Jackson, which George had visited. I endeavoured to impress upon his mind the great degree of comfort we enjoyed as compared with his countrymen’s enjoyments— our mode of living, Houses &c. which he had seen, and that all these blessings might be obtained by them, by cultivating their land, and improving themselves in useful knowledge, which they would now have an opportunity to acquire from the European settlers. He seemed sensible of all these advantages, and expressed a wish to follow my advice— the other Chiefs and their people stood around us.— As the evening advanced the people began to retire to rest in different groups— About 11 P.M. Mr Nicholas and I wrapped ourselves up in our great coats and prepared for rest also.
George directed me to lie by his side, his Wife and Child lay on one hand— myself on the other, and Mr Nicholas close by the family.[f] The night was clear, the stars shone brightly, and the Sea, in our front was smooth— around us were numerous spears stuck upright in the ground, and groups of natives lying in all directions like a flock of sheep upon the grass, as there were neither tents nor huts to cover them— I viewed our situation with new sensations and feelings that I cannot express; surrounded by cannibals, who had Massacred and devoured our countrymen, I wondered much at the Mysteries of providence, and how these things could be.— Never did I behold the blessed advantages of civilization, in a more grateful light, than at that moment. I did not sleep much, during the night, my mind was too anxiously occupied by the present Scene, and the new and strange ideas it naturally excited.— About three oclock in the morning I arose and walked about the Camp surveying the different groups of Natives, some of whom put out their heads from under the tops of their ‘kakkahows’, which are like a bee-hive, and spoke to me.— When the morning light appeared, we beheld men, women, and children asleep in all directions, like the beasts of the field.— [f] I had directed the Boat to be brought on shore, for us at daylight, and soon after, Duaterra arrived in the Camp. I then invited the Chiefs to breakfast on board the Active, which invitation was readily accepted— We immediately went in the boat together, and several canoes put off at the same time for the Active— At first I entertained doubts whether the Chiefs would trust themselves to us or not, on account of the Boyd, lest we should detain them while We had them in our power; but they shewed no signs of fear, and went on board with apparent confidence. I communicated to Duaterra my intention to make them some presents, he told me whatever article I gave to one, I must give a similar article to another, and each article was to be given seperately [sic] and to the eldest chief first. The Axes, Bill hooks Prints &c &c which I intended to give them were all got ready, after breakfast. The Chiefs were seated in the Cabin, in great form to receive the presents— I sat on one side of the table, and they on the other; Duaterra stood and handed to me each article seperately, [sic] that I was to give them. Messrs Kendall, Hall, and King with [f] the Master of the Active and his son were all, one after another, introduced to the chiefs; and the chiefs were, at the same time, informed what duties each of these persons was appointed to do i.e. Mr Kendall to instruct their children Mr Hall to build houses and boats &c &c— Mr King to make fishing lines, and Mr Hanson to command the Active which would be employed in bringing Axes and such other articles, as were wanted from Port Jackson, to enable them to cultivate their land, and improve their Country.—
When the ceremonies of giving and receiving presents, was over I expressed my hopes that they would have no more wars, but from that time, would be reconciled to each other. Duaterra, Shunghee, and Koro-koro, all shook hand [sic] with the Chiefs of Whangaroa, and saluted each other, as a token of reconciliation, by joining their noses together,— I was much gratified to see these men at amity once more, and sincerely wished, that this peace might never be broken, and I considered the time well employed, while we had been detained by adverse winds.— The Chiefs took their leave, much pleased with our attention to them, and promised never to injure any European in future.— Having nothing [f] more to do, and the wind having become favourable we weighed anchor in the afternoon, and stood for the Bay of Islands— we reached the mouth of the harbour, and were met by a war canoe belonging to Korokoro, who resides on the south side of the harbour. In this canoe were Korokoro’s son and a number of his servants, who were all greatly rejoiced to see their Chief. He left his son on board and immediately went on shore himself— at 3 p.m. on thursday 22nd Decr we anchored on the north side of the harbour, about seven miles from the Heads in a cove opposite to the town of Rangheehoo, where Duaterra was wont to reside, to the great joy of his people. The Active was soon surrounded by canoes from all quarters, on going ashore Duaterra and Shunghee found all their friends and relatives well, who wept for joy at their return and the women cut themselves in a similar manner to those of the Cavalles with shells and flints, till the blood flowed down. It was in vain to attempt to persuade them not to do this, because they considered it the strongest proof of their affection.— The next day we landed the horses and cattle, and fixed upon a place for the present residence of [f] the settlers; and began to clear away the rubbish, and prepare for erecting houses, for their reception, on a piece of ground adjoining to the native town pitched upon by Duaterra and the other Chiefs of the place.— About 8 Oclock on Saturday morning, Korokoro who lived about nine miles from the Settlers, came to pay his respects to us; he was attended by 10 Canoes full of his warriors accompanied by some women and Children.— The Canoes came down in a regular line with colours flying on observing which, we immediately hoisted ours. Some of his officers stood up and regulated all their movements by word of command, and signals made by means of their large Patooes (which were ornamented with feathers) these they held in their hands, and kept in constant motion. Korokoro was dressed in his native clothing, and his brother Tohee both were painted with red ocre and had feathers in their hair;— the warriors were likewise painted.— The whole presented a grand warlike scene.— They advanced with great speed towards the Brig, and kept a regular line, every [f] man striking his paddle at the same instant so that the whole sounded as one stroke— they sung the war song, as they approached and performed all their gestures and threats, as if they were determined upon attacking the vessel in earnest— We saluted them with a discharge of thirteen small arms, the song of victory was then sung in the canoes, and their customary rejoicing performed.—
After this, Koro-koro, with the chiefs who had accompanied him, came on board, and made us several presents in the most polite manner— A number of chiefs from other districts were also on board; and Koro-koro introduced them all, one by one, to his European friends, commented on the particular attention they had shewn to him when at Port Jackson; and lamented that the poverty of his country prevented him from returning their kindness according to his wishes.— He was also very particular in explaining, to the other Chiefs, for what purposes Messrs Hall, and King had come to reside in New Zealand. Duaterra and his friends were present on this occasion and assisted in regulating the necessary ceremonies, and forms, in which Korokoro and his party were to be received. It had been previously arranged, between Duaterra and Korokoro, unknown to us, we were to be entertained with a sham fight— After taking some [f] refreshment, preparations were made to go on shore.— Korokoro was to make an attack upon Duaterra’s people and take the place by storm; Duaterra then went on shore to prepare for the defence of his place.— A number of canoes, full of people immediately joined us belonging to other Chiefs, when Korokoro left the vessel accompanied by Mr. Nicholas, the Settlers and I,. Duaterra had got all his men drawn up in order, armed with their spears and other weapons of war— Korokoro’s canoes advanced towards the shore in the same order of Battle in which they had approached the Active, a chief belonging to Duaterra, quite naked, ran furiously to and fro along the beach, making a most horrid noise, and daring the sham enemy to land.— As the Canoes came nearer to the shore, those in them increased their shouts and furious gestures— at length they all jumped out of their canoes into the water, and in one compact body began the attack.— Duaterra’s men all retreated as fast as possible, and the others pursued them a considerable distance when Duaterra’s men, suddenly wheeled round, and attacked their pursuers; The Battle then became general— a number of women were seen in the heat of the action, among whom were Tippahee’s old widow (apparently about [f] 70 years of age, and Duaterra’s wife, bearing her hand, a patooe about seven feet long made of the jawbone of a whale;— She brandished this weapon about, in the very centre of the mock fight, and went through all the various movements usually performed by the men in advancing and retreating. After both parties had run and struggled together, till nearly exhausted (some having been trampled upon and others accidentally knocked down) they formed a close body and united in the shouts of victory and in the war-dance, which ended the scene.— Duaterra, during the action, commanded one party and Koro-Koro the other. The former passed the remaining part of the day in preparing for the Sabbath. He enclosed about half an acre of ground with a fence, in the centre of which, he erected a pulpit and a reading Desk, and covered the whole with either Black native made cloth or some duck which he had brought with him from Port Jackson. he also procured the bottoms of some old canoes, and fixed them up as seats for the Europeans, on each side of the pulpit; intending to have Divine Service performed the next day.
These preparations were made of his own accord, and in the evening, he first informed me that every thing was ready for public worship.— I was much pleased with this singular mark of his attention.— The reading [f] Desk was about three, and the pulpit, six, feet from the ground;— The black native cloth covered the top of the Pulpit and hung over the sides.— The bottom of the pulpit, as well as the Reading-Desk, was made of part of a Canoe and the whole was becoming and had a solemn appearance. He had also erected a flag staff on the highest hill in the Village which had a very commanding view.— On Sunday morning, when I went upon deck I saw the English flag flying, which was a pleasing sight in New Zealand. I considered it the signal for the dawn of civilization, liberty, and Religion in that dark and benighted land.—
I never viewed the British flag with more gratification, and I flattered myself, they would never be removed, till the Natives of that island, enjoyed all the happiness of British subjects.
About 10 A.M. we prepared to go on shore to publish the glad tidings of the Gospel of Christ, for the first time, on this Island.
I was under no apprehension for the safety of the vessel, and therefore ordered all on board to attend Divine Service on shore, except the Master and one man)— On our landing we found Korokoro, Duaterra, and Shunghee dressed in Regimentals, which had been given them by Governor Macquarie;— their men drawn up, [f] ready to march into the enclosure, to attend Divine Service.— They had their Swords by their sides and switches in their hands.— We entered the enclosure and were placed on the seats, on each side of the Pulpit. Korokoro marched his men on, and stationed on my right and in rear of the Europeans, while Duaterra placed his men on the left of the Inhabitants of the village, including women and children, and the other Chiefs formed a circle round the whole— A very solemn silence prevailed— the sight was truly impressive:— I got up and began the service by singing the old hundredth psalm, and felt my very soul melting within me, when I viewed my congregation and considered the state they were in.— After reading the service, during which the natives stood up and sat down at the signal given by the motion of Korokoro’s switch, which was regulated by the movements of the Europeans, it being Christmas day, I preached from the 2nd Chr of St. Luke’s Gospel v. 10th “Behold I bring you glad tidings of great joy & ca. The Natives told Duaterra they could not understand what I meant— he replied they were not to mind that now; for they would understand by and bye, when he would try to explain the meaning as well as he could— [f] 
When I had ended the Sermon [in pencil above: done preaching], he informed them, of what I had described in my discourse [in pencil— been talking about] been— Duaterra was very much pleased, that he had been able to make all the necessary preparations for the performance of Divine Service in so short a time; and we felt much obliged to him for his attention. He was extremely anxious to convince us, that he would do every thing for us that lay in his power; and that the good of his country was his principal consideration. In the above manner the Gospel has been introduced into New Zealand, and I fervently pray, that the Glory of it may never depart from its Inhabitants till Time shall be no more.
After the service we returned on board, much gratified with the reception we had met with, and we could not but feel the strongest persuasion that the time was at hand, when the Glory of the Lord would be revealed to these poor benighted heathen, and that those, who were to remain on the Island, had strong reason to believe, that their labours would be blessed and crowned with success.— In the evening I administered the Holy Sacrement [sic] on board the ‘Active’— In rememberance [sic] of our Saviour’s Birth and of what He had done and suffered for us.— [f]
On Monday Morning, as there were no timber at Rangheehoo, fit for erecting the necessary buildings for the Settlers, I determined to take the Brig to the Timber district, which I understood was about 20 miles distant, on the opposite side of the harbour— up a fresh water river: because this would supply what was wanted, at once, and save considerable expense. I therefore ordered all the Iron and various other articles to be landed and given in charge of Duaterra.— The poultry were also sent on shore— the Sawyers and Smith with Mr Hanson Junr left the vessel likewise— I directed them, with the assistance of the Natives, to build a hut 60 feet by 16, and to thatch it for the immediate accommodation of the settlers and their families.
When we returned from the Timber District the Natives seemed very willing to assist us as much as they could.— I found now I should be much distressed for want of axes, and other articles of trade, as the presents I had made at the North Cape and along the coast, had very much reduced my stock.— We had also omitted to bring coals with us from Port Jackson: and I hardly knew how to remedy these defects— As nothing could be done in our mechanical operations, nor could we purchase provisions from the natives [f] without carpenters tools; Such as Axes &c. I had no alternative but to erect a Smith’s shop and burn Charcoal— in order that the Smith might get to work, and make axes &c to supply our present wants.
I consequently desired that some of the Natives might assist the Smith in burning Charcoal and in erecting a workshop until the Active should return.— Having given such instructions as I deemed necessary and prudent, We sailed for the Timber District on tuesday taking with us, the Settlers and their families (This district belonged to a chief named ‘Terra’ an old man apparently seventy years of age). Terra was then the head Chief on the south side, and possessed considerable influence— I therefore judged it prudent to wait upon him and to obtain his permission— in the first place, to cut what timber we required in order to prevent any misunderstanding.
Accordingly when we came opposite to his village I went, accompanied by Messrs Kendall, Nicholas, and King, to visit him and took with me a young man about seventeen years of age, who was related to the Chief, and who had been almost nine years from New Zealand— the latter part of [f] which period he had lived with me in Parramatta—
He had also lived several years with a Mr Drummond at Norfolk Island, from whom he experienced great kindness.—
When we landed I found Terra sitting on the beach with some of his subordinate Chiefs and people;— He received us very cordially, and wept much on account of the young man’s return, as did many others, some of whom wept aloud.— I presented him with an axe, an adze and two plane Irons with several other trifles.— He said he did not want any present from me, but only my company, as he had heard so often of me, from his own people and others.— I told him, that I had waited on him, to beg his permission, to cut some timber in his district for building houses to the Europeans and Rangheehoo. [sic]— He expressed a strong desire that they would come and reside with him. 
I pointed out to him, that they could not well come then, but must settle with Duaterra in consequence of our long acquaintance with him; but, that in time some Europeans should come and live with him. He gave his consent for us to have what timber was wanted.— He informed me that the wheat, which had been given him when the ‘Active’ was first there, was growing. I went to see it, and found it almost ripe. As the Vessel had gone on, and [f] I was informed, we were several miles from the place at which she would anchor— I wished to take my leave before the night came on us, but the old Chief would not consent till we had first taken some refreshment.— He therefore ordered his Cook to dress some sweet potatoes as soon as possible (these are, with them, esteemed a choice food). In a short time a basketfull of them were roasted and placed before us.— The Chief sat by us, as did his wives and a number of Men, Women and Children; he would not eat with us himself nor permit any of his people to do so, and when we parted with him, he ordered two baskets of Sweet potatoes to be put into the boat for our use. I invited him to come on board the Active which he promised to do, and we took our live [sic] being much gratified with the attention of this Chief and his people. 
The next morning we were visited by numbers of the natives from different districts; and I contracted with some of the subordinate Chiefs for a cargo of timber. The Brig lay about eight miles from the fresh water river where the pine trees grew, there not being sufficient depth of water to bring her nearer.
I went up, accompanied by Messrs Nicholas and Hall, to see the pines, and we found a considerable village upon the Banks of the river, which they called Koua-koua. [f] When our arrival was known, we were soon surrounded by numbers of the natives, who vied with each other in their attentions— None of us were under the least apprehension of danger any more than if we had been among our own country folk— In about ten days we had got our Cargo, and were ready to return to Rangheehoo.
During the time the natives were getting the timber, Mr Nicholas and I visited different places for several miles round; and passed one night with an old Chief who gave us an account of Captn Cook’s visit and stay at the Bay of Islands.
He said that he was then a young man, and shewed us where the sailors pitched their tents, washed their linen, watered their ships, and cut their wood; he also related several occurrences which took place while the great Navigator remained there.— Our Cargo being completed on friday the 6th of Jany 1815 We weighed anchor and sailed for Rangheehoo. When we got there the hut which I had directed to be built was almost finished. It was my intention, as soon as the Settlers and their luggage were safely landed, to visit either Whangarooa or the River Thames, as the wind at the time might permit.—
Several of the natives of Whangaroa had visited the Active, since the peace had been established between them and the people of the Bay of Islands. [f] As the Hut would not be ready for the reception of the Settlers for, at least, four or five days, I agreed with Shunghee, to visit one of his villages twenty five miles distant in the interior. Mr Nicholas volunteered to accompany me— early on Monday morning the 9th. Shunghee, Duaterra, his wife and several other chiefs came off to the Brig in a War Canoe, in which we were to go up one of the Western branches of the harbour, from the head of which we were to walk to a place called Waimate where the village alluded to was built.— After breakfast, we left the Active and went into the Canoe, which was large and commodious;— Sixteen persons could row on each side and we could sit or lie down at pleasure.
These Canoes go very quick thro’ the water, and afford the most pleasant conveyance for passengers.— Some of them are 80 to 90 feet in length,— A smaller canoe also accompanied us, with some of Shunghees common Servants.— About eleven oclock, we reached the head of the cove, which we estimated to be about 15 miles from the Active.— Here we landed in a potatoe Garden belonging to Shunghee’s Brother named Kangarooa; where we were to take some refreshment before we proceeded on our journey. [f] Duaterra and his wife had already gone to their farm, the servants were all busy some in digging potatoes, others in making fires to roast them.— Hearing the sound of a fall of water at a little distance; I went to examine it, while the potatoes were roasting, and found a fresh water river falling over a bed of rocks, which there extend from bank to bank.
I estimated the fall to be about 91 [sic] feet perpendicular height— The water is sufficient to turn mills of any kind. A regular bed of solid rock, I think of whinstone, runs direct across the head of the salt water cove, and forms a dam similar to many of the artificial dams in England.— The water seemed to be supplied from regular springs and heavy rains.— The land on both sides of the river appeared very good.— After taking some refreshments, about 10 oclock we set off for Waimate.— For the first three or four miles we past through a rich uneven country.— The land in general was free from timber, and could easily have been plowed, it appeared to me to be good strong wheat land, and was then covered with fern.— For the next six miles the land seemed of various qualities some exceeding good, some of it stony, a part swampy, and the other portions of a gravelly nature— The whole of this part [f] of country taken collectively would form a good Agricultural Settlement. It is watered by several fine streams running through it about a mile apart from each other and it is skirted in various places by lofty pine trees, and other timber.— When we had walked nearly 10 miles we entered a very fine wood in which there were some of the largest pines I had ever seen. One measured more than thirty feet in girth, and probably not less than one hundred feet in height, without a branch, it appeared to be nearly the same thickness at the top as at the bottom..
While passing thro’ this wood, we met with a Chief’s wife who was overjoyed to see us; her husband’s name was Terria a very fine handsome looking man, he had been on board the Brig a few days before; he informed me that some time back, a boat’s crew belonging to a whaler had entered his potatoe ground, in the Bay of Islands, to steal his potatoes, and that he had set his father and some of his people to watch them, when the Europeans shot his father dead, and killed another man and a woman, he afterwards watched them himself, and killed three European sailors.— I understood that the Europeans belonged to [f] a Whaler called the New Zealander.—
After meeting Terria’s wife, we came to his village situated on the banks of a fine run of fresh water, and a deal of rich land around it.— We enquired how many wives he had and were told ten. Terria was from home but his wives pressed us much to have some refreshments with them. There were a number of servants both men and women.— We accepted the invitation and Shunghee having shot a wild duck, we had it dressed while Terria’s Servants prepared abundance of potatoes for the whole party. We stopped in this village about two hours; they had a number of fine hogs but no other animal was seen exce[p]ting dogs— The New Zealanders are a very cheerful race: We were here entertained with a dance and song— and they continued their mirth during our stay. We took our leave of them a little before the sun went down.— Proceeding on our journey, we arrived at Shunghee’s village, just before dark, where we were received with the loudest acclamations of his people, several of whom wept for joy.— This village contains about two hundred houses and is situated on the summit of an almost inaccessible hill, and strongly fortified both by nature and art.— Three very deep trenches have been cut round  the sides of the hill, one above another, and each trench fenced round with whole and split trees, from twelve to twenty feet high.— [f] We entered this extraordinary fortification through a narrow gate way, when Shunghee shewed us how he defended his place in time of war. — He had one small Secret corner where he could be concealed and fire upon the enemy, every little hut, in this enclosure, is fenced round; Some [the] Store houses for the reception of their spears and provisions, are about 30 feet long and twenty wide.— they are also well built, the roofs are thatched some of the eves [sic] extend three feet over the sides in order to carry off the water, and keep the building dry.— In the centre of the Fort, on the very summit of the hill, a stage is errected [sic] upon a single pillar, about twenty feet long and three broad, hewn out of a solid log, and elevated about six feet from the ground. Upon this the Chief sits either for pleasure or business just as occasions require him to consult with his people.— It commands a most extensive view, of the surrounding country in all directions.
Near this stage is a little hut about four feet from the ground, three feet long and two wide, with a little image placed up on the side of the door (which does not exceed one foot, a seat also is placed in front, upon which the Chief’s Lady sits when she eats her provisions, which are deposited in this little building.— [f] About nine Oclock, we were informed that the room was ready where we were to sleep, some clean Mats had been placed upon the floor for us to lie on, we wrapped ourselves up in our great coats.— A number of the natives lay in different situations, some under cover, and some in the open air.— We had enjoyed a very pleasant day, and our long walk had prepared us for a Sound sleep, tho’ not indulged with feather beds.
	Early on tuesday morning the 10th we rose with an intention of visiting a fresh water Lake [called Morberrie— Hocken] about 5 miles distant from the village.— We set off attended by Shunghee, and several Chiefs with a number of servants.— Our way lay thro’ a wood composed of various sorts of timber besides the noble pine. We could not but view these wonderful productions of nature with reverence and wonder.—
	On our way to the Lake we also passed through some very rich ground and soon arrived at a small village where Shunghee’s people were at work preparing ground for planting potatoes.— There was a very fine crop nearly ripe in one part.— The land appeared dry and rich, and the potatoes mealy— I have never seen better potatoes under the best culture.— When we had walked two miles further we came to the Lake: it might be about 12 Miles in circumference, and we were informed, that it empties itself into the head of a River, which ran into [f] the Ocean on the west side of the Island. It’s head was about an hours walk from the Lake.— The land appeared good on the north side of it.— We amused ourselves about two hours in viewing this Lake, and the neighbouring grounds, and then returned to the last mentioned Village; where we dined on a wild duck and potatoes (aided by the provisions we had brought with us) the Duck was shot by Shunghee.
After this we returned to the Fort, and slept there for that night.—
Shunghee’s people here appeared very industrious, they rose at the dawn of day, both men and women, some were busy making baskets for potatoes, others dressing flax, or making mats, none remains unemployed.—
Shunghee and his brother Kangorroa have a large track of Country similar in extent [‘in extent’ crossed out in pencil] to one of the counties in England; It extends from the east side to the west side of New Zealand, and is well watered.— We saw much land well adapted for cultivation.
Shunghee had near the village we were at, one field which appeared to me to contain forty acres, all fenced in with rails and upright stakes tied to them to keep out the pigs.— The greater part of it was planted with turnips, common, and sweet potatoes, which were in high cultivation. [f] They suffer no weeds to grow but, with incredible labour and patience root up every thing likely to injure the growing crop.— Their tools of Agriculture are chiefly made of wood, some formed like a spade, and others like a crow bar, with which they turn up the soil.— Axes, hoes, and Spades, are much wanted. If these could be obtained their Country would soon put on a different appearance.— No labor of man, without Iron, can clear and subdue uncultivated land to any extent. The New Zealanders seem to do as much in this respect, and the strength and wisdom of man, in their situation is equal to.— Shunghee shewed me some fine wheat, the seed of which I had sent him about seven months before, it was nearly ripe, and the ear was full and large, he put a very high value upon it, as he appeared to know its worth from his few month’s residence at Parramatta.— I had also sent over a little English flax seed, this also had been sown and it came to great perfection, far superior to any I had observed in New South Wales— Shunghee treated us, during this visit to his village, with all the attention and hospitality his means afforded.—
He had slain two hogs, and we had what [f] we used of them, dressed after our own mode.
Early on Wednesday the 11th we took our leave of this Extraordinary fortification, and the people who resided in it, intending to breakfast at the village belonging to Terria, about five miles distant.— Shunghee sent his Servants with two fine hogs for the use of the vessel.— We arrived at Terria’s Village a little after 7 a.m., where we were very kindly received, the fires were soon lighted and preparations made for breakfast.— Several natives joined us here, whom we had not seen before. Terria was not yet returned.—
After Mr Nicholas and I had breakfasted I had tea made for Terria’s wives and Shunghee’s, who surrounded us— They all refused to take any— Shunghee told me they were all tabooed, and thereby prohibited from taking any thing but water.—I pressed Shunghee to allow one of his wives (who had a little child about a month old, and who had followed us from the village, to take it, he said she could not drink any, for if she did his child would die.— I was fully convinced that their refusing to take the tea was founded upon some superstitious notions.— [f] They were all very fond of bread and Sugar; and I distributed what remained of these articles, among them, while Shunghee and the other Chiefs drank the tea— In about two hours, we proceeded to the cove where we had left the War Canoe on Monday morning.— The distance we had to walk was about eight miles, and our party consisted of twenty five persons, all natives of New Zealand, except Mr Nicholas and myself.— In about three hours’ time we reached the Canoe, here we stopped and took dinner, and afterwards set off for the Brig.— [In pencil- Active]
When we had got within seven miles of the vessel we met Duaterra in his war canoe, with a supply of provisions, particularly tea, Sugar, and bread; he was apprehensive we should want these articles, as we had been about one day longer than was intended when we left the Active.— As Shunghee and Duaterra approached each other, the[y] mutually fired a piece, which is held by them as a mark of respect.— These two canoes were nearly matched, and these chiefs were determined to try their strength and skill to see which would go the quickest.— Shunghee commanded one and Duaterra the other;— they both ran at so rapid a rate, that it was not possible to tell at times which had the advantage, we were much amused with the exact order [f] they struck their paddles, and their skill, in Struggling for the superiority.— One man in each canoe gave the signal, for every stroke, which changed every few seconds, sometimes the strokes were long and slow, at others short and quick.— In a little time we reached the Active.— On Monday Morning previous to leaving the vessel I directed that the Settlers, their families and every thing belonging to them should be landed, as soon as the building was ready for their reception.
On my return I found Mr Kendall and his family were on shore, and every preparation made for Messrs Hall and King.—
As I intended to sail either for Whangaroa or the River Thames as soon as the Brig was cleared, I went on shore to make the necessary arrangements for my departure. On landing I was informed that a Chief named Werrie (nephew to the late Tippahee) was very much enraged and had beat his wife, in consequence of finding a nail in her possession.— The nail had excited Werrie’s jealousy, which caused him to demand where she had got it; She told him that a man belonging to the Active had given it to her as a present.— Werie [sic] could not be persuaded that any man would give his wife so valuable a present, as a nail unless her conduct had been improper.— [f] I was apprehensive that this unpleasant circumstance might be attended with serious consequences unless the chief’s mind could be satisfied with respect to the chastity of his wife.— I sent for Duaterra and consulted with him, when it was agreed that the man who was said to have given Mrs Werie the nail should be sent for, and if any improper act could be proved against him, he should be confined to the vessel.—
A public investigation therefore took place, in presence of the chief and many of the inhabitants.— held on the open beach where they dance and exercise.— The New Zealand woman and the accused European were brought forward. She defended herself very warmly, but said she could not Identify the man, who had given her the nail, [in pencil, but] affirming however that she had received it as a present.—
After a long examination, she was acquitted by the unanimous voice of the Chiefs, to the satisfaction of all parties tho’ I could not but entertain suspicions of the Lady’s chastity from her hesitation to point out the person, who had given her the nail.— I took this opportunity to assure them, that if any person belonging [f] to the Active, either insulted or injured any of their people, he or they should be punished.— After this business was settled Mr and Mrs Hall were landed with the remainder of the stores.—
On the following morning, Friday the 13th Mr and Mrs King were also landed and the vessel supplied with water and wood to be in readiness for sea.—
About 3 P. M. we weighed and sailed down the harbour; it was my intention if the wind permitted, first to sail for Whangorroa, having been invited by several of the inhabitants of that place who had come to Rangheehoo, since the peace was established.—
I had Duaterra and Korokoro, with 25 New Zealanders, as a guard on board they were very fine young men, and could be depended on— Many of them being the sons of Chiefs on both sides of the harbour.— I thought it prudent to take a sufficient number of men, in case any difference should happen to arise either at Whangoroa, the river Thames, or at any other part of the coast, at which we might touch.—
When we got to sea, the wind was fair for Whangorroa, and we directed our course thither, but when we came over to the Cavalles, the wind suddenly [f] changed and compelled us to anchor between the Cavalles and the Main, about five leagues Southward of Whangarroa, here we remained all night.
Soon after we anchored three canoes came off from the Cavalles and other Islands around.— Some of the people came on board and remained till after the sun went down.— When they had gone, the Carpenter missed one of his chisels with which he had been at work.— Duaterra was very angry, as we were convinced that some of the natives had taken it;— the Boat was immediately manned by Duaterra’s men, well armed and proceeded to one of the above mentioned Islands:— I requested Duaterra, provided he should find the thief, not to injure him, but merely to take the chisel from him.— In about an hour’s time they returned without being able to find the thief; having landed on the wrong Island (as the the [sic] night was very dark)— The next morning (Saturday the 14th) at break of day, a canoe came off to inform us where the thief was, and wanted assistance to take him, but I thought it more prudent to let the matter rest, lest it should detain the vessel too long, as [f] we had then got up the anchor, intending to sail for Whangarroa; a light breeze having sprung up:— It however soon became calm and obliged us to anchor again.— In the afternoon the wind blue [sic] pretty fresh, but directly against us, with a prospect of its continuing in that quarter, which would prevent us from entering the harbour of Whangarroa.
I therefore determined to proceed for the River Thames: to which we bore away, as soon as the anchor was weighed.— On the same evening we passed the mouth of the Bay of Islands, with a gentle breeze which continued all night, and in the morning we were not far from the Poor Knights (some small Islands which lie a few leagues from the main)— About 10 A.M. a Canoe was observed coming to the Brig. Duaterra ordered his men under arms, and directed them to lie down upon the deck, that they might not be seen when the canoe came alongside.— The Canoe came up, it contained only one old chief, three men and a woman;— a rope was thrown to them to secure the canoe, the old chief got immediately on the side of the vessel to come on board, he had not observed the New Zealanders; who just as he was coming [f] over the Gangway, sprung up some presenting their muskets and others their spears, which so alarmed him that he fell back into the canoe, and almost upset it, there he lay some time before he recovered from his fright; the New Zealanders making a most dreadful noise, at the same time.— The old chief came afterwards on board, and was much rejoiced to see so many of his friends, and laughed heartily at the trick which had been played on him.— After some conversation with him, we understood that he had learned who we were, & the object we had in view.— He took his leave with much apparent satisfaction but they had not gone far before another canoe came off from a different part of the coast, with a number of very fine young men in it: they had learned where we were going, as one of them had visited the Active before when she lay at Kouakoua and requested I would allow him to accompany us, to the river Thames which was granted.— By this time we were near a very high part of the coast, called ‘Bream head’ by Captain Cook; the Chief of that district with his son had visited the Brig when we lay at Kouakoua.— I had made him a present of a few things and among them  [f] piece of red and white India print, and informed him, that I intended to visit the River Thames, as soon as we had passed Bream head, the wind blowing very fresh, and observing two Canoes labouring hard to reach the vessel, one of them had a signal flying, I desired the Master to bear away for them. When we came up, I found that the Canoe with the flag, contained the son of the above mentioned Chief, and his Colours were a part of the piece of print I had given to his father;— He pressed us much to go on shore and visit his Father, but I told him we could not stop then, as the wind was fair, but would see him on our return.— The young man provided us with abundance of bream, and other fine fish, which they had in the Canoe.— After we had received this liberal supply of fish— we directed our course again towards the River Thames and the same evening passed Point Rodney (one of the heads of the harbour) and saw Cape Colville, the other Head, which is very high land and not much less than twenty leagues distant from the first.— On Monday the 16th we found ourselves pretty far advanced [f] up the River Thames in which there are several Islands, on the east side and on the west.— About 11 A.M. we came opposite the residence of the Head Chief Houpa, of whom we had often heard, and from those accounts, were taught to believe, that he was a man much esteemed as well as feared, and possessed very great power. In a short time we observed a war Canoe full of men, advancing towards the vessel, we hove to— when they came near, they lay upon their paddles and viewed the Brig and informed us that Houpa was in the Canoe.— I requested him to come on board, which he did with one of his sons.— Houpa is one of the strongest and best made men, I almost ever beheld;— he was greatly surprised to see such a number of New Zealanders on board, and so few Europeans.—
We had one chief in the Active named Timmaranghee who was intimate with Houpa, and who had lived on board the Brig for some time; he informed Houpa, who we were, and that we had come to the river Thames (which they call Showrakee) to see him and his people, and also that some of the Europeans were settled at the Bay of Islands [f] with a view of instructing the Natives.— I made him a present of a few things and in return he directed two fine mats to be presented to me out of his Canoe; he expressed a wish for us to come to an Anchor near his residence.— I told him it was my intention to visit his place, when we returned down the river, but as the wind was then favourable, we would take the advantage of it, and proceed.— He directed us what course to steer, and told us we should get the vessel aground if we kept too much to the right.— After holding conversation with several of the natives on board, he took his leave expecting to see us again on our return.— We then made sail up the river, and were at the time on the western side, about four leagues from its mouth.— We had left Houpa more than an hour, before the wind began to blow very fresh, so that the water soon became so rough that we could not perceive the channel, when we had got almost to the head of the harbour it was then high water, and on sounding found that we had only three fathoms, [f] and there being no appearance of the Gale abating we were induced to put the vessel about, by which means we got into deeper water before the tide fell too much for the safe riding of the Brig— At this time we were on the east shore not far from land.— We worked to windward for several hours, and in the evening came to anchor in four fathoms water, where we lay all night during which it rained and blew very hard.— The harbour here is very open, there is no shelter for shipping, which renders it very dangerous.— On tuesday  [sic] about 4 oclock (as the gale increased, we weighed anchor, in order to work the vessel to windward, if possible and to get her under the land, as the place we lay in, was not safe should the vessel be driven from her anchor.— The Sea was so rough and the Brig had so much motion, that the New Zealanders who had never been before on board ship at sea, were much alarmed and imagined that they would be lost. About 6 P.M. the gale abated and we came to anchor again about two miles from the west shore opposite a large village.— Tho’ the inhabitants had seen us all day, yet they dared not venture out in their canoes on account of the weather.—
After we came to anchor, the boat was hoisted out and ten New Zealanders went [f] on shore to open a communication with the natives. Shortly after the boat had reached the Beach, we heard a great noise; Duaterra was uneasy because the boat did not return as soon as was expected;— he was afraid that some quarrel had taken place, between the inhabitants and the people in the boat; and observed— “if they had injured any of his men, he would immediately declare war against them with all the force he could command.— In about an hour after dark, the boat returned safe and they informed us, that they had been very kindly received, and that the noise we had heard was only their rejoicings.— They told us there were plenty of fine hogs and potatoes on shore, both of which we much wanted, the Brig being full of people.— This information determined me to visit the village in the morning.— However on the following day a Chief named Pithi (nephew to Houpa) came after the Active.— He was a very stout handsome man and in the prime of life, with mild manners, and a countenance both pleasing and interesting.— I invited him on board;— The Chief Timmoranghee was well known to Pithi: [f] After the usual salutations, relative to our voyage and all affairs connected with it, as far as Timmoranghee knew: I gave him some biscuit (which they are all fond of) and shewed him some wheat in the straw, which had been grown at New Zealand by Shunghee, informing him that the biscuit was made from wheat, and I gave him some for seed; he shewed much anxiety to learn the culture of wheat, and enquired how many moons it was from sowing to reaping time, and expressed his determination to try if he could grow some at his settlement.— I made him a present of a few articles and (accompanied by Mr Nicholas, went on shore taking 12 New Zealanders with us.— On landing the natives received us with every mark of friendship.— The women and children were numerous, but not so the young men,— we enquired the reason, and they told us, that they (the young men) had gone to war, and that few, except old men, and those who had been taken prisoners, remained in the village.— At this place we found the New Zealanders sold their prisoners of war or kept them to work as slaves.— Several of the natives of the Bay of Islands had brought with them a little trade, some a few nails, [f] others small pieces of iron-hoops, some a few feathers, and some had fishing hooks with a variety of articles of no value to Europeans, but of much value to themselves.— The village was all in motion they crowded together like a fair, from all quarters.— Some of the inhabitants brought their mats to sell and various other articles, so that the whole day appeared a busy scene, and many things were bought and sold in their way of trade.— When the fair was over, the Ladies entertained us with several dances and songs.— One of them had on a very fine upper garment, which a Chief from Rangeehoo (who had come with us) wanted to procure for his wife:— he had brought a box of feathers, neatly dressed, the pithy part of the quill having been all cut off, and only the external part remaining, to which the feather was attached— he made the feather wave gracefully with the smallest breeze, when placed in the air— He opened it in presence of the Ladies, many of whom wanted these feathers, he, on the other hand, wanted the fine garment.— After placing them very tastefully— two or three feathers in each of the Lady’s [sic] hair, she that had got the fine [f] garment beheld how elegantly they appeared on the heads of those who wore them and became seemingly impatient to possess such an ornament. He asked her to sell her Garment, she hesitated for some time; at length he laid a certain number down at her feet,— this proved a temptation she could not resist— and she instantly threw off the fine Garment, and delivered it to him for his feathers.—
The Chief intended this article as a present to his wife, and he presented it to to [sic] her, on his return.— After this Mr Nicholas accompanied me to Houpa’s fortified village, it was situated upon a high hill, nearly a mile from where we then were.— It was, in many respects, similar to that already described belonging to Shunghee.— Here we found no men;— it was entirely left to the care of some women and one of Houpa’s wives;— they told us the men had gone to war.— In this place there some very fat hogs, and fine plantations of potatoes;— The women afterwards told us: they could not sell the hogs, as they belonged to the men, who had gone to the war— Houpa’s wife said she had a very large one belonging to herself, which she would make me a present of, if I would stop till it could be brought in, for at that time it was out feeding. She sent the servants to look for the hog, along with one of our people [f] but they returned without it— I made her a present of some print, and some other trifles— She was very anxious we should wait, till the hog could be found, but, we could not conveniently stay longer, and therefore left this romantic place— This Lady’s face, arms, and breasts were all covered with scars, which had been lately cut, in consequence of the death of one of Haupa’s children— She was a very fine tall woman.— Haupa did not reside there at the time.— I observed that the pillars leading into the Fortification, were carved with various figures, such as men’s heads &c and some of them had round Caps on their tops, similar to those on Gateways in many parts of England, and were about fourteen feet high.— Shortly after we left Haupa’s Lady, we received a Message from Duaterra to inform us that he was coming on shore for us;— We met the boat and Duaterra landed— Pethi the Chief came at the same time and wished us to go to the upper end of the village, where he resided, the distance was about two miles along the shore. We agreed to visit him, and ordered the Boat to follow us.— When we arrived we met some of the finest men and women I had yet seen in New Zealand. [f] They were well dressed and received us very cordially. There were three of Haupa’s nephews and their Ladies who wore fine mats fancifully wrought which reached from their shoulders to their feet; and had a very graceful appearance.— I had taken a few pieces of print some plane Irons, common nails &c with me— of which I made the Chiefs and their Ladies a few presents.— We had a few baskets of potatoes dressed— Several songs and dances, in which the Chiefs and their Ladies took an active part, and exerted all their strength and voices to amuse us. [sic] It was now about 5 P.M. We therefore took our leave and retained [sic] on board to dinner.— When we had set down, I was informed that two Canoes were coming off with the Chiefs and their Ladies— I went on deck to receive them, and invited them to dine with us, which they readily accepted.
I told the Chiefs I wanted some potatoes and hogs for the vessel, but as the men had gone to war, to whom they belonged, I could not purchase any, and therefore it was my intention to sail that evening for the Bay of Islands.— They wanted me much to stay, and told me to take whatever we wanted on shore, regardless of what the people said; [f] I told them I could not steal nor take by force any thing from the inhabitants but I was willing to purchase, but would take nothing unless what was legally bought and paid for.— They urged me much to Stop and get my Supplies, which I would have done, if I had been sensible, they could be procured without giving offence to the natives; but I was convinced they could not, from what I had been told on shore, unless the male proprietors had been there.— As soon as we had dined, I desired the Master to prepare for sea immediately,— the Anchor was soon weighed and the Vessel put under sail dash [sic]. The Chiefs and their Ladies still remaining, unwilling to leave us they had several dances on deck;— At length I got the Ladies into the Canoes, but the Chiefs shewed no inclination to part, and again had another dance, when the Ladies once more leapt on board and joined them in the dance and song, which continued till we had sailed a considerable distance, when they were compelled either to leave us, or go to sea.—
When they had got into the canoes the 28 natives I had on board, began to sing and dance in their turn, to amuse [f] the Chiefs and their Ladies who lay upon their paddles all the time.— As soon as the dance ended on deck, they began again in the Canoes, and continued till we could hear them no longer:— They then waved their hands and returned to the shore.— One of these Chiefs promised to visit Port Jackson and to see Duaterra at the Bay of Islands from whom they had received and returned presents during our short stay here.— These people shewed us the kindest attention and did all they could to amuse us.
I gave several of them wheat, which I hope will prove advantageous to them, I also told them, they would be able to procure axes and other tools from the Europeans at Rangheehoo for they will give any thing for axes—
Duaterra with his armed men having dressed himself in European clothing with a sword by his side, commanded considerable respect from these chiefs when on shore.
I trust our visit to the River Thames will unite in friendship the leading men of Rangheehoo and those of this part of New Zealand; and that if in future any European settlers [f] should be sent to the River Thames, they will be welcomed by the natives.—
I felt much gratified with the conduct of the people, but sincerely regretted that I could not see Haupa again; the Wind was so strong against us, we could not make his Settlement, and were therefore obliged to stand out to sea.— As my stay in New Zealand was limited I could not wait for a change of wind.
The next morning (tuesday the 19th) We saw Point Rodney about seven Leagues off.— There being little wind we did not reach it till 12 Oclock when we entered Bream Cove, and Sailing into it, we ran along shore a little distance from the land.—
The ground was, in general, level, and a grove of Pines, appeared behind the banks of the Cove.—
When we had reached near Bream-head, the natives told us, there was an harbour at the head of the Cove into which a fresh water river ran from the interior.— We sailed up to the mouth of this harbour; Mr Hanson (the master of the Active) saying it would be a very safe place for a vessel to lay in [f] as she would be completely sheltered from the sea. We enquired if any ship had ever been in that harbour, the natives told us that the Venus from Port Jackson had anchored there along [sic] time ago, and, further, that she had put in at the North Cape also and had taken two native women one from the Bay of Islands and one from Bream Cove; that she went from thence to the River Thames where her people got Houpa and one of his daughters on board with an intention to take them also away:— But when the Venus sailed from the River Thames Houpa’s Canoe followed her, and he waited his opportunity to leap over board, which he effected and was taken up by his own Canoe, but, none of the women have ever since returned.
The Venus Brig belonged to Messiers [sic] Campbell and Coy of Calcutta— She was taken by some Convicts, who were on Board of her, at Port Dalrymple, and carried off the Coast.—
Such are the horrid Crimes, which Europeans, who bear the Christian name, commit upon the Savage nations.— We lay to all night in the Cove, as I wished to see the Chief who resided near this place; and whose son supplied us with fish, as we past when bound for the River Thames.— [f]  We now began to fish and in a short time got abundance of Bream and other sorts of fish— I expected we would have seen the Chief, but the vessel had not yet been observed.—
The next morning at daylight, we sailed, and shortly after passing Bream head, we were seen from the shore, when a Canoe put off for the Brig; as soon as it came along side I observed the Chief, whom I had wished see [sic], in it; he told us that he had not seen the vessel the night before, as he and his men had been busy at work on their Potatoe ground, which prevented him from looking out.—
Mayhanger a young man, who is mentioned in Mr Savage’s account of New Zealand, and who accompanied that Gentleman to England, on his return from New South Wales to Europe, was also along with the Chief.—
Mayhanger enquired after many persons he had seen in England, and who had been kind to him.—
The Chief was anxious we should return with him for one day, saying he had abundance of hogs and potatoes and would supply all our wants—
I told him I could not detain the [f] vessel if the wind was fair, but must proceed— I gave him a little wheat for seed, some nails and a Cat with which they returned on shore highly pleased with their visit, and requested only that I could but stop one day, for him to make me some return—
Shortly after they were gone, the wind changed and continued against us all day.— At 6 P.M. We were about two legues [sic] from Shore, the sea being smooth and likely for a fine night, I determined to visit the Chief, and had the Boat immediately hoisted out.—
Mr Nicholas accompanied me, we had none but New Zealanders in the Boat— The sun was set before we reached the shore— The natives beheld the Boat, and one of them stood upon a rock pointing out where we were to land.— There is a bar which runs across the mouth of this harbour, and upon it the sea breaks with great violence, as we approached, it appeared impossible to us, that the boat could pass through the surf—yet two canoes came dashing through the [f] waves, as if they bade defiance to the destructive rocks and foaming billows that rolled over them with a dreadful noise; to direct us, where it would be safe for the boat to land—
When the Boat came near the shore a number of natives rushed through the surf, laid hold of the boat, and conducted us safely in.
The Chief’s residence was on the east side of the harbour but we were compelled to land on the west side, on account of the surf, and had therefore to cross the water in a Canoe.
The whole place was surrounded with broken rocks which resembled more the ruins of old abbies [sic] than any thing else.— Some formed very large Arches, others deep caverns, some were like old Steeples and others like broken Massy Columns;— in short they represented the most curious group of ruins which time, storms, and Seas have made.— A numerous crowd of men, women, and children came to meet us.— The Chief and Mayhanger were overjoyed at our visit.
The Chief who had been on board was the War Commander, or one whom the New Zealanders call the Fighting man— Yet we now found there was another [f] higher in authority than our friend, to whom we were conducted— He was seated on the ground and a clean mat was placed by for Mr Nicholas and me: the war Commander stood all the time with a Spear in his hand. The head chief was a very old man with a long grey beard, and little hair upon his head; he was an exceeding pleasant man.— Korokoro came with us, he related to the Chief all the wonders he had seen at Port Jackson the attention paid to him, the riches of our Country, and for what purpose our Brig had come to New Zealand. The old Chief laughed much, and made many enquiries and wanted us to stay till next day; he ordered us some pork and gave a few baskets of fish for the people.—
We stopt till about 10 oclock, when we took our leave; having enjoyed a very pleasant evening.— They conducted us through the surf and we made for the vessel, she was by this time so far distant that we could not even hear the muskets which were fired as signals, tho’ we could observe the flash of the powder which directed us to the vessel.— We got on board, when a breeze sprang up and we made sail, and the next morning [Sat Jan 21/15- Hocken] [f] discovered Cape  Brett in sight.— As we sailed along the coast, we were visited by ten Canoes, which brought us plenty of fish.— About 3 P.M. we anchored in the harbour of Rangheehoo; and found all on the Settlement well, and assuming the pleasing appearance of civilization from the buildings erected and erecting and from the Sawyers, Smiths, and others at work.—
Having now completed every thing relative to the Establishment of the Mission that appeared to me necessary as far as regarded the intercourse of the Settlers with the natives—
I had opened a communication nearly two hundred miles along the Coast and the Chiefs in all the different districts were acquainted with the object in view; and they all seemed sensible of the benefits which they were likely to derive from the residence of Europeans among them.— A more promising prospect could not be looked for, than the present for civilizing this interesting people.— We had had no differences, during the whole time of our stay, (and we had no means of protecting ourselves against such numbers, as are in these districts) but were wholly in the power [f] of the natives.— I put no restraint upon them, but suffered them to come at any time and in any number, to the vessel, Sundays excepted, when we had Divine service.
A number of the chiefs lived constantly on board and many of their servants also.— We had only two small thefts committed while the Brig lay in this harbour.— One of the chiefs detected a common man with about 2 lbs of Iron, and brought him to me he was in a violent rage with him.— I ordered the man to be confined in the hold, till Terria, the head chief, came on board; when he arrived, he was informed of what the man had done; Terria desired the thief to be brought on deck, and on the man’s approach Terria made a blow at him with a billet of wood and would have instantly put him to death if I had not interferred [sic] to spare his life by getting him out of the brig into a Canoe. The Chief then ordered him to quite [sic] his dominions and return to them no more.— I afterwards lost two razors, and the Chiefs were much concerned when informed of the circumstance saying they hop’d I did not suspect either of them— or that they could be guilty of such a crime— (as no chief would steal.— They said I had been too indulgent [f] in allowing their servants to come on board, who could not all be trusted; and assured me, that if ever they found out the thief at any period however distant, he should be put to death.— They also presented me with a very valuable mat— one of the finest I had seen, as a Compensation for my loss, observing that while I remained in their districts I should not suffer any loss which they could remedy.— They were all much concerned about these thefts.— One of them sat upon deck two days and nights, and would not come into the cabin to eat, from vexation— saying he was so much ashamed of such conduct.— (Theft & adultry [sic] they punish with death)
On passing up the river Kouakoua I observed upon the summit of a very high hill a Roman cross; and asked the natives what it was for; they told me it was to hang thieves on whom they first killed, and then hung up their dead bodies till time or the vultures destroyed.— During our stay at Kouakoua I had many interesting conversations with the chiefs relative to the nature of crimes and punishments, and I pointed out to them, that there was no comparison between a man who would steal a potatoe and another who committed murder— and yet [f] their punishment (in New Zealand) was the same— for they will as soon kill a man for stealing potatoes as for murder. The Chief has the power of life and death over his people.— 
They appeared much astonished, when I told them that King George had not the power to put any man to death, tho’ a much greater King than any in New Zealand,— I explained to them the nature of a British jury— that no man could be put to death in England unless twelve Gentlemen had examined into the case of the accused prisoner on [sic] any alleged offence, and if they pronounced him guilty of a crime deserving death then King George could put him to death but if these twelve Gentlemen said he was not guilty King George could not put him to death;— and even when a Criminal is condemned to die— King George has the authority to pardon him if he wishes to do so.—
They remarked that such a law was very good; and one of them asked what Governor we should send them— I replied that we had no intention of sending them any; but wished them to Govern themselves.— I mentioned some [f] Crimes which were punished with death, and others which we punished with banishment; and observed that punishment should be regulated at all times by the nature of the offence— I told them, if a man had two wives, in England, tho’ he was a Gentleman yet he would be banished from his Country.— One of the Chiefs said, he was of opinion that it was better to have only one wife, for where there are many the women will always be quarrelling, others said that their wives made the best overseers, and that they could not get their grounds cultivated if it was not for the industry of their wives; and for that reason only, they thought to have more wives than one was good policy these conversations sometimes past while the women were present, and they were generally of opinion that a man should have no more than one wife— Some of the Chiefs thought there were too many kings in new Zealand and that if there were fewer they would have fewer wars and be more happy.—
I told them there was only one king in England, at the same time [f] there were more Gentlemen than in New Zealand— but that none of these Gentlemen could put a man to death nor dared they to go to war one with another— King George would not allow it, and they could not do this without his permission on which account there was no fighting with, nor murdering of one another in England as there were among them.—
I had one young man a native of New Zealand, belonging to the vessel who had lived some years at Port Jackson, a very good interpreter, who generally attended me, to explain any thing which the natives could not clearly understand: and by his assistance I also obtained any information I wished relative to the Island and Inhabitants of New Zealand and was enabled to communicate much useful knowledge to them—
Our conversation was generally touched [sic] Religion, Civil Government, Agriculture and Commerce.— They always shewed an anxiety for information respecting the habits or customs of the people in other parts of the Globe. Shortly after our arrival at Kouakoua, a chief named [f] Weevea came on board the Brig to request me to visit his settlement. I promised I would, as soon as i could conveniently leave the vessel.—
This Village is situated on the banks of a fresh water river, called Wycaddee about 12 miles, from where we lay, at the head of one of the coves.
The village takes its name from the River— Having now compleated [sic] our cargo I informed Weevea that I would accompany him to see his people. The next morning his Canoe was got ready, and being joined by another Canoe, we set off for Wycaddee— The rain fell very heavy— I was soon wet through my great coat and other clothing— The wind and tide were against us, and the fresh water river had risen in consequence of the late heavy rain, so that we made but little progress— When we had got about four miles on we came to a little village on the west side of the harbour— The Chief came to invite us on shore, but this I declined, as I was as wet as if I had been in the river— The Chief waded after our canoe notwithstanding the heavy rain, from a desire to know [f] what was going on, and Weevea had enough to tell him of what he had learned on board the Active.— He pressed us much to take some refreshments with him— but, I was too cold and wet to leave the Canoe.— When he had taken his leave, Weevea said to me “this Chief is a great King give him a nail”. I complied with this request by giving him a few nails, and he returned on shore highly delighted with his presents.— We proceeded to Wycaddee but the higher we got up the river the stronger the stream ran against us So that at length the men could not stem the current with their paddles but were compelled to go close in shore, and get out of the canoe to drag it along, and with all their exertions they could not reach the village with the canoe.— We therefore landed a little after dark, in order to walk up the remaining distance (about one mile) to the place.— The rain still continuing we had to pass thro’ some swampy ground, which was in many places flooded with water. I however followed my guide, sometimes up to the knees in mud, and sometimes sunk in deep water holes, for the night [f] being dark, we could not see to pick our way;— at length I discovered a light like the twinkling of a star; appearing and disappearing at short intervals— it was a signal that the village was near.— As one light only appeared, I inquired where it was and was informed that it proceeded from the Chief’s residence.—
Weevea was a little behind at this time, and I was walking along with one of his officers.—
Before we entered the village the Officer who was with me called aloud to the Inhabitants and informed them that I was coming— Many of these people had visited the Active.— I made for the spot where I had first seen the light (In order to get in shelter from the rain) and when I came up to this hut I had to creep into it, through a small door-way about two feet high and eighteen inches broad— A number of women and Children and a few of Weevea’s servants, composed the inmates.—
There was about a handful of fire in the centre of the hut (made of a few small sticks) round which were the children all naked.— Sometimes the little fire blazed [f] for a moment and then went out, and the hut was full of smoke (as there was no vent for it to get out) except at the small doorway already mentioned.— This strange group of natives were all rejoiced to see me— I took off all my clothes, being very wet and cold.
The children ran out to collect some firewood. Weevea brought me two clean mats, to wrap myself in, as bed clothes to sleep upon, and a log of wood for a pillow.— The women and Children were busy in mending the fire and drying my clothes— I found the smoke very offensive, but I thought it more prudent to put up with this inconvenience, than run the risk of catching cold by sleeping in a hut where there was no fire— Weevea told me he could not remain in the hut, on account of the smoke, as I would not leave it, he retired into another by himself— and left me with the company before mentioned who entertained me a great part of the night in talking of their Chief and his concerns. The women and children were very kind and attentive and they did all in their power to make me Comfortable.
When they sleep they lie upon the ground [f] have little covering and some none at all.
A log of wood was laid in the centre of the hut which ran the whole length, being about 30 feet long, and the natives lay on each side of the log with their heads reclined on it.—
At this time I had no Europeans with me nor any other person exceept Weevea’s people.— My object was to gain as clear a knowledge of the character and habits of these Islanders as possible, while I was in the Country; which could not be acquired without sacrificing for a time, the comforts and conveniences of civil life.— I was under no apprehension for my personal safety as I had never met with the smallest insult from one of them.— About mid-night Weevea came to the hut and informed me that one of his wives was very ill, and her little child— that he was afraid she would die, and requested I would pray with her in the morning which I promised to do.—
He appeared much concerned about this woman.— I had heard a person moaning very much for some time, as if very weak and in great pain; and I also heard a child cry occasionally. Early in the morning I rose to see the poor woman, and found her lying with [f] a child about three days old, by her side in the open air, sheltered only by a few reeds placed in the direction from which the storm of wind and rain blew.— She had been exposed all night in this manner, notwithstanding the stormy weather and looked very ghastly as if death was near.—
I talked to her for some time— she could scarcely speak, but smiled feebly, and seemed pleased with my attention to her. I knelt down by her side, along with Weevea and some of his people and offered up my supplications to the Father of Mercies on her behalf—
She well understood the meaning of prayer tho’ not the language in which it was then offered; as the New Zealanders consider that all their afflictions come from some superior Being, whom they are much accustomed to address while in trouble.— The poor woman wanted nourishment. I presented her with a piece of biscuit but she gave me to understand that she was forbidden to eat any thing except potatoes.— I spoke to Weevea who [f] told me God would be angry if she eat the biscuit— He took the bread and, after repeating many petitions over it placed it under her head and told me the presence of God would be in the biscuit but his wife must not eat it.— I lamented that the poor woman had been in the open air all night which was enough to occasion her death; and learned that it was the prevailing Custom among the New Zealanders when people were sick, to carry them out of the huts into the open air lest the huts should be defiled— these people neither eat nor drink in their houses, but always in the open air for the above reason. I could not learn that the New Zealanders have any graven images or likenesses of supposed deities; as other heathen nations have; but they consider their God to be an intelligent spirit or shadow for, when I enquired of one of them what God was like, I was told He was an immortal shadow— yet they suffer much, in times of sickness from their superstitions— being compelled to lie in [f] the open air; and to refuse food and water, for days together under an impression that if either be administered to the sick, they will surely die.— I had often been struck previous to my present visit to Wycaddee with the weakly and aged appearance of young women who had born children, which I now attribute to the colds and other complaints caught, no doubt, by exposure whilst giving birth to their offspring.—
In passing thro’ the village I saw a little naked child lying on the ground in the presence of a number of people.— A Chief informed me it was his Child, and was two days old, and shewed me its mother who was walking about— she would would [sic] probably have been lying there too if she had been sick— the child was not very well— I mention this as a proof that both women and children, at the critical time of danger, are exposed to sufferings unknown to civil society—
At a small distance from where Weevea’s sick were lying— there was a little hut and a stage erected in it— Weevea took me to it and told me his [f] Father had been slain in battle, and that his body was wrapped up and placed upon that Stage where it would remain till the bones moulded [sic] away— I could not observe any part of the body, as the covering had been drawn up into a round form, and not stretched out like our dead.
The Chiefs in New Zealand, when they die, are generally placed on stages, in some secret groves, several of which I saw. The natives do not like to visit the places allotted to their departed friends, and there is generally some frightful image erected near the spot, to terrify all who approach near the repository of their dead.— I was therefore surprised that Weevea had his father’s remains so near his dwelling and in the centre of the village. This village is situated in the centre of a rich valley, the land good and fit for cultivation; I also observed many noble pine trees.—
Weevea was anxious to have some European residents at Wycaddee and pointed out the spot where their houses might be built, where the advantages of [f] situation and soil for cultivation (owing to the vicinity of the water &c). I told him that in time, his wishes might be complied with; but, that we must first see how the inhabitants of New Zealand conducted themselves towards the Europeans at Rangheehoo;— if they were well treated, more should be sent.— He wished then to accompany me to New South Wales— I told him the number I had already agreed to take were as many as the vessel could well accommodate: but I would give directions to secure a passage for him at a future time should he then feel inclined to visit me; with this he was satisfied and said he would come.— I then told him, as the Vessel would leave Koua-koua that day I must request the use of a Canoe that I might get on board without delay; he replied that he could not suffer me to go until he had presented me with two or three hogs— He then immediately through [sic] off his clothing, took a boy and a dog to the river, plunged, with them, into the water and swam across holding them above water with one hand [f] and swimming with the other— On reaching the other side he ran off into the Forest, like a Lion (the boy following) and in a little time, returned with three hogs, which were put into the Canoe, and all was got ready for my return.
He made me a present of some mats, at the same time, and told me he would accompany me to the vessel— When we got to the Canoe, he put in one of his sons, a fine boy about nine years old. I asked him what he was about to do with his boy— He told me that he intended to take him to Rangheehoo, to live with Mr Kendall, in order to be instructed.— I observed that Mr Kendall’s house was not yet ready to receive pupils, but as soon as it was and Mr K. be able to accommodate him; I would speak to Mr Kendall who would then, I had no doubt, receive him— with this he was satisfied—
It may not be improper to notice here a conversation I had with the two Chiefs Tupee and Timmoranghee, some time after, respecting Mr Kendall’s [f] School— He had already begun to teach the Children, and had taken into the School two fine boys, the sons of a common man at Rangheehoo; Those Chiefs told me, it was of no use to teach the children of the common people; that they had no lands, or servants and could never rise higher in rank than their parents— but that it would be very good to instruct the sons of the chiefs—
From which I could learn that there is no middle class of people in New Zealand, they are all either Chiefs or, in a certain degree, Slaves— At the same time the Chiefs do not give the Commands to the people indiscriminately, as a body, with that authority which Masters in civil Society exercise over their Servants— nor do their dependants feel themselves bound to obey such Commands, it is true they have the power to put any of their people to death for criminal conduct, but, as the Chiefs have no means of remunerating the services of their dependants, there being reciprocal contracts between them as master and servant, they cannot command the people, as a body, to labour on their [f] grounds— In time of war or other common danger the Chiefs assume Sovereign authority and compell [sic] the people to put themselves under their orders and all subordinate Chiefs must also (with their dependants) attend their immediate superiors to the field of action— The Chiefs have their domestic Servants, to Cook their provisions, manage their Canoes, cultivate their land or do any menial service required— and these only are wholly under the Chief’s Authority.
I now took my leave of this people and returned to the Brig which had got under way, but was obliged to anchor again, the tide running so strong, she could not stem it with the light wind she then had.— When I arrived I was informed by some of the Chiefs, that the Jefferson Whaler had come on the Coast and was anchored in the Cove near Terria’s Village, and that their [sic] had been a serious difference between the people on board, and the chief Terria, whom they had threatened [f] to shoot— Further that if any injury was done to Terria, it was designed to cut off the ship and kill her crew, and they therefore requested me to go down and know the cause of the quarrell. [sic]
I was much concerned to hear this account, and told them I would go on board the Jefferson and if any injury had been done to Terria;— the party who had done it, should be brought on board the Active and taken to Port Jackson where he would be punished by Governor Macquarie.— I took the largest Carpenter’s axe we had in the Vessel, with me as a present to Terria— (knowing that nothing would be more acceptable to him) and set off in a Canoe for his Village.—
I found him at home, and, after presenting the axe, I told him what I had heard; he stated that he had been on board the Jefferson, and that a pistol had been pointed at his breast by a person who threatened to shoot him.— I desired him to go with me and point out the person who had thus insulted him— He ordered his [f] Canoe and we proceeded on board accompanied by his Brother and another Chief—
When we got on board, he pointed out the person who had threatened to shoot him and stated  because [sic] of their difference, but, as the matter was at length settled to the satisfaction of the chief and his friends, it is not necessary to say more than it appeared to me that the Europeans were wholly to blame.
I remained on board the Jefferson all night— while walking upon the quarter deck, in company with the second mate I saw one of the Chiefs in a dreadful rage and Tupee (Terra’s Brother) pointing up to the mast head, at the same time; making signs to some of the natives, as if he wanted to hang some person up— I immediately went with the mate to know what was the cause of the uproar; The Chief, who was too angry, pointed to a young man who had a sword in his hand and said he had struck his wife several times with the sword, and when he forbade him he had made several stabs at himself.— I told him to be quiet and the man should be punished, if he had done wrong.
I then turned to the young man who still kept the sword, and when I spoke to him [f] was very insolent, and used extremely bad language before his officer and me— He refused to be reconciled to the chief tho’ neither he nor his wife had given the smallest offence. I told the Chief I should represent the man’s conduct to Governor Macquarie, and that Mr Kendall, who was appointed by the Governor to hear their complaints against the Europeans, would be sent for and he would write them on paper and I would take them with me to Port Jackson, which was done.—
They attended the examination; when the young man was brought before Mr Kendall, as a Magistrate, and they were perfectly satisfied with what was done.—
I enquired of Tupee what he meant by pointing at the Mast head, he said, that he was recommending to his countrymen not to injure any person on board but the man who had struck him and his wife with the sword, and to hang him only at the mast head— Masters of vessels should be very particular and not to place swords in the hands of young thoughtless sailors when they are among savage people.— The number of natives on board and alongside the Jefferson, could have taking [sic] her in one moment. The Natives should [f] either be prohibited altogether, excepting the Chief of the District, from coming on board or care should be taken not to insult any of them, to whom this permission may be given.— Previous to this time I had had frequent conversations with the Chiefs respecting the loss of the Boyd, and pointed out to them, the injustice of putting to death the innocent with the guilty, as the people of Whangaroa had done in that instance; they readily admitted that the guilty only ought to suffer. I was pleased to find that Tupee was strongly impressing upon the minds of the natives, the same idea and instructing them not to injure any person on board the Jefferson except the man who had given the offence.—
All differences being now settled, I waited for the arrival of the Active— She soon appeared in sight and anchored not far from the Jefferson, where we intended to take in our water, and then to proceed to the settlement at Rangheehoo.— While the Active was taking in her Cargo at Koua-koua and [sic] number of native women came on board every day.— I told them I could not allow any of them to remain on board at night— unless their husbands were with them;— Accordingly in the [f] evening the vessel was searched and if any women were found they were sent on shore (sometimes not very well pleased). During my stay on board the Jefferson I saw many of my old female, acquaintances who laughingly said they were not now on board the Active and that the Jefferson was not tabooed when the evening came like the Active— there was no iriauta (meaning, there was no command to be off—
I replied that I was angry with the Master and Crew of the Jefferson, for suffering them to remain all night in the Vessel and that these were all very bad men.— The women smiled, and expressed their confidence that they would not be molested.— The next day I accompanied Mr Kendall to Rangheehoo in the Jefferson’s whale boat; where I found Duaterra dangerously ill: this was a very distressing circumstance to me: I called to see him but the superstitions of the natives would not permit me for several days to do so— Having at length gained admission, I found Duaterra lying on his back, facing the sun which was exceedingly hot, in a high fever— his tongue very foul— he complained of [f] violent pains in his bowels, and from every appearance he was not likely to survive long. Two of his wives, his father-in-law, the Priest, and several attendants were with him.— He was much pleased that I had come to see him.— I asked him if he had any thing to eat or drink— he replied he had not excepting potatoes and water.
I told him whatever he wanted he should have, and ordered him a supply of tea, sugar, rice, and wine: for which he expressed his gratitude.— I had some wine and water got for him as soon as possible, part of which he took; he also eat some rice, and drank some tea, which revived him a little.— It was his intention to have laid out a new town with regular streets to be built after the European mode in which ground was to be set apart for the erection of a Church.
I had examined the spot; which appeared delightful— the situation is on a rising hill fronting the cove and commanding a view of the whole harbour being about 8 miles from its mouth.—
He mentioned his intention to me and hoped he would recover in time to have the town properly marked out [f] before I sailed. I told him I should be ready to attend him, but hoped to see him better first and recommended him to take what nourishment he could—
Having obtained permission to see him at all times I called the next day and found that he spoke much better and I entertained hopes of his recovery but on the following day he appeared worse.— He was supplied with all the necessaries he could wish for— by Messrs Kendall, Hall and King, who willingly did all they could for him.—
All the utensils used in conveying meet [sic] or drink to the sick chief were detained by his relations, who said if these were removed Duaterra would die; and he was himself of the same opinion. So strongly rooted is superstition in the human mind when once admitted.—
I had hitherto met every thing in New Zealand to my full satisfaction and nothing to give me pain till this unexpected affliction of Duaterra which was to me, very distressing, because, upon his wisdom, zeal, industry, and influence I had calculated the production of many advantages to New Zealand. My hopes were now likely to be blighted, as I could entertain little expectation of his being restored.— [f] I know Infinite Wisdom cannot err, what the Great Head of the Church ordains to be done will in the end be best; but, as David moaned [sic] for Abner —I shall long moan for Duaterra— now removed by Death: for as a great man fell in Israel when Abner was killed, so did a great man fall in New Zealand when Duaterra died, so far as natural causes may be considered to operate.— I attributed Duaterra’s sickness to his exertions, he was a man of great bodily strength, and possessed an active and a comprehensive mind: which on his return to New Zealand he exerted to the utmost day and night to carry the plans he had formed into execution.— His grand object was agriculture— He calculated that in two years he should be able to raise sufficient wheat for all his people, to supply other chiefs  with seed, and in a short time to export some to Port Jackson in exchange for Iron and such other articles as he might want. With this view he had visited his different lands, or farms, some of them forty miles distant from Rangheehoo— laid out the ground he intended to clear and cultivate and marked out the work for his men [f] having first enquired of me how much ground a man might break up in a day at Port Jackson. He was seldom at home but constantly at his farms, excepting when he went with me to the River Thames, and on this account I fear he will be a great loss to his Country.— He had introduced agriculture and paved the way for the civilization of his Country men.— When he last came to New South Wales, in Augt 1814, he brought his half brother with him, and left him with me, desiring that the boy might be instructed in useful knowledge— The boy is now about 10 years of age— and is a very fine intelligent youth exceedingly well disposed and industrious— This youth is next in Authority and will succeed  Duaterra in his estates.
I intend him to remain till he can speak the English language and gain a knowledge of Agriculture—
He is every day at work either as a carpenter or a farmer and I entertain hopes that should Duaterra be removed by Death this young man will soon be able to fill his place— I have a person instructing him also to read a little before he returns  [f] to his native home. I trust that in these mysterious dispensations Divine goodness is preparing a way to bring these poor heathen into the church of Christ and that if one instrument fails another will in due time be provided— In the day of trouble we may say with Abraham “God will provide himself a lamb for a burnt offering.” On friday 24th February the Brig Active was ready for sea, Duaterra still continuing in a dying state, and my time being limited by Governor Macquarie’s order I could not remain to see the result of his sickness.— I was happy however in the consideration, that those I was about to leave behind would cheerfully administer to all his wants and would do every thing in their power to restore him to health— for they were all very kind to him, and anxious for his preservation— I had given permission for ten New Zealanders to accompany me to Port Jackson, eight of whom were Chiefs or sons of Chiefs,, and two servants.—
They all embarked on Friday and their friends assembled from every quarter [f] to take their leave of them and me— before my final departure from the Island, I wished to obtain, and as far as possible secure a legal claim to the land occupied and required by the Europeans who I was about to leave in the country; and for this purpose application was made to two nephews of the late Tippahee who were the legal proprietors of the land in question which adjoined the village of Rangheehoo.— These two chiefs readily consented to sell us the land (they were related to Duaterra). I went with them and the settlers to ascertain the proper dimensions or boundaries, but we had no instruments to measure the exact quantity, which I took to be about 200 acres.— The natural land marks or boundaries were inserted in the Deed of Sale made and executed on the friday (24th February 1815) in the presence of several Chiefs from the several districts around.— The land was purchased on behalf of the Church Missionary Society for twelve axes: and the Deed of Grant or Sale contains (by way of seal and signature) all the curves and lines which are taboued [sic] on the Chiefs faces which renders it a very singular and curious document—
I took this opportunity to inform [f] the assembled Chiefs that as the land now belonged to the Europeans— they were all at full liberty to come or send from any part of New Zealand for such things as they might wish to purchase, and that the Smith would make them axes, hoes, and other useful tools, but on no account was he to repair fire arms or make any warlike instruments whatever, not even for the greatest Chiefs on the Island.
Ahoodea o Gunna (one of the chiefs from whom we purchased the land) declared that the ground was no longer theirs. But, wholly and solely the property of the white people and was tabooed for their use only.— The ceremony of executing the deed was performed on the newly purchased land, and a son of Mr King’s (the first white native of New Zealand born at Rangheehoo) was publicly baptized on this occasion which with many other impressive circumstances will render this truly interesting scene a subject of long remembrance to the New Zealanders and of gratitude and praise to the few followers of Jesus, then present, who were the humble instruments of the work.
Ahoodea O Gunner , a sensible man and very partial to the Europeans, is the chief man in Rangheehoo, where the settlers reside. [f] It is the largest and most populous town or village, we had seen on the Island & It contains upwards of 200 Huts.— Mrs OGunner, wife of the chief, was a pleasant woman and had much improved in her appearance and cleanliness before we left— She spent most of her time with the Europeans assisting the women in any thing she could do— Ahoodee O Gunner requested I would send him a suit of clothes to wear on the Sabbath, as he did not like to attend Divine Service in his native dress, which he thought improper, and I promised to attend to his request.
[in pencil – Insert here the deed & title &c. [Sat. Feb 26/15]] Having finally arranged and settled all matters respecting the Establishment of the Missionary Settlement at Rangheehoo— I embarked in company with Mr Nicholas and on Saturday morning the 26th we weighed anchor and sailed—
Many of the Chiefs came on board and accompanied us down the harbour. There was much weeping and lamentation at the parting scene.— Messiers Kendall, Hall and King, were also on board: and the Chiefs promised very kindly in reference to them— saying that if Duaterra should die— they would take care of the [f] Missionary Settlers that none should hurt or molest.— Many requested to go with me to N. South Wales— but, I was obliged to refuse them, partly because we had not room in the Vessel and partly on account of the heavy expense necessary to maintain them on the passage and while the vessel might lay at Port Jackson.
I told them I would at all opportunities permit a few to have a passage at a time and that they should come in turn by rotation, and with these prospects— they were satisfied— the Head Chief’s wife wept greatly, and cut her face, arms and breast with shells &c— till the blood streamed down her person; she said that she would neither eat nor drink during five days and nights but would sit in her hut and weep and pray for us all that time.— She was a very intelligent young woman, could then speak a little English and was partial to Europeans: and her husband was equally well disposed to them.—
Terria was urgent to have one or two Europeans sent to reside in his [f] district: and it was my intention, provided I heard favourable accounts of the settlement, and could meet with suitable persons, to send a man and his wife by the next return of the Active to New Zealand.—
We proceeded [in pencil – sailed] down the harbour till we neared the heads when the Canoes returned with our weeping friends, here we had to anchor till the turning of the tide: and during this interval, we were visited by a Chief from the River Thames who had just arrived.—
About noon we put out to sea and bore away for the North Cape and came in sight of it about noon next day (Sunday the 27th). I determined to put in and spend a day according to my promise, if the wind would permit.— [in pencil – & derived the marlin to] We accordingly steered for it. The wind was not unfavourable during the Sunday night, and on Monday [in pencil – Feb 28] morning we were four or five leagues from the shore with a land breeze.— The Vessel had passed the north east point where I had intended to touch, but we could not make it.— We endeavoured to work to windward by carrying all the sail we could, and about 10 o’clock [f] a canoe put off for us from a different part of the shore where the chief lived whom I wished to visit.— When the natives came on board, I was informed that the Chief had got a quantity of flax dressed and ready for me; and that Jem, the Otaheitian was about four miles in the interior.
I requested the principal native to send his Canoe on shore to inform Jem of my arrival, but, to remain himself on board— this accordingly was done.— He, like many others, wished for a passage to Port Jackson which [in pencil – but], for the reasons already assigned [in pencil – want of room], I could not grant [in pencil – his wishes].
Shortly after another Canoe reached us, in which I went on shore accompanied by Mr Nicholas and the chief who had come on board.
We landed at a Small Village near the Beach— this surf was high and the place where we landed appeared to me very rocky and full of danger, but, relying on the knowledge and dexterity of the natives in such cases we ventured thro’ all, and got safely on shore, our only damage being the sprinkling of a little salt water [in pencil – the waves]. [f] We here found some pretty little cottages and their gardens in high cultivation, well laid out and neatly fenced in—
The potatoes and yams &c were planted in separate beds, and no weeds were to be seen in these plots of ground.
In passing through the village I observed a man’s head stuck on a pole in the front of the cottage; the chief stole silently from behind me and took it down and then carried it into the hut; he was not aware that I had observed it and by his cautious conduct, I concluded, he was desirous I should not; on which account I took no further notice but passed on.—
It was from this village a Messenger had been sent for Jem the Otaheitian who had not yet returned. We walked about two miles into the interior on the path by which Jem was expected to pass and a number of natives attended us—
We saw on our way some beautiful plantations of potatoes and other vegetables.— The women appeared as if they were little acquainted with [f] Europeans— Most of them kept at a distance for some time, and always fled away when we spoke to them.—
Being informed that Jem had taken another road and was gone down to the Beach, we returned towards the sea by a different way to that by which we left the village being conducted by the natives.—
We met the Chief’s son dressed in the India print I had given to his father, when on my way to Bay of Islands [sic]. The edges of his garment were ornamented by a white hog’s [sic] skin with the hair on, which looked tolerably handsome the Print being red and white gave it a tasteful effect.— He was an exceeding fine youth.— He produced the printed Orders of Governor Macquarie (given by me to his father) they were wrapt up and covered with great care in order to keep them clean.— At his request I consented to give him a passage to New South Wales.— Being informed that his father was waiting to see me at the head of the Bay (about 3 miles off) I set off to visit him, [f] and was met by Jem— who told me the flax was ready— It being almost dark and the wind blowing fresh from the land, so that the Brig could not get up; I was apprehensive she would be driven out to sea, and therefore thought it prudent to get on board without delay; with this view we returned to the village, and  on our way saw two women leaning on a rock weeping and making loud lamentations.— I enquired the cause and learnt that it was on account of their husband, the Chief who had applied for a passage. I desired them not to weep, for I could not take their husband with me because the vessel was full.—
When we got to the village I requested a canoe from the natives to take us on board; they launched one immediately and filled her with men— The sea was rough and the Brig a considerable distance from shore— and I expected we should meet with some difficulty in getting on board.— But as the natives apprehended [f] no danger I endeavoured to persuade myself that my fears were groundless and therefore entered the canoe which soon passed over the raging surf and reached the Active in safety.
Some of this [sic] Canoes are 80 feet long and it is astonishing to see with what skill these people manage them in a rough sea.— Previous to leaving the shore, I informed Jem that the Brig would lay to all night— if not driven off by the wind, and in the morning we should stand in for the land, in order that I may see his father in law before I left, and get the flax he had prepared on board.—
As the wind continued the same all night we could not make nearer the land in the morning than in the evening before— Jem came off however pretty early with a message from the chief requesting me to go on shore. I desired him to return and tell the chief the sea was so high and not being accustomed to their Canoes I was afraid to venture, and that [f] if he had any thing to send the vessel should wait till I heard from him again: at the same time I sent him a present of some edge tools which I had reserved for his use—
In about three hours Jem returned with a quantity of potatoes and about 3 Cwts. of flax: he also brought a boy whom the chief wished me to take to Port Jackson with a request that Jem might accompany him and return by the Active on her next trip to New Zealand.— I was unwilling to disappoint the wishes of this Chief who placed such confidence in me— and I therefore gave my consent for them both to remain in the vessel.— We then made sail and bore away with a fine breeze for Port Jackson.—
Jem told me the chief’s eldest son, whom I had seen on shore, was very anxious to come, but, his Mother would not consent at this time.—I had how twelve natives as passengers, besides the one employed in the vessel, on board, and it was with the most heartfelt satisfaction that I left New Zealand. [f] I had not met with the slightest accident provocation or insult.— I had fully accomplished the object of my voyage and satisfied myself respecting the real character and disposition of these heathens.
 I had obtained satisfactory evidence that there existed to [sic] real obstruction to the introduction of christianity and civilization among them, and that nothing more was requisite than common prudence on the part of the persons who might be engaged in this humane and benevolent undertaking.
Nothing material happened during our passage till the 20th of March when we had a very heavy storm of thunder and lightening [sic] from the south east:— It blew a very hard Gale which compelled us to lay to for two days and nights, at this time we were not far off the Coast of New South Wales [in pencil – New Holland].— Some of the New Zealanders were greatly alarmed for their safety and expected the vessel to be dashed to pieces every moment— particularly the chief Timmerangha who wept and said he would never see his wife and children any more— and begged the [f] Captain to take all the coats from the masts (meaning the sails, for they would kill the ship.— Tupee on the other hand was quite composed during the Storm— he said that “neither thunder, lightening [sic], nor wind would destroy the vessel [while] he and I remained in it”— and exhorted Timmorangha not to be afraid for he was safe enough.— Notwithstanding all that Tupee could say Timmorangha’s fears continued as long as the Gale lasted: he neither rested by night nor by day.— Tupee was often accustomed to pray, and sometimes he would have some of his countrymen with him.— He had a strong confidence in some Supernatural [supreme] being (the God of New Zealand) as he was wont to call the object of his worship.— I was very sick during the storm and could seldom get out of my cott. [sic]— Tupee would sit beside me and put his hand on different parts of my [f] body and pray to his God.—
He was a dignified and a superior character and was always the same— very mild and even tempered— In this Gale we were driven more than 200 miles to the northward of Port Jackson.— When the storm abated the wind became favourable to us and we anchored safely in Sydney Cove on Wednesday 23d March 1815.—
I shall conclude this detail of the voyage by observing that the New Zealand Chiefs are a warlike race, proud of their rank and jealous of their dignity [crossed out in pencil – jealous of their].— They seemed to be men who never forget neither [crossed out in pencil – neither] a favour nor an injury.
They retain a grateful remembrance of those Europeans who have been kind and faithful to them.— and a spirit of sovereign contempt and revenge to such as have abused their confidence [f] or otherwise injured them.—
The people appear to live in amity and peace among themselves when under the government of one Chief.— I saw no quarrelling nor domestic broils while I was on the Island. They are kind to their women and children. I never observed a mark of violence on any of them— nor did I see a woman struck: & the Missionary Settlers informed me that they had never seen any differences among the native people of Rangheehoo during the period they had resided there.— I have reason also to hold the same opinion generally of those of them who inhabit the districts on the south side of the Bay of Islands— especially when connected with each other by the ties of blood or being of the same tribe and belonging to the same village.— I was likewise [f] informed that no injury had been done, in these parts of the country, to any European since the time of [crossed out in pencil – of] Captain Cook’s voyage [in pencil – was there].
The two Brother Chiefs Terria and Tupee are exceedingly well disposed men, and have never allowed acts of violence towards Europeans, altho’ often provoked by insults from the latter.— They frequently stated to me the nature of the injuries which they and their people have sustained or suffered from English seamen and that not long ago a master of a vessel had shot two of their men dead; but notwithstanding this outrage they had not retalliated [sic] upon the Europeans and mentioned the circumstance only as a proof how much they wished to cultivate our friendship.—
The[y] wished me to be under no apprehension for the safety of our Brig [in pencil – the Active] [f] while on their coast— because she would be protected by the unanimous [crossed out in pencil] good will of the people. I said in reply that the vessel was intended to be constantly employed for their benefit and the improvement of their country— and they might therefore consider her as belonging to New Zealand; but, it was not intended that she should come to the Island under the expectation of making profit or securing any advantage from them.— One of the chiefs observed in answer that they were convinced of the latter fact. because they had nothing to give! [in pencil – ^v R: 521 b]—
I am of opinion that little good can be done among the New Zealanders without the aid of a vessel to ply regularly between that Island and New South Wales [crossed out in pencil – ply regularly between that Island and New South Wales] which would supply necessaries and secure the lives of the Missionary settlers.— It would also give opportunities for the native Chiefs [f] to visit Port Jackson where by seeing the habits and tasting the comforts of civilized life, they would acquire more useful knowledge in one month, than they would in a long time in their own country even when instructed by Europeans.— A single view of our houses and furniture,— our public buildings, such as Churches the King’s stores, Magazines and Grannaries [sic] &c. and of our arts and method of cultivating the land would make impressions on their comprehensive minds never to be forgotten— and would therefore materially assist the gradual process of missionary instruction. As an instance of such effects I may state, that when I took Tupee and Timmorangha to see our General Hospital in Sydney their minds were greatly excited by surprise and astonishment— They immediately took the dimensions and particulars of it, in their own way, [f] in order to be able to describe what they had seen— and the[y] contrasted the work with their own country labour: observing to me that “their people were in an ignorant state— no work was done there”! but notwithstanding this remark of Tupee I believe the natives are an active and an industrious race of men.—
I think however that besides the labours of a few solitary European residents among them, they will require to be frequently encouraged by visits and supplies of agricultural tools.—
Iron is the only article which they at present value (fire arms excepted)— They are bold and daring and will undertake very difficult enterprizes with little apparent means to accomplish them. Having scarcely any means to cultivate the land for want of Iron; and no grain of any kind (till supplied by the Active) nor any sort of commerce with other nations. The only profession of the chiefs may be said to be solely that of War.— It is no uncommon occurrence [f] for the  people of the North Cape to travel throughout the Country to the east cape, a distance of 200 miles, to make war; this is a great undertaking when it is considered that there are no regular roads on the route— no bridges over rivers,— and little means of subsistence in an uncultivated country like New Zealand.
Jem, the Otaheitian, told me he had been three times, within the last five years, at the East Cape to war, accompanied by a thousand men each time.— When, with all this travel and toil, they get to the territory of their supposed enemies, the spoils to be gained consist of nothing more than a few mats and the prisoners who may be taken in Battle.—While the Active lay at the River Thames we observed a number of Canoes on the Beach and were informed that they belonged to Warriors who resided on the west side of the Island, and that they had brought there [sic] Canoes, overland, and were going to war with some of the tribes at the east Cape.— [f] I wished much to visit their camp and see the men who could under take such an arduous task as to carry those large heavy canoes so far over a hilly and an uncleared country.— Duaterra however recommended me not to visit their Camp as it would not be safe, and I took his advice.— The Camp appeared to be about three miles from our Anchorage.—
The New Zealanders are all Cannibals and [They did not – Hocken] appear to have any idea that it is an unnatural crime.—  When I expressed abhorrence at their eating one another— They said it had always been customary to eat their enemies.— I could not learn however that they ever eat human flesh merely to satisfy hunger or from choice nor in cool blood but solely from a spirit of retaliation and revenge for injuries sustained— and as far as I could form an opinion of this horrid custom I am inclined to believe that [in pencil – N Z ers do not consider it any more crime to eat] these people consider the eating of their enemies [in pencil – men ambiguous[?]] in the [f] same light as we do the hanging of a criminal (condemned by the laws of his country) and that the disgrace reflected on  [in pencil – nations so to hang on offender; at the same time it reflected as much public disgrace upon us the public exception of a criminal in Europe] the surviving relatives of the victim is nearly the same as that reflected on a [in pencil – upon the] family in Europe by the public execution of one of its members [in pencil – of the sufferer].
When I informed them that this was a custom unknown in Europe and considered there as a great disgrace to the nation which practises it— they seemed surprised and Shunghee, tho’ a man of great authority, has since told me that he thought it was wrong and that his people would never be guilty of it again:— a few others made a similar promise.— I took opportunity as [^ all] occasion offered, to convince them of the inhuman nature of this practice by picturing the horror it excited in the bosoms of all good men—of [sic] If other nations in whose opinion they were disgraced and dreaded on its account.—
It may be proper to remark [f] here that altho’ we met a friendly reception on every part of the coast at which we stopt or touched, I should recommend Masters of vessels who may visit New Zealand to be very cautious unless they can depend upon the proper behaviour of their respective crews;— The New Zealanders will not be insulted with impunity nor be treated as men without understanding, but will assuredly resent and revenge an injury as soon as an opportunity permits.—
At the Bay of Islands, I would consider any ship as safe, in the event of a difference between the natives and the crews, as she would be at Port Jackson: but, not so in any other port or harbour in the Island. When I take [in pencil – into consideration] an Estimate of what I have seen of these Islanders, and of what I have learnt from the numerous conversations on various subjects which I have had with them [f] I am [^ strongly] inclined to believe and hope that under the blessing of an Omnipotent and merciful God—[in pencil – will soon be wanted] they may e’er long rank among the civilized and Christian nations of the Earth [in pencil – if their wants in from are supplied].
The want of Iron is at present however a great obstacle to their further improvement and without it I fear these people could scarcely rise much above their present Situation— but, if means be adopted to supply them with that essential article Their Country will soon produce to them all the necessaries and conveniences enjoyed in civil Society:— and as such comforts increase, to reward their labour, so will their wants increase to stimulate them to greater industry and thus lay a solid foundation for their progressive social and mental improvement in the arts [f] of Civilization and in that, which is the grand and most important object of all, a Saving knowledge of Christianity which is the ultimate and leading feature of all the proceedings contemplated by (that benevolent and blessed Institution) the Church Missionary Society and the most hearty wish of all who love the Lord Jesus, and sincerely pray for the prosperity of Zion. [v. R 523 and esp. M.B.]